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Albert Rudatsimburwa 🇷🇼

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Life is a Gift, Humanity is a Privilege. ✊🏾 Music Journalism Media Storytelling. Kind of Blue 1959. Speak Truth .. Even if they put you in a straight jacket

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RDC 🇨🇩 Kiliba quelques km de Uvira “Libérée” On dirait que Tshisekedi Tshilombo Présidence RDC 🇨🇩 n’a pas beaucoup de fans ici… du moins aujourd’hui, la population acclame AFCM23

RDC 🇨🇩 Kiliba quelques km de Uvira “Libérée” On dirait que Tshisekedi Tshilombo Présidence RDC 🇨🇩 n’a pas beaucoup de fans ici… du moins aujourd’hui, la population acclame AFCM23

103,957 просмотров

RDC 🇨🇩 L’on peut voir ici des BM Burundais tirer à partir du Burundi 🇧🇮 … Malheureusement un tel acte va “naturellement” attirer une riposte qui nécessitera devoir soit le détruire par contrefeu - qui risque de faire des victimes civiles Burundaises, - soit de le détruire en le trouvant là où il se trouve Les Burundais actent de manière irresponsable

RDC 🇨🇩 L’on peut voir ici des BM Burundais tirer à partir du Burundi 🇧🇮 … Malheureusement un tel acte va “naturellement” attirer une riposte qui nécessitera devoir soit le détruire par contrefeu - qui risque de faire des victimes civiles Burundaises, - soit de le détruire en le trouvant là où il se trouve Les Burundais actent de manière irresponsable

81,291 просмотров

RDC 🇨🇩 Dans la partie “humanisée” …. C’est la journée Internationale de la “femme qui y est célébrée Goma, sous AFCM23 est devenue plus la référence que Kinshasa sous Tshisekedi..

RDC 🇨🇩 Dans la partie “humanisée” …. C’est la journée Internationale de la “femme qui y est célébrée Goma, sous AFCM23 est devenue plus la référence que Kinshasa sous Tshisekedi..

35,604 просмотров

I really tried not to go to hard on Yousra Elbagir of Sky News but the level of cretinous commentary is really shocking. In a GENOCIDE you don’t have two sides “fighting” … I bet she believes it’s like “tribal war” … The “Tutsi” didn’t fight the Hutu … It’s really shocking!

I really tried not to go to hard on Yousra Elbagir of Sky News but the level of cretinous commentary is really shocking. In a GENOCIDE you don’t have two sides “fighting” … I bet she believes it’s like “tribal war” … The “Tutsi” didn’t fight the Hutu … It’s really shocking!

93,793 просмотров

Génial, c’est très bien que la RDC 🇨🇩 s’est auto exclue de rencontre tel que celle-ci de la La Francophonie …ils n’ont de toute façon aucune manières …ce qui est en plus certain c’est qu’ils n’ont aucune capacité de les organiser chez eux …ils ne leurs restent que les rezosossio pour délirer, tellement ça craint structurellement 👇🏾👇🏾 Kinshasa

Génial, c’est très bien que la RDC 🇨🇩 s’est auto exclue de rencontre tel que celle-ci de la La Francophonie …ils n’ont de toute façon aucune manières …ce qui est en plus certain c’est qu’ils n’ont aucune capacité de les organiser chez eux …ils ne leurs restent que les rezosossio pour délirer, tellement ça craint structurellement 👇🏾👇🏾 Kinshasa

44,204 просмотров

DRC 🇨🇩 Uvira population showing solidarity with AFCM23 … That’s the backdrop. AFCM23 decided to prioritize DOHA, which is the rational way to go, after all.

DRC 🇨🇩 Uvira population showing solidarity with AFCM23 … That’s the backdrop. AFCM23 decided to prioritize DOHA, which is the rational way to go, after all.

31,221 просмотров

Agacuti kanjye ❤️😂

Agacuti kanjye ❤️😂

66,515 просмотров

RDC 🇨🇩 Goma est l’opposé de Kinshasa 3h du mat… Les Gomatriciens font du jogging 🏃🏾‍♀️ à l’aise … parce qu’il y a la paix et la sécurité AFCM23 la différence…

RDC 🇨🇩 Goma est l’opposé de Kinshasa 3h du mat… Les Gomatriciens font du jogging 🏃🏾‍♀️ à l’aise … parce qu’il y a la paix et la sécurité AFCM23 la différence…

16,159 просмотров

DRC🇨🇩 “The International Community” needs to be held accountable for what the people of Uvira suffered, after AFCM23 left committed to support the Peace process, which was signed by Tshisekedi Présidence RDC 🇨🇩 but who refused to implement it.

DRC🇨🇩 “The International Community” needs to be held accountable for what the people of Uvira suffered, after AFCM23 left committed to support the Peace process, which was signed by Tshisekedi Présidence RDC 🇨🇩 but who refused to implement it.

18,334 просмотров

Rwanda allow me to share how much I got so thrilled while visiting different mines of different minerals in the different provinces in Rwanda… it had made giant steps in one decade .. it got me soulful rite? 😎

Rwanda allow me to share how much I got so thrilled while visiting different mines of different minerals in the different provinces in Rwanda… it had made giant steps in one decade .. it got me soulful rite? 😎

44,459 просмотров

Rwanda Did you say “minerals” ? Nowhere else in this region can one get this quality of minerals like Coltan from Ngororero … and Respecting Human dignity

Rwanda Did you say “minerals” ? Nowhere else in this region can one get this quality of minerals like Coltan from Ngororero … and Respecting Human dignity

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#Rwanda Nyakabingo Tungsten Mine Coming back from 300 m underground like in the movies 🎥 when European politicians trash talk about minerals in this region, what’s their endgame? Is it their ignorance or they’re simply malicious ?

#Rwanda Nyakabingo Tungsten Mine Coming back from 300 m underground like in the movies 🎥 when European politicians trash talk about minerals in this region, what’s their endgame? Is it their ignorance or they’re simply malicious ?

31,488 просмотров

Rwanda 🇷🇼 - the “side events” of the Road Cycling Championship 😆 the fans … on the road races … this one caught my attention 🫶🏾

Rwanda 🇷🇼 - the “side events” of the Road Cycling Championship 😆 the fans … on the road races … this one caught my attention 🫶🏾

19,190 просмотров

Rwanda Nyakabingo Dans une mine de Tungstène … je sais qu’on est au Rwanda à cause de la propreté et que tout y est carré à l’arrivée. Protection personnelle et environnement. Nulle part ailleurs!

Rwanda Nyakabingo Dans une mine de Tungstène … je sais qu’on est au Rwanda à cause de la propreté et que tout y est carré à l’arrivée. Protection personnelle et environnement. Nulle part ailleurs!

27,307 просмотров

Yeah Rwanda… like nowhere else

Yeah Rwanda… like nowhere else

14,731 просмотров

Videos

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Nta ki ruta Inka Paradise is here

Albert Rudatsimburwa 🇷🇼

35,438 просмотров • 26 дней назад

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C’est triste de voir de “jeunes” Africains comme ceux de Global Africa Telesud d’avoir le même niveau d’aliénation vis-à-vis de ceux qui géraient la politique de la vieille France … ceux qui faisaient la “FranceAfrique”… Bougris était déjà fini à coté de la nouvelle réalité qui se développait après Museveni… lui-même ne fait que fantasmer. Kagame a contribué à la lutte de libération de l’Ouganda mais n’a pas “été à l’école de Museveni..” … lui et les Rwandais en exil avaient leurs propre mission, celle de libérer les Rwandais d’un régime fasciste qui était client de cette FranceAfrique… Mobutu par contre était accroché à cette FranceAfrique qui lui promettait quelques années encore de service… auxquels il s’accrochait. C’est pourquoi il permettait entre 1994 et 96 aux génocidaires Rwandais qui avec pris le contrôle des 2 provinces du Kivu à faire des incursions meurtrières au Rwanda… Kagame n’avait rien contre Mobutu et n’avait aucune raison ni envie de “prendre” le Zaïre/Congo… c’est Mobutu qui n’a pas compris qu’il n’était plus rien et qu’il n’avait aucun moyen de pouvoir faire face au Rwanda s’il décidait de neutraliser les génocidaires en entrant au Zaïre/Congo… Mobutu a préféré rester dans son aliénation croyant que la FranceAfrique de Bougri et Mitterrand continuerait à le soutenir… il finit dans les pires conditions pour quelqu’un qui avait le valet et agent de l’impérialisme Américain et Français… et Belge. C’est Kagame qui a vengé Patrice Lumumba.

Albert Rudatsimburwa 🇷🇼

10,446 просмотров • 9 дней назад

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DRC The Truth They Don’t Want Told: Rwanda, Congo, and the Thirty-Year Lie of War For three decades, the world has been told that Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have been locked in a cycle of war. That formulation is repeated so often it is accepted as fact: “thirty years of war.” But it is a dangerous distortion. What the region has endured is not thirty years of war between equals, but thirty years of denial — denial that genocidal forces defeated in Rwanda in 1994 were allowed to survive, regroup, and thrive under international cover in Congo. Denial that United Nations peacekeepers and international experts, mandated to protect civilians and tell the truth, instead became complicit in perpetuating instability. Denial that successive Congolese governments have collaborated with these forces while Western institutions inverted reality to portray the victims as perpetrators. This is ultimately part of the Denial of the Genocide Against the Tutsi in Rwanda 1994 and the same time a support for those who committed the genocide and their western supporting powers. This narrative inversion — turning the perpetrators of genocide into victims, and Rwanda into the aggressor — has been so persistent that it now structures international debates at the UN Security Council and the Human Rights Council. The most recent sessions in New York and Geneva showcased the same pattern: Félix Tshisekedi’s government, which has integrated genocidal militias and even contracted foreign mercenaries, was spared scrutiny, while Rwanda was once again presented as the destabilizing actor. Such distortions are not just insulting; they are dangerous. They perpetuate impunity, embolden genocidal forces, and condemn millions of Congolese to continued suffering. 1994: The Crime the World Saw but Chose Not to Stop The truth begins in 1994, when Rwanda descended into the fastest genocide of the twentieth century. The United Nations Security Council was not blindsided. It had reports on its desk from the commander of the UN peacekeeping force in Rwanda. It knew about hate speech broadcast by extremist radio stations. It knew about militias arming and training openly. Yet when the presidential plane was shot down on April 6th and the genocide machinery was unleashed, the Council dithered. For one hundred days, more than a million Tutsi were hunted down and slaughtered while the so-called international community watched. When the genocide was halted by the Rwandan Patriotic Front, the perpetrators were not dismantled. Instead, they were escorted into Zaire, under French military cover, and given sanctuary by Mobutu’s regime. It was a stunning betrayal: would the Allies after World War II have tolerated a Nazi army regrouping in Switzerland or Austria, rearming, and launching cross-border raids? The question answers itself. What was unthinkable in Europe was tolerated in Africa. Thirty Years of Denial The remnants of the genocidal regime reconstituted themselves into new armed groups, most prominently the FDLR. They launched raids into Rwanda, destabilized eastern Congo, and embedded themselves into local conflicts. Rwanda and other African states were drawn into wars to neutralize them, yet the international community consistently refused to recognize the root cause. Instead, it adopted the lazy shorthand of “thirty years of war between Rwanda and Congo,” erasing the agency of the genocidal forces and the complicity of their enablers. The refusal to confront this truth has consequences. It allows the myth to persist that instability in eastern Congo is a Rwandan export rather than the direct result of harboring genocidal actors. It permits Congolese leaders, from Laurent Kabila to Félix Tshisekedi, to use the FDLR as a political tool, while scapegoating Rwanda whenever domestic failures come under pressure. And it encourages Western chancelleries and UN officials to absolve themselves of responsibility by blaming the most convenient target. MONUSCO: A Mission that Multiplied Armed Groups Since 1999, the United Nations has deployed its largest-ever peacekeeping mission, MONUC — later renamed MONUSCO — in the DRC. Its track record is damning. When the mission began, there were just four armed groups active in Congo. Today, there are more than 200. When Tshisekedi began his presidency, there were 28. This explosion of armed groups happened under MONUSCO’s watch. Even more damning is its relationship to the very forces it was meant to neutralize. MONUSCO never dismantled the FDLR. At times, it even cooperated with them. Atrocities in Ituri province continue to unfold despite MONUSCO’s heavy presence. And yet, year after year, the Security Council mandates “UN Experts” to report on the situation. These reports, opaque in recruitment and methodology, have consistently deflected blame away from MONUSCO and the Congolese government, while shifting suspicion onto Rwanda. Far from being impartial, they have helped to construct and entrench the false narrative of Rwanda as aggressor. Tshisekedi’s Calculated Escalation Félix Tshisekedi has not only inherited this machinery of denial; he has actively deepened it. His government has integrated the FDLR into the Congolese army, multiplied local militias known as Mai-Mai (later rebranded as “Wazalendo” to dodge international criticism), and even hired foreign mercenaries. Romania, a NATO member, sent a contingent that was captured during the fall of Goma. The United States, through Erik Prince — founder of the notorious Blackwater — has supplied another. Neither the UN, nor the EU, nor the African Union, which formally banned mercenaries in Africa in 1977, has spoken a word of condemnation. The hypocrisy is staggering. Rwanda is scrutinized for defensive actions aimed at protecting its borders from genocidal militias, while the Congolese government is given carte blanche to collaborate with those militias and employ Western mercenaries. This is not neutrality; it is complicity. The Manipulation of Numbers and Memory The distortion goes beyond politics into the realm of memory itself. The oft-repeated claim of “millions dead in Congo” is traced back to the UN’s infamous “Mapping Report” covering 1993–2003. That document was so riddled with methodological flaws that it reads less like professional research than a political pamphlet. Its purpose was transparent: to inflate numbers in ways that incriminate Rwanda, while erasing the structural causes of death in Congo — state collapse, corruption, and the harboring of armed groups. Yes, thousands have perished in Congo — from direct violence, from displacement, from preventable disease. But to inflate these figures into the millions without context, and to assign blame selectively, is not just bad scholarship. It is a moral crime. It erases the real victims, most of all the Congolese Banyarwanda, who have been displaced and targeted for over thirty years. And it allows those responsible — Congolese politicians, UN officials, and their international enablers — to wash their hands of accountability. Geneva, New York, and the Inversion of Truth All of these threads converge in the present. At the UN Security Council’s latest session on the DRC, and at the Human Rights Council in Geneva, the script was repeated once more. Tshisekedi’s government organized side events and interventions designed to paint Rwanda as the aggressor, while UN officials played along. The FDLR’s role was minimized. MONUSCO’s failures were ignored. The use of mercenaries was never mentioned. Instead, the narrative inversion was complete: Rwanda, the country that stopped a genocide and has spent thirty years defending its borders from its remnants, was presented as the destabilizer. It is a shameful spectacle. But it is also a revealing one. The international system is not neutral. It protects its own failures. It prefers denial to accountability. And in doing so, it ensures that the cycle of violence continues. The Urgency of Truth Thirty years on, the question is no longer whether the world failed Rwanda in 1994. That is beyond dispute. The real question is why the world has continued to fail the Great Lakes region for three decades afterward — by denying the root causes of instability, by shielding the perpetrators, and by inverting the roles of victim and aggressor. It is time to say it plainly: this has not been thirty years of war. It has been thirty years of denial. Denial that has protected genocidal actors. Denial that has enabled Congolese governments to weaponize militias. Denial that has allowed UN peacekeepers and “experts” to preside over the multiplication of armed groups. And denial that has permitted Western chancelleries to avoid their own complicity by pointing the finger at Rwanda. Breaking that denial is not only about Rwanda. It is about justice for the Congolese civilians trapped in cycles of violence, abandoned by their own state, and failed by the international community. It is about accountability for institutions that claim moral authority while practicing selective blindness. And it is about finally affirming that African lives, African history, and African truths cannot be endlessly distorted without consequence. If the world truly cares about peace in the Great Lakes, it must abandon the thirty-year lie and confront the truth it has avoided for too long. Until then, every new resolution in New York and every new declaration in Geneva will be nothing more than a continuation of the denial that has condemned the region to endless suffering.

Albert Rudatsimburwa 🇷🇼

90,022 просмотров • 5 месяцев назад

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Les “Habyarimana” - Jean Luc et Agathe Kanziga - aujourd’hui… Mutijima a quelques choses de profond à leurs dire “Traduction du Kinyarwanda” Je tiens d’abord à clarifier un point très simple : J’étais bien au Rwanda entre 1993 et 1994. J’y ai vécu. J’y ai été scolarisé. Ce ne sont pas des récits rapportés, ce sont des faits. Je ne parle pas depuis un livre d’histoire écrit à distance. Je parle depuis une mémoire vécue. Ensuite, il faut aussi rappeler une chose essentielle à Jean-Luc Habyarimana : Son père est peut-être un héros dans son récit personnel. C’est son droit de fils. Mais dans l’histoire internationale, dans les décisions judiciaires, dans les archives, dans les faits établis, Juvénal Habyarimana reste associé à un régime qui a préparé, structuré, rendu possible et exécuté le Génocide contre les Tutsi. Les faits sont têtus, comme le dit la langue de Molière. On peut débattre des responsabilités précises du 6 avril. On peut discuter des enquêtes. Mais on ne peut pas effacer le contexte et réalité politique, idéologique et militaire des années qui ont précédé 1994. L’histoire ne s’écrit pas de l’émotion d’un fils. Elle s’écrit avec des faits. Aux jeunes Rwandais, je veux dire ceci très clairement : Dans le Rwanda d’aujourd’hui, l’étiquette “Hutu” ou “Tutsi” ne définit plus notre place dans la société. Elle ne définit ni notre avenir, ni notre valeur, ni notre rôle. Nous sommes des Rwandais. Nous appartenons à des familles, à des clans, à des secteurs d’activité différents. Nous sommes entrepreneurs, militaires, artistes, agriculteurs, chercheurs, fonctionnaires, sportifs. L’ethnie, qui déjà était une “construction coloniale” car il n’y avait originellement qu’une seule “ethnie” - celle des Banyarwanda - ne structure plus l’État post Génocide. Et il faut aussi être précis sur un autre point : Les FDLR ne représentent pas les Hutu. Les FDLR sont une organisation composée de génocidaires et d’idéologues extrémistes. Le Rwanda d’aujourd’hui ne se construit pas sur des catégories ethniques. Il se construit sur la responsabilité individuelle. … pour Jean-Luc Habyarimana

Albert Rudatsimburwa 🇷🇼

41,121 просмотров • 3 месяцев назад