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#Newsroom with Gargi Rawat | flydubai chaos mystery: Pilot stabbed by Omani co-pilot; terror or suicide bid not ruled out Vishnu Som, Aditya Raj Kaul and גיא עזריאל Guy Azriel | Diplomatic Correspondent share more details Relik Shafir, Ex-Israel Brigadier General, shares his views
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#Newsroom with Gargi Rawat | Gurugram road rage horror: NDTV accesses accused Kalyan Baisla's images Padmaja Joshi | Ankit Tyagi
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#Newsroom with Gargi Rawat | What happened inside the flydubai flight? Vishnu Som and Aditya Raj Kaul decode
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My interview CNN International #newsroom: 1. Trump’s Iran Dilemma: No Good Options The fundamental problem for President Trump is that it remains unclear what his exit strategy from the confrontation with Iran actually is. What is increasingly clear, however, is that Washington has no easy options. Destroying or overthrowing the Iranian regime cannot realistically be accomplished through airpower alone. It would require a level of military commitment, resources and potentially boots on the ground that President Trump has shown little appetite for. But diplomacy is difficult as well. Returning to an agreement would require compromises that Washington has so far been unwilling to make, while maintaining the current situation is increasingly costly. The confrontation continues, energy markets remain under pressure, and the parallel escalation between Saudi Arabia and the Houthis is adding another source of instability. So Trump faces a classic strategic dilemma: escalation carries enormous risks, but maintaining the status quo is also becoming increasingly expensive. There is no obvious military solution — and no easy diplomatic one either. 2. The Houthis Serve Iranian Interests — But They Are Not Iranian Proxies It is important to distinguish between alignment and control. The Houthis clearly serve Iranian strategic interests, particularly by increasing pressure on Saudi Arabia and threatening critical energy and maritime infrastructure. But that does not mean Tehran simply gives them orders. That distinction matters because there is now an effort to convince Iran to restrain the Houthis. Pakistan, for example, has reportedly urged Tehran to use its influence with the group. But Iranian influence should not be confused with Iranian command and control. The immediate Saudi problem is becoming increasingly serious. Houthi missile and drone attacks have targeted Saudi territory and Aramco facilities, while Riyadh has struggled to obtain direct military assistance from its partners. Saudi Arabia therefore faces a dilemma remarkably similar to Washington's dilemma with Iran: escalate and risk an even larger Houthi response, or pursue an agreement that will almost certainly require significant concessions to the Houthis. Neither option is attractive. And unless there is a political arrangement, there is little reason to assume that military escalation alone will end this confrontation. 3. How Divided Is Tehran? I would be cautious about some of the reporting regarding deep divisions inside the Iranian leadership. There are certainly disagreements within Tehran about tactics, priorities and how to manage the confrontation. That is normal in the Iranian system. But when it comes to the fundamental strategy toward the United States, I see considerably more consensus than some reports suggest. The basic Iranian position appears straightforward: Tehran is unwilling to accept a regional energy order in which Gulf states continue exporting oil while Iran itself is prevented from doing so. I am also skeptical of suggestions that major missile operations could simply be conducted outside the knowledge of the senior IRGC command structure. The Iranian system has become more decentralized in some respects, but decentralization should not be confused with the absence of command and control. That does not mean every report suggesting internal disagreement is wrong. It means we should distinguish between disagreements over tactics and a genuine breakdown in strategic decision-making. 4. Why Trump’s Meeting With Gulf Leaders Matters President Trump’s planned meeting with the leaders of the six Gulf Cooperation Council states on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly could be one of the most important diplomatic meetings of this phase of the conflict. The Gulf states have their own interests, and they are not identical. But the central question for Washington will be how they view the choice between renewed escalation and a diplomatic off-ramp. My assessment is that most Gulf governments would prefer stability to another major round of war. That does not mean they are abandoning their relationship with Washington. The United States remains their most important external security partner. But the war has also reinforced an uncomfortable lesson for the Gulf states: American power is indispensable, yet relying exclusively on Washington carries risks of its own. The Gulf states therefore increasingly have an interest in maintaining multiple channels — with Washington, but also with Tehran and other major powers. That is why this meeting matters. Trump will be listening to Gulf leaders as he considers his next move toward Iran. And the message he may hear from many of them is relatively simple: #IranWar #iran
Danny (Dennis) Citrinowicz ,داني سيترينوفيتش18,651 görüntüleme • 13 gün önce
Confirmed! Chinese President Xi Jinping coming to India for BRICS Summit Aditya Raj Kaul Gargi Rawat #Newsroom
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#Newsroom with Gargi Rawat | 'Dhanush block' inaugurated in Chennai
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