Загрузка видео...

Не удалось загрузить видео

На главную

Al-Rahad Abu Dakkana: Another Chapter in the Rapid Support Forces Terrorist Militia’s Crimes Against Civilians Using UAE-Supplied Death Drones Eight civilians were killed and 27 others injured, including women, after the Rapid Support Forces terrorist militia launched a drone attack on the city of Al-Rahad Abu Dakkana in North...

15,768 просмотров • 2 месяцев назад •via X (Twitter)

Комментарии: 0

Нет доступных комментариев

Здесь появятся комментарии из оригинального поста

Похожие видео

More Than 1,300 Tons of Weapons Reveal the Scale of UAE Support for the Genocidal Rapid Support Militia in North Kordofan The enormous military stockpiles discovered by the Sudanese Armed Forces and allied forces following the liberation of several areas in North Kordofan reveal the scale of the military, financial, and logistical support provided by the United Arab Emirates to the Rapid Support Militia. This support enabled the militia to occupy towns and villages and carry out killings, torture, forced displacement, and widespread looting against the Sudanese people. Military sources reported that approximately 480 tons of various weapons were documented in the city of Bara, while the quantity of weapons and ammunition found in Jabra Al-Sheikh had exceeded 850 tons by Thursday. The preliminary total from the two areas has therefore surpassed 1,300 tons. Specialized military committees are continuing to document and inventory the captured equipment, and the total is expected to rise as additional weapons and ammunition are discovered inside civilian homes that the militia seized and converted into military storage facilities. According to the preliminary inventory of equipment captured during the battles to liberate areas of North Kordofan, the forces recovered more than 240 combat and armored vehicles, eight weapons and ammunition warehouses, ten medical supply warehouses, and thousands of barrels filled with fuel. The sheer volume of these supplies demonstrates the level of resources the UAE provided to prolong the war and keep the militia’s killing machine operational. The same militia supplied with these weapons invaded cities, tortured Sudanese civilians, killed residents, forced communities to flee, looted markets and homes, and converted civilian property into military bases and storage sites. The discovery of weapons inside residential homes also exposes the militia’s systematic seizure of civilian neighborhoods for military purposes. Sudanese homes were used to store ammunition, fuel, and other supplies delivered through the UAE-backed logistical network. International investigations have documented the delivery of advanced weapons to the militia with support from the UAE, alongside the recruitment and transportation of foreign mercenaries and the operation of air and land supply networks that enabled the militia to continue its war against the Sudanese people. The arsenal uncovered in Bara and Jabra Al-Sheikh represents only part of the resources Abu Dhabi has committed to enabling a militia responsible for massacres, rape, torture, and mass displacement. Each area liberated by the Sudanese army reveals further evidence of the scale of the UAE project that turned Sudan into a battlefield for financing and arming a militia engaged in genocide and terror against civilians. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

14,004 просмотров • 2 месяцев назад

Circulating Footage Shows One of the UAE-Supplied “Drones of Death” Used by the Rapid Support Forces Militia Crashing in North Kordofan Footage circulating on social media appears to show a Chinese-made armed drone operated by the Rapid Support Forces militia after it crashed in the Al-Goweiz area of Badiyat Dar Al-Reih in North Kordofan State. No casualties have been reported. The footage shows the aircraft largely intact, with several air-to-ground munitions still mounted beneath its wings. The weapons appear to belong to a class of guided munitions used to strike ground targets. Preliminary information circulating alongside the footage suggests that the drone may have crashed because of a technical malfunction. A visual comparison with known Chinese drone models suggests that the aircraft could be a CH-95, based on its twin-tail configuration, rear-mounted pusher propeller, wing design and raised wingtips. This type of drone can be used for surveillance, reconnaissance and precision strikes with guided weapons. It may also belong to the FH-95 family, given the strong visual similarities between the two designs. A definitive identification cannot be made from the available footage alone and would require an examination of the wreckage, serial numbers and internal components. The munitions mounted beneath the wings indicate that the drone had been prepared for a combat mission. Its crash prevented it from reaching its intended target, where the strike could have killed civilians or destroyed homes and essential infrastructure. The aircraft forms part of a wider system of advanced Chinese-made drones and weapons delivered to the Rapid Support Forces militia through UAE-linked supply networks. These weapons have expanded the militia’s ability to conduct long-range aerial attacks against towns, villages and civilian infrastructure. The militia has previously been documented using Chinese-made GB50A guided bombs, while Chinese drones including the Wing Loong II and FeiHong-95 have also appeared in its arsenal. International investigations have linked the transfer of these weapons to the United Arab Emirates, despite Abu Dhabi’s repeated denial that it provides military support to the militia. These aircraft have become “drones of death”, killing civilians and striking markets, hospitals, water facilities, power stations and fuel depots. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, led by Volker Türk, documented 15 drone strikes on El Obeid and surrounding areas between 6 and 28 June. The attacks killed at least 45 civilians and injured 41 others. Türk also warned about the escalating attacks across North Kordofan and the targeting of facilities that civilians depend on for food, water, fuel and essential services. He said another human rights catastrophe was unfolding in the state. The wreckage in Al-Goweiz provides further evidence of the scale of external military support reaching the Rapid Support Forces militia and of the UAE’s role in prolonging the war and expanding aerial attacks against populated areas. Every drone delivered to the militia represents a direct threat to civilian life and creates another opportunity for a massacre. The continued failure to take decisive international action against the UAE-linked supply networks allows Sudan’s machinery of war and civilian killing to remain in operation. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

35,172 просмотров • 3 месяцев назад

Captured Joint Force Fighter Forced to Carry a Rapid Support Militia Member Like a Pack Animal and Mocked Over El Fasher’s Starvation, Exposing the Janjaweed Mentality Armed by the UAE A widely circulated video reveals the degrading treatment of captives by the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia. The footage shows a captured fighter from Sudan’s Joint Force, an alliance of Darfur armed movements fighting alongside the Sudanese army, being forced to carry a militia member on his back while others surround him, laugh and shout commands normally directed at donkeys and camels. “Turn the donkey around,” one man says. They then order the captive to lower the man riding on his back before another militia member asks to be carried. The fighters command him to kneel as they would command a camel, hurl degrading insults at him and mockingly ask: “How have you found the treatment?” The video ends with one of them swearing that they will chain the captives “one by one”. The militia members also use the word “ambaz” to humiliate him, with one saying: “These are people who eat ambaz.” Ambaz is the residue left after groundnuts are pressed for oil and is primarily used as animal feed. Civilians trapped in besieged El Fasher were forced to eat it after the militia cut the city’s food and supply routes. The men in the video turn the starvation they inflicted into another weapon of humiliation, describing a starving person as an animal and treating him accordingly. The footage documents the deliberate degradation of a captive and the denial of his human dignity, conduct prohibited under international humanitarian law. It also exposes a culture of supremacy within the militia, one that regards certain Sudanese communities as inferior and uses ethnic abuse, starvation and violence to subjugate them. It is the same Janjaweed mentality associated with identity-based killings across Darfur. Sudanese people have endured the consequences of this mentality across entire cities and states. In Khartoum, the Rapid Support Militia occupied and looted homes, converted civilian buildings into detention and torture sites, and committed widespread killings, sexual violence and other abuses against the population. In Gezira State, it attacked villages, killed civilians, looted homes and crops, and forced hundreds of thousands to flee. In El Geneina, the militia and its allies carried out an ethnic-cleansing campaign against the Masalit and other non-Arab communities, involving mass killings, rape, torture, the burning of neighbourhoods and forced displacement. El Fasher then endured a prolonged siege in which starvation, shelling and drone attacks were used to terrorise its population. After the city fell, civilians, captives, wounded people and those attempting to escape were subjected to widespread killings. The UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan concluded that the crimes committed by the militia in El Fasher bore the hallmarks of genocide. The danger posed by this ideology becomes even greater when the UAE supplies its adherents with sophisticated weapons, long-range drones, guided bombs and heavy artillery. Over the course of the war, hundreds of reports, investigations, documented materials and official statements have traced weapons, drones, foreign mercenaries and Emirati supply networks supporting the militia. This foreign sponsorship has given a group steeped in humiliation and identity-based violence the military capacity to besiege cities, starve their inhabitants, attack hospitals and civilian infrastructure, pursue fleeing civilians and expand the scale of its crimes. This video offers a concentrated image of what Emirati support has meant for Sudanese people: a human being degraded and treated as an animal, a city deliberately starved and its residents’ hunger turned into a source of mockery, and a Janjaweed militia equipped with modern military technology to continue what it inflicted on Khartoum, Gezira, El Geneina and El Fasher. This is the price Sudan continues to pay for the arming of the Janjaweed. This is precisely why any agreement that preserves the militia or grants it political or military legitimacy is unacceptable to the Sudanese people. A group responsible for such crimes, sustained by foreign weapons and supply networks, will remain a permanent threat to Sudan and its population. Any genuine peace must dismantle and disarm the militia, terminate its financing and supply networks, and hold those responsible for its crimes accountable, allowing Sudanese people to reclaim their state, their security and their right to justice. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

17,380 просмотров • 1 месяц назад

Swedish-Made Medical Coolers Found at UAE-Backed Rapid Support Forces Militia Sites in Khartoum Deepen Allegations of Organ Harvesting and Link Secret Detention Centres, Mass Graves and Thousands of Missing Civilians The Sudanese army has found Swedish-made medical coolers produced by Dometic Medical Systems in areas of Khartoum recaptured from the UAE-backed Rapid Support Forces militia. The equipment is designed to preserve and transport temperature-sensitive medical and biological materials. The discovery strengthens serious allegations that the militia harvested organs from civilians it killed or detained inside the network of secret prisons it established across Khartoum and Darfur, using specialised cooling equipment to preserve and transport the organs through an organised trafficking network. In a letter dated 12 June 2026, the Sudanese government informed the United Nations Security Council that the Rapid Support Forces militia operated mass detention centres where prisoners were subjected to torture, starvation and killing. The letter also stated that foreign medical personnel had participated in removing organs from detainees at Dagris Prison in Nyala as part of a cross-border organ trafficking network. According to the letter, around 20,000 people were being held at Dagris Prison in Nyala, while hundreds of others, including children, were detained at Shalla Prison in El Fasher. The discovery of medical coolers at militia sites in Khartoum adds a physical dimension to these claims and raises direct questions about the fate of thousands of civilians who disappeared after being detained, the recipients of the organs and the routes used to transport them outside Sudan. The equipment was found amid a wider landscape of secret detention centres, torture rooms, mass graves and bodies discovered inside wells, buildings and other locations abandoned by the militia across Khartoum and Omdurman. In Qari, north of Khartoum, an investigation published by The Guardian documented a detention centre operated by the Rapid Support Forces militia, with hundreds of unmarked graves nearby. Survivors described beatings, torture, starvation and executions. Estimates cited in the investigation indicated that more than 500 people may have died from torture or deprivation of food before being buried around the prison. Images from inside the facility showed bloodstained rooms, iron restraints and areas prepared for the punishment and torture of detainees. Survivors also described repeated killings and the abandonment of sick and wounded prisoners without treatment as hunger and disease spread through overcrowded cells. Photographs and videos of prisoners released from militia detention centres provided further evidence of the conditions inside. Several survivors appeared severely emaciated, with their bodies reduced to skin and bone by starvation, torture and the denial of water and medical care. One of the most widely documented cases was that of businessman and community activist Al-Waleed Abdeen, who emerged from a militia detention centre in Jebel Aulia after losing so much weight that some relatives struggled to recognise him. Images showed his bones protruding beneath his skin after months of detention, torture and starvation. He later died from the consequences of the abuse he had suffered. In Khartoum’s Al-Fayhaa neighbourhood, authorities found the bodies of 11 people, including women and children, inside a deep well after the militia withdrew from the area. Police said the victims had been killed during the Rapid Support Forces militia’s control of the neighbourhood and their bodies thrown into the well in an attempt to conceal the crime. Authorities also announced the discovery of mass graves in the Al-Riyadh district and other parts of Khartoum containing the remains of people killed while the militia controlled the capital. These sites add to the unidentified graves and bodies found inside homes, civilian buildings and former detention facilities. These findings connect thousands of missing civilians whose whereabouts became unknown after their arrest, detainees who died under torture and starvation, mass graves uncovered after the militia’s withdrawal and specialised medical coolers found inside its positions. Together, they strengthen allegations that the militia’s detention system extended from torture, killing and enforced disappearance to the exploitation of victims’ bodies, the removal of their organs and their transfer through an organised criminal network. The allegations are consistent with the broader pattern of crimes committed by the militia since the war began. In El Geneina, the Rapid Support Forces militia and allied forces carried out mass killings, sexual violence, torture, looting, the burning of neighbourhoods and forced displacement, targeting the Masalit and other non-Arab communities in particular. Human rights organisations described the campaign as ethnic cleansing involving war crimes and crimes against humanity. In Al Jazira State, the militia attacked dozens of villages and towns, killed civilians inside homes, markets and roads, committed sexual violence, kidnappings and unlawful detention, looted hospitals, farms and private property, and forced large numbers of residents to flee. In El Fasher, the United Nations Independent International Fact-Finding Mission said the evidence revealed a campaign bearing the hallmarks of genocide. The documented acts included ethnically motivated killings, attacks on non-Arab communities, widespread sexual violence, forced displacement and the deliberate denial of food, water and medical care. International reports also documented field executions, torture, mass killings, the organised abduction of women and girls, gang rape, sexual slavery and attacks on children and civilians attempting to flee the city. In recent weeks, the militia’s attacks on civilians have expanded to markets, schools, water sources, power stations and fuel facilities through the use of drones. The strikes included attacks in El Obeid on markets, service facilities, fuel stations and water points, as well as the market and surrounding residential areas in Al-Rahad Abu Dukhna. A drone also struck the only water well in the Andro area of North Darfur, killing and injuring dozens of civilians who had gathered to obtain water. The medical coolers were found at the centre of a wider record involving secret prisons, survivors reduced to skeletal figures, mass graves, bodies dumped in wells and thousands of civilians who disappeared after detention, alongside official information submitted to the Security Council concerning the harvesting and trafficking of detainees’ organs. The growing body of evidence points to an organised system of killing, torture, starvation and enforced disappearance in areas controlled by the Rapid Support Forces militia. The allegations now extend to the trafficking of victims’ bodies and organs, amid the military, financial and logistical support the militia has continued to receive from the United Arab Emirates. Video source: X account العــــالمي ♛🦅 💙|🇸🇩 #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

27,626 просмотров • 2 месяцев назад

A Circulated Video as Further Evidence of the Terrorist Nature of the Rapid Support Militia, and Why What Is Happening in Sudan Is Not a Civil War A recently circulated video has spread widely across Sudanese social media platforms, adding to an accumulating body of evidence documenting the violence and threats endured by Sudanese civilians for more than three years at the hands of the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed), which is backed by the United Arab Emirates. The footage shows three individuals. One of them, wearing the uniform of the Rapid Support Militia, is speaking to a well-known figure within the militia known by the nickname “Yajooj and Majooj.” This exchange is marked by explicit threats directed at the city of Omdurman. It begins with repeated statements about their intention to “enter on asphalt,” accompanied by assertions that they will not back down, followed by talk of “returning” to Omdurman as they had entered it before. This rhetoric, with its direct threats against civilians, clearly reflects the terrorist mindset prevailing within the militia. Within this exchange, the speaker addresses the people of Omdurman directly, stating that they have heard that residents “have gained weight, put on fat, rebuilt the city, and made it flourish again.” This statement constitutes an explicit admission that the Rapid Support Militia had previously destroyed the city, and that subsequent recovery came as a result of civilians returning and rebuilding after liberation by the Sudanese Armed Forces. This admission is immediately weaponized within a provocative threat, through the claim that the militia withdrew and deliberately allowed residents to “grow their feathers,” in preparation for returning to cut those feathers. It is widely known that the Rapid Support Militia left Khartoum and Omdurman after suffering a crushing defeat at the hands of the Sudanese Armed Forces. Nevertheless, this rhetoric is used to terrorize civilians, by threatening return, destruction, and revenge, and by transforming a military withdrawal into a tool of psychological intimidation directed at the population. The discourse then escalates to an even more explicit and dangerous level, as Yajooj and Majooj openly embraces looting, stating, “If you call us shafshafa, then we are shafshafa.” The term shafshafa is a colloquial expression referring to thugs and highway robbers who carry out violent looting outside any legal framework. This is followed by a direct threat of total destruction, as he declares that they will leave nothing behind, not even the bricks of Omdurman itself, expressing a clear intent to physically erase the city. The threats extend further to include historical and religious landmarks, with talk of removing them and taking them to Nyala. This rhetoric reflects a consistent pattern in the militia’s behavior, in which looting is presented as a deliberate choice, destruction is framed as an objective, cities are treated as spoils of war, and civilians are addressed as targets for collective punishment. These statements align with what has been documented on the ground across Sudan. Omdurman, Khartoum, Wad Madani, and large parts of Darfur have been subjected to systematic looting, arson, killings, sexual violence, and campaigns of intimidation that directly targeted civilians. What is said in this video corresponds closely with survivor testimonies, journalistic investigations, satellite imagery, and reports by humanitarian organizations. This video, along with many others, confirms that what is happening in Sudan is not a “civil war” between equal parties. Rather, it is organized violence carried out by an armed terrorist militia against civilian populations. This violence would not have reached its scale or persistence without direct external support from the authorities in Abu Dhabi, which enabled the militia to continue killing, looting, and terrorizing civilians. This support has manifested through funding, logistical assistance, the provision of weapons and mobility, as well as political and media cover, effectively prolonging the violence, turning cities into zones of systematic abuse, and forcing civilians to pay the price for this empowerment. This context further underscores that there is no moral, legal, or factual equivalence between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Militia. The former is a state institution, while the latter is built on looting, intimidation, and destruction. For Sudanese people, this video is not shocking. However, it adds yet another documented piece of evidence to a long and well-established record of violations. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

19,343 просмотров • 8 месяцев назад

UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) Circulates New Video Humiliating Civilians The UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) circulated a new video this morning showing its fighters insulting and humiliating a large group of unarmed civilians, forcing them to sit on the ground while being made to chant slogans under threat. The militiamen can be heard shouting racist and degrading insults, calling the victims “slaves,” and boasting about entering areas that once belonged to the Sudanese Armed Forces’ 6th Infantry Division. It is still unclear what happened to these civilians after the video was recorded, raising serious fears that they may have been tortured or executed by the militia. This footage reflects the militia’s deeply rooted culture of violence and humiliation, a scene that has been repeated in every city or village it has entered across Darfur and beyond. It also explains why El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur, has stood firm for more than 550 days, because its people know that wherever the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) advances, it tortures, humiliates, and terrorizes the residents of that land. According to military sources, the Sudanese Armed Forces confirmed that some units had tactically repositioned from limited areas around the city while continuing to engage the enemy on other fronts and maintain defensive lines to protect civilians under extremely difficult humanitarian conditions. Meanwhile, the militia released new footage this morning from inside the army garrison in El Fasher in an attempt to create a false image of victory and instill fear among the population. At the same time, hundreds of civilians fled the city toward the Golo area in search of safety, before the terrorist militia deployed a force from the north and surrounded them in the open desert, where gunfire was later heard. This new display of brutality and false propaganda once again exposes the true nature of the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). It is a terrorist organization that thrives on spreading fear and humiliation, targeting innocent people to intimidate and subdue them. Despite this, the protection of civilians remains an urgent priority and a moral responsibility for the entire international community in the face of the ongoing atrocities in Darfur. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

37,283 просмотров • 11 месяцев назад

Summer Holiday Photos Place the UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia Leader in the Emirates as Atrocities Continue Across Sudan A series of photographs circulated on Sudanese social media this month that, at first glance, appeared entirely ordinary. A spacious courtyard at dusk, a customised Mercedes parked on a quiet street, and an older man sitting on a pale sofa with a child on his lap. They could easily have been photographs from any family summer holiday, far removed from the war, famine and mass graves that have come to define Sudan’s landscape. The older man in the photographs, however, is Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, better known as Hemedti, commander of the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, the paramilitary force commonly associated with the Janjaweed. In January 2025, the United States sanctioned Hemedti by name as it formally determined that members of the Rapid Support Militia and allied militias had committed genocide in Darfur. The decision came after nearly two years of war in which atrocities attributed to the militia had spread across large parts of Sudan. In El Geneina, Human Rights Watch documented an ethnic cleansing campaign against the Masalit that included mass killings, rape, looting and forced displacement, among the most horrific episodes of violence since the war began. In Khartoum, the militia controlled large areas of the capital for months. Civilian homes and buildings were turned into military positions and detention facilities. As the Sudanese army advanced and retook areas previously held by the militia, detention sites, graves and bodies began to emerge, alongside testimony from survivors describing torture, starvation, humiliation and detention in brutal conditions. The period of militia control over large parts of Khartoum, Omdurman and Bahri was also marked by widespread looting of homes and property, the occupation of civilian residences, and repeated accounts of rape and sexual violence. The same devastation then spread into Gezira State after the militia entered the region in December 2023. Towns and villages were subjected to killings, looting and attacks, forcing hundreds of thousands of people to flee. Many of them had already escaped Khartoum and had gone to Gezira in search of safety. In June 2024, Wad Al-Noura became the site of one of the militia’s most notorious massacres in the state. Months later, a wave of attacks swept through villages in eastern Gezira, with Al-Sireha among the communities subjected to large-scale killings. The violence extended across dozens of villages and towns amid reports of killings, looting, arson, sexual violence and forced displacement. The pattern repeated itself across different parts of Sudan: the militia entered civilian communities, killings and looting followed, homes were occupied, people were detained, sexual violence was reported, and entire populations were forced to abandon their towns and villages. El Fasher became one of the bloodiest chapters in that trajectory. After a prolonged siege, the city fell to the Rapid Support Militia. United Nations investigators documented the killing of more than 6,000 people during the first three days, while the fate of an estimated 150,000 residents remained unknown. The UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan subsequently concluded that the violations committed there bore hallmarks of genocide. As the geographical scale of these atrocities expanded and the war continued year after year, another question became central to international investigations: where was the militia obtaining the weapons, financing and supplies that allowed it to sustain its military capabilities? The Rapid Support Militia continued fighting on multiple fronts, acquiring weapons, ammunition, vehicles and drones while also deploying foreign fighters in a war stretching from Darfur to Khartoum, Gezira, Kordofan and El Fasher. From the early months of the conflict, evidence began accumulating around the UAE’s role in the supply network supporting the militia. In a report dated January 15, 2024, the UN Panel of Experts on Sudan said information it had gathered concerning the transfer of weapons and ammunition to the Rapid Support Militia through Amdjarass airport in eastern Chad was “credible.” In July 2024, The Guardian published an investigation into Emirati passports and documents discovered among equipment linked to the militia in Sudan. In September, The New York Times investigated UAE activity in Amdjarass and allegations that the humanitarian operation there was running alongside a pipeline supplying weapons and other support to the militia. The following month, The Washington Post published an investigation based on weapons captured by the Sudanese army, together with US assessments and reports, linking equipment and ammunition found in the hands of the Rapid Support Militia to the UAE. In November 2024, Amnesty International identified the French-made Galix defence system installed on UAE-manufactured Nimr Ajban armoured vehicles used by the militia. Flight data then revealed another dimension of the supply network. In December 2024, Reuters tracked at least 86 flights from the UAE to Amdjarass since the war began. A significant number were operated by companies previously linked in UN reporting to arms-transfer operations in the region. Researcher Justin Lynch also contributed to tracking and analysing flight and supply networks connecting these routes to the Rapid Support Militia. By early 2025, the issue had reached the level of official scrutiny in Washington. On January 24, Senator Chris Van Hollen and Representative Sara Jacobs said that, based on a briefing from the Biden administration and other reporting, they had confirmed that the UAE was continuing to provide weapons to the militia despite earlier assurances to Washington that it would stop. Over the following months, further evidence emerged from weapons stockpiles and supply convoys themselves. In April 2025, an investigation by France 24’s Observers team traced Bulgarian-made mortar rounds found in Darfur to a transaction involving an Emirati buyer, with the UAE Armed Forces listed in documentation as the end user. On April 29, Reuters, in an investigation involving journalist Reade Levinson, reported that the UN Panel of Experts was examining how Bulgarian ammunition officially exported to the UAE had ended up in a Rapid Support Militia supply convoy in Darfur. Bulgaria said it had never authorised the ammunition to be re-exported to Sudan. In May 2025, Amnesty International identified Chinese-made GB50A guided bombs and AH-4 155mm howitzers in the possession of the Rapid Support Militia. The organisation concluded that the weapons were “almost certainly” re-exported to Sudan by the UAE. As the investigations widened, a broader network emerged involving mercenaries, financing, companies and regional logistics. Beginning in 2024, Colombian investigative outlet La Silla Vacía exposed details of the recruitment of former Colombian soldiers to fight alongside the Rapid Support Militia. Subsequent investigations traced the networks used to recruit and transport these fighters, with UAE-based companies and routes repeatedly appearing in the reporting. Bellingcat has also investigated weapons and supply routes associated with the militia, while a joint investigation by Lighthouse Reports and its partners uncovered training camps, sites used to prepare weapons and vehicles, and supply convoys in eastern Libya connected to the Rapid Support Militia, along with Colombian mercenaries operating within the same network. On the financial side, The Sentry documented networks involving companies, gold trading, financing and property linked to senior Rapid Support Militia figures, including businesses and activities operating from within the UAE. These findings added a financial and commercial dimension to the military and logistical picture. In October 2025, The Wall Street Journal reported that US intelligence agencies had detected an increase in the flow of Emirati weapons to the militia, including drones, light and heavy weapons, vehicles, artillery, mortars and ammunition. The UAE continues to deny providing military support to the Rapid Support Militia. Over the course of the war, however, a substantial body of reporting and investigation has accumulated from the UN Panel of Experts, US assessments and sources, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, The Guardian, Reuters, France 24, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Lighthouse Reports, Bellingcat and The Sentry. These are multiple, independent sources using different investigative methods. Flight records, export documentation, weapons and ammunition analysis, corporate and property records, satellite imagery and testimony from people on the ground have each exposed different parts of a support network that helped sustain the militia’s war. Alongside the evidence concerning weapons, financing and logistics, direct indications of Hemedti’s own presence inside the UAE also emerged during the conflict. In June 2025, The New York Times reported, citing US officials, that Hemedti had stayed at a protected residence in Abu Dhabi, where he recorded video addresses to his supporters in Sudan. The Sentry also documented his personal ownership of three apartments in Dubai, close to Al Minhad military airbase. The photographs that surfaced this month add another dimension to those reports. Hemedti appears once again inside the UAE, this time in quiet family photographs, while the war led by his militia continues in Sudan and the consequences of its atrocities stretch from El Geneina to Khartoum, Gezira and El Fasher. The information is there. The investigations have been published. The evidence continues to accumulate. The question becomes more urgent with every new investigation: how much more evidence does the world need before it acts? #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

132,106 просмотров • 1 месяц назад

UK Hosts Sudan Conference Inviting UAE and Excluding Sudan: Protesters in London Chant “One Army, One People” and “UAE to ICJ” A large demonstration took place in London, organized by members of the Sudanese community, to protest the UK-hosted conference on Sudan that excluded the Sudanese Armed Forces while inviting the UAE—a country widely known for arming and funding the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). Protesters held signs reading “Zamzam Refugee Camps Are Bleeding,” “One Army, One Nation,” and “UAE to ICJ,” denouncing the event as a betrayal of Sudan’s sovereignty and the suffering of its people. The chant “UAE to ICJ” referred to the case Sudan recently filed at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), accusing the UAE of violating the Genocide Convention by providing military and financial support to the Rapid Support Militia, enabling atrocities such as mass killings, ethnic cleansing, and systematic rape in Darfur. Protesters also condemned political factions participating in the “SOMOD” and “Ta’sees” initiatives, accusing them of siding with the UAE-backed militia in exchange for foreign support and political deals. The crowd erupted in a powerful chant: “How much? How much? How much? Did the FFC sell our blood for?” — a furious rejection of any compromise at the expense of Sudanese lives. This is not a civil war between equals—it is a war of national defense against a foreign-backed militia committing crimes against humanity. Sudan knows its enemy, and it knows who is defending the nation. #Sudan #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #RSFisTerroristOrganization

Sudanese Echo

14,111 просмотров • 1 год назад

In Al-Kurmuk, the UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia Continues Its Pattern of Destruction: Looting the Health Insurance Center, Leaving Civilians to Rebuild, as the Army and the People Confront the Impact of Destruction Sponsored by One of the World’s Richest Countries At the Health Insurance Center in the city of Al-Kurmuk, another familiar face of the crimes committed by the Rapid Support Forces militia appeared in the towns and villages it entered. Looted rooms, scattered papers, an empty pharmacy, and a medical laboratory stripped of its contents. The scene sums up what has happened in many parts of Sudan, where the militia enters public service institutions, leaves them in ruins, and forces civilians to confront the aftermath of destruction once the fighting stops. The man’s voice in the video carries clear pain as he walks through the center. He speaks with the bitterness of someone seeing a public effort lost before his eyes, and a health facility that once served people turned into a place of loss and looting. He speaks as someone who knows the center, its people, and its value, as if every destroyed room reminds him of those who worked there and those who once waited there for treatment and medicine. The Health Insurance Center in Al-Kurmuk was one of the city’s important health facilities. The Health Insurance administration had made major efforts to establish and equip it, providing medical equipment and devices, along with a fully equipped dental clinic, so it could offer healthcare and treatment services to the people of Al-Kurmuk and the surrounding areas. The center had also received praise from the senior administration of the fund because of the standard of services it provided and the quality of care it offered to patients. Then the militia came, extended its hand toward that effort, looted what it could, and destroyed what it left behind. Years of work and construction were lost in moments of recklessness, and the citizen was left to pay the price. A looted pharmacy means a patient searching for medicine and finding nothing. An empty laboratory means a medical service has stopped. A destroyed center means that a city and its surrounding areas have lost a facility that supported people in times of illness and need. This behavior is familiar from the Rapid Support Forces militia. In every city and village it entered, the same scene was repeated in different forms: homes looted, facilities vandalized, institutions destroyed, and the daily lives of civilians targeted. Schools, health centers, markets, and service facilities became targets of looting and destruction, as if the aim was to break society and strip it of the foundations of life. In Al-Kurmuk, the video reveals part of the cost that awaits Sudanese people after the militia leaves any area. Liberation opens the road for life to return, while also exposing the scale of destruction that requires difficult work. Civilians need more than security. They need medicine to return, laboratories to function again, pharmacies to be restored, facilities to be repaired, and trust in public service institutions to be rebuilt. At this stage, the responsibility of the army and the people moves along the same path. The Sudanese army, after fighting the battle of liberation and paying with the blood of its soldiers to recover towns and villages from the militia’s grip, opens the way for civilians to return and protects what remains of state institutions. Along that same path, the Sudanese people stand with patience and determination, each contributing what they can to rebuild what has been destroyed, clean public facilities, revive essential services, and repair the damage the war has left behind in healthcare, education, markets, and daily life. As Sudanese people try to rise from beneath the rubble, with limited resources and an unbreakable will, the world stands witness to the catastrophic impact of the support provided by the UAE to this militia. One of the richest countries in the world is, through that support, contributing to the destruction of a country exhausted by war and poverty. Yet this destruction has failed to break the will of the Sudanese people or take away their ability to endure, rebuild, and rise again. #Sudan #RSFIsATerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanese #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

36,781 просмотров • 3 месяцев назад

Sudanese Army Downs Advanced Chinese FH-95 Drone Over Jabra Al-Sheikh Weeks After Recapturing the Strategic North Kordofan Town, Renewing Focus on UAE Arms Supplies to the Rapid Support Militia The Sudanese Armed Forces said on Saturday that it had shot down a hostile FH-95 drone over Jabra Al-Sheikh in North Kordofan, the latest development in the escalating drone warfare being waged by the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia. The army said the aircraft was successfully brought down, while Sudanese Echo obtained exclusive video footage documenting the moment the drone was shot down. The FH-95 is an advanced Chinese-made, multi-role unmanned aerial vehicle designed for intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance and electronic warfare missions, while also capable of carrying out precision strikes. Published specifications indicate that the aircraft has a take-off weight of around one tonne, can carry a payload of up to 250 kilograms, remain airborne for up to 24 hours, and operate at altitudes of around 42,000 feet. These capabilities allow it to conduct long-range surveillance, intelligence gathering, electronic jamming and attacks against ground targets. The appearance of another sophisticated UAV comes amid mounting evidence from hundreds of reports and investigations documenting the militia’s foreign weapons and logistics networks, including the role of the UAE in arming and supporting the Rapid Support Militia. The incident is particularly significant because the drone was downed over Jabra Al-Sheikh, recently recaptured by the Sudanese army alongside Bara and Umm Sayala in North Kordofan. Those operations secured important supply routes towards El Obeid and disrupted one of the militia’s movement corridors between Darfur and central Sudan. The army also repelled a major militia assault on Jabra Al-Sheikh only days ago, as fighting continues across the Kordofan fronts. #Sudan #RapidSupportMilitia #UAEKillsSudanese #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

11,927 просмотров • 1 месяц назад

Sudan Tells UN Security Council UAE Support for Rapid Support Militia Is Prolonging War and Enabling Abuses Against Women and Children Sudan’s representative to the United Nations, Asrar Ahmed Al-Siddig, stated that the Rapid Support militia has systematically used conflict-related sexual violence as a weapon of war, while foreign support for the rebel militia, particularly from the United Arab Emirates, has prolonged the conflict and deepened the suffering of Sudanese women and children. She made the remarks during Sudan’s address to the UN Security Council’s 10190th meeting, held under the theme “Honouring the Promise of International Law to Survivors of Conflict-Related Sexual Violence.” Speaking on behalf of millions of Sudanese women, whom she described as the Kandakat, Al-Siddig highlighted their strength, resilience and unwavering commitment to their families and communities throughout one of the most difficult periods in Sudan’s history. She explained that the sexual violence committed by the militia was neither isolated nor incidental. It was deliberate, organised and intended to terrorise Sudanese communities, humiliate victims and destroy the country’s social fabric. According to the figures presented by Sudan, 2,250 incidents of conflict-related sexual violence have been documented since the war began. Among the identified survivors were 2,200 children, while a further 190 documented cases involved sexual slavery. Al-Siddig stressed that these figures represent only a fraction of the true scale of the crimes. Social stigma, fear of retaliation and the lack of access to areas under militia control continue to prevent many women and girls from reporting what they have endured. She stated that the war of aggression has continued and intensified because of the sustained flow of weapons, military equipment, financing and political cover from the militia’s foreign backers, most notably the United Arab Emirates. She added that this external support has prolonged the suffering of Sudanese women and children and enabled the militia to continue committing grave violations against civilians. Sudan called on the Security Council to firmly condemn these violations, hold accountable the states and actors enabling them, and designate the Rapid Support Forces militia as a terrorist organisation. The Sudanese representative also reaffirmed the country’s commitment to its comprehensive national plan for the protection of women and girls. The plan includes strengthening prevention and early-warning mechanisms, providing dignified survivor-centred services, improving survivors’ access to justice, advancing gender-responsive security-sector reform, and supporting child protection and reintegration. She concluded by stressing that sustainable peace cannot be achieved without protecting women and children, and that genuine recovery requires justice, accountability and an end to impunity for crimes of conflict-related sexual violence. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

31,530 просмотров • 3 месяцев назад

Al-Harith Idriss Exposes UAE’s Role in Fueling War and Atrocities in Sudan Before the UN Security Council In a powerful and unprecedented right of reply before the United Nations Security Council, Sudan’s Permanent Representative, Ambassador Al-Harith Idriss, directly accused the United Arab Emirates of waging a proxy war against Sudan through its sponsorship of the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). His address came as a firm rebuttal to the statement made earlier by the UAE’s representative and laid bare the full extent of Abu Dhabi’s involvement in arming, funding, and coordinating attacks that have led to mass killings across Sudan, particularly in El Fasher. Al-Harith Idriss began his reply with a sharp assertion: “There is no civil war in Sudan. It is a war and aggression waged by the UAE through its regional proxy, the Rapid Support Militia.” He emphasized that attempts to frame the conflict as an internal power struggle between two sides are a deliberate distortion meant to conceal external aggression. The ambassador expressed astonishment that “a representative of a state whose hands are stained with the blood of innocents in Sudan” could address the Security Council as if speaking on behalf of peace and stability. “Hearing that representative talk about Sudan as though it were under Abu Dhabi’s guardianship is an insult to this Council and a mockery of the blood of the children, women, and orphans killed daily with Emirati money and weapons,” he said. Citing investigative reports by The Wall Street Journal, The Guardian, and Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab, Idriss detailed the UAE’s direct coordination with the militia. He described a sophisticated network linking military experts in eastern Libya with a satellite command center in Abu Dhabi, responsible for directing operations on Sudanese soil. According to these reports, shipments of weapons, armored vehicle engines, and advanced targeting systems—some manufactured in member states of the Security Council—have been transferred to the militia. Idriss noted that “Libyan television channels confirmed the presence of more than ten military aircraft flying daily between the UAE and eastern Libya between October 25 and 26, just before the militia’s latest assault on El Fasher.” The ambassador also referenced Yale’s Humanitarian Research Lab, which confirmed, through satellite imagery, that mass executions took place between October 26 and 28 at El Fasher’s Saudi Hospital. “All patients and staff were executed in horrific ways by the militia, and doctors and medical workers were abducted,” he said. Al-Harith Idriss condemned the UAE’s actions as “a blatant violation of the UN Charter, the Charter of the Arab League, and this Council’s resolutions, which prohibit support for terrorist and unlawful armed groups.” He questioned the hypocrisy of a state that “speaks of peace in this chamber while filling Sudan’s skies with planes and ammunition sent to those who kill women and children, loot cities, and rape girls.” The ambassador went further, accusing the UAE of attempting to fragment Sudan and control parts of its territory to plunder its resources and gold, warning that such ambitions would fail. “Sudan, which stood by the Emirati people since the founding of their state, will never forget that Abu Dhabi was among the first to betray that goodwill and conspire against Sudan’s unity and stability,” he declared. Defending the honor of the Sudanese Armed Forces, Idriss reminded the Council that Sudanese soldiers fought alongside the Allies and Britain in the battles of Eritrea, Ethiopia, and North Africa during both World Wars. “Is this proud institution now to be replaced by barbaric militias you have condemned this evening?” he asked. He concluded by warning that the UAE will be remembered in Sudan’s collective memory as a symbol of political treachery and moral decay. “The UAE’s representative should have been seated not under this dome, but among the ranks of the criminal militia his country has financed,” he said. Despite the devastation, Idriss reaffirmed the resilience of the Sudanese people, asserting that no money, weapons, or political complicity can break their will. “Sudan has faced colonialism, tyranny, and oppression—and triumphed over them all. Today, it will defeat the Emirati aggression just as it defeated every invader before,” he vowed. Al-Harith Idriss closed with words that echoed across the chamber: “Before this Emirati aggression, Sudan stands with one motto left — the honor of the rifle.” His statement was a reminder that Sudan’s struggle is one of sovereignty, dignity, and survival. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

28,412 просмотров • 11 месяцев назад