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Arabs are increasingly educating themselves about Somaliland and sharing key historical and political truths, as reported in the Scenarios program on Al Jazeera: - Somaliland holds the strategic key to the Horn of Africa and the Bab al-Mandab gateway. - It spans approximately 177,000 km², with a population of...

21,905 Aufrufe • vor 7 Monaten •via X (Twitter)

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Embarrassment never ends with these people humiliating themselves on the world stage at every single opportunity. An Al Jazeera journalist asked Somalia’s State Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ali Balcad, a very clear and direct question about Somaliland’s claims: that Somaliland is more developed, more stable, and has stronger democratic institutions, governance, and systems than Somalia. The question was simple: How do you respond to these claims? Instead of answering any of those points, the minister responded with this: “Somaliland is a British-colonised region consisting of three regions. Isaaq is a tribe in the middle, 40% of the population. The west and the east want Somalia. Somalia has 400 clans.” Not a single sentence addressed the actual question. No answer about: development, stability, democracy, institutions and governance Nothing. Regardless of your view on Somaliland, or whether a country is big or small, internally divided or cohesive, large in number or limited in size, or where it is located, the question was straightforward: 👉 Is Somaliland better than Somalia in these areas, or not? What the minister delivered instead was a baseless demographic rant that neither answers the question nor defends Somalia’s position. It only confused the journalist and embarrassed the audience. Worse, his response ignored reality and well-documented facts on the ground, exposing a clear incapacity to comprehend the political situation he is supposed to represent. Let’s correct a few false narratives he pushed: - “Somaliland is three regions” False. At no point under the British Protectorate, the Somali Republic, or Somaliland has Somaliland ever been a “three-region” entity. Historically and legally, Somaliland has always consisted of six districts inherited from the British, with full constitutional control over five, and partial presence in one Laascaanood district. - Demographics misrepresented. Isaaq communities exist in five out of the six districts, not “in the middle.” Somaliland exercises territorial control over more than 89% of its claimed territory, and Isaaq constitute well over 40% of the total population. But here’s the key point none of this was even asked. The question was not about tribes, not about clan arithmetic, and not about population distribution. The Somaliland case rests on legitimacy, history, inherited borders, and compliance with international norms, alongside the practical reality of a functioning state with elections, institutions, and governance all features of modern statehood. The journalist asked about state performance and governance. The minister replied with tribal talking points. That alone tells you everything. When a foreign minister cannot distinguish between statehood and clanism, between governance and genealogy, the embarrassment is not accidental it is structural. And unfortunately, it is broadcast live to the world.

Gaboose

18,727 Aufrufe • vor 6 Monaten

A THREAD 1/2 The secessionist narrative that Somaliland was a state in 1960 is false — the historical record is clear. ———————————————— One of the most widely propagated yet concocted narratives promoted by secessionists in northern Somalia is the claim that two sovereign states— Somalia and Somaliland — were created in 1960, and that one of them was later “lost” or “given away.” This is false. Completely false. The historical record shows—clearly, repeatedly, and contemporaneously—that only one state was intended, negotiated, and established, and that state was the Somali Republic. From Hargeisa to Mogadishu, from London to New York (including the UN), the destination was stated consistently and explicitly: the creation of the Somali Republic on 1 July 1960. More importantly, the people and leaders of northern Somalia were active architects of the Somali Republic. Crucially, they neither intended nor worked toward the creation of a separate Somaliland state— despite the persistent misinformation now circulated by secessionist actors. So pervasive has this disinformation become that, only days ago, even unionist politicians in Mogadishu—some of whom hail from northern regions—repeated this claim as fact. What follows are nine hard proofs, drawn from primary documents and contemporaneous practice, demonstrating that no Somaliland state was created or “lost.” In 1960, everyone in Hargeisa was working toward the creation of one state: the Somali Republic. 1) Colonial labels were not states “British Somaliland,” “Italian Somaliland,” “French Somaliland,” the NFD, and the Ogaden were imperial administrative labels—not sovereign national projects. Across Somali territories in the late 1950s, the dominant political current was pan-Somali nationalism and decolonization, not fragmentation. 2) British Somaliland was a protectorate, not a state Under British law, Somaliland existed through protection treaties with Somali clans (1884–1886). Britain’s legal obligations were therefore to communities, not to a pre-existing sovereign “Somaliland state.” This mattered because protection could end only through a transition agreed by those communities—and that transition was explicitly tied to independence followed by union. 3) Northern Somalis worked toward the Somali Republic—amply documented In April 1960, the elected Legislative Council in Hargeisa—the highest political authority under British rule—passed a resolution calling explicitly for independence and unification with Somalia on 1 July 1960. This is recorded in Hansard. There is no ambiguity. 4) The April 1960 Joint Communiqué removes all doubt Between 16–22 April 1960, senior Somaliland legislators traveled to Mogadishu and issued a Joint Communiqué with their southern counterparts calling for the creation of a republic on 1 July 1960. It states: “The Territories of Somalia and the Somaliland Protectorate shall be united on July 1st, 1960… The new Somali Republic will be a unitary, democratic and parliamentary State.” It further ordered the merger of the two legislatures into one National Assembly, the election of one President, the formation of one government, the designation of Mogadishu as the capital, and the creation of one national army. This is not the language of two states; it is the blueprint of one republic. 5) London understood the objective was union, not separation In the UK Parliament, the Prime Minister and the Colonial Secretary stated plainly that independence would be granted to the protected tribes of northern Somalia so that union could lawfully take place, acting on the “declared wishes” of Somaliland’s elected leaders. Somaliland’s “independence” was a legal bridge—not the destination. 6) Contemporary media reported union On 6 May 1960, The New York Times reported that Britain would grant independence to Somaliland “so that it could unite with Somalia.” No contemporary account described this as the birth of a separate enduring state.

Abdirashid Hashi

18,888 Aufrufe • vor 7 Monaten

Arabs are increasingly, and surprisingly, studying and learning about Somaliland more objectively, while expressing its history and political context with greater accuracy and fairness. I have rarely seen Arab media provide such a balanced discussion of Somaliland as this episode by Mustafa Guri, a Sudanese YouTuber on Alaraby Tube, a Qatari media platform. The presentation was well structured, academically informed, and reflected the work of several researchers rather than relying on simplified political narratives. Some of the key points he highlighted include: - Somaliland is not simply a breakaway region or a conventional secessionist movement. It was an independent and sovereign state in 1960 before restoring its sovereignty in 1991. This historical background distinguishes Somaliland from many separatist movements, as it had previously existed as a recognized sovereign entity. - The British Somaliland Protectorate maintained a relatively strong system of local governance through traditional institutions and domestic structures under British oversight, while Italian Somaliland experienced a more centralized colonial administration with stronger direct control over local affairs. There was no fully completed or formally ratified Act of Union between the two newly independent states. The unification process was largely based on political agreement, nationalist sentiment, and mutual aspirations rather than a comprehensive constitutional and legally ratified framework. - The motivation behind unification was primarily driven by Somali nationalism and the aspiration to unite Somali-inhabited territories under one state. However, the two sides had different expectations regarding the structure, objectives, and future direction of the union. - The 1961 military coup attempt by officers from Somaliland reflected the early emergence of serious disagreements regarding the union and demonstrated the existence of different political visions between the two former states. - The military government in Somalia later introduced an increasingly centralized and authoritarian system of governance, which intensified grievances in Somaliland, increased feelings of political marginalization, and contributed to the rise of armed opposition. - The government's response relied heavily on military force. What initially began as demands for political reform, representation, and equal treatment gradually developed into wider questions about the legitimacy and purpose of the union itself after the repeated use of force against civilians. - Africa Watch documented the scale of destruction, the extensive use of military force, and serious human rights violations committed against civilians during the conflict. - In 1991, representatives of liberation movements, traditional elders, and community leaders gathered in Burao and decided to dissolve the union and restore Somaliland’s sovereignty based on its 1960 statehood. - This decision was not sudden or improvised, but rather the result of a long historical and political process. - Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, gradually rebuilt and developed functioning state institutions. Over time, Somaliland achieved a level of political stability, governance, and institutional development that contrasted sharply with the political trajectory of internationally recognized Somalia. - Somaliland has achieved a level more advanced then just a de facto recognition and international engagement, though not formal diplomatic recognition. It has gained increasing attention, respect, and practical cooperation, while official recognition remains limited, partly due to the African Union’s cautious approach toward altering inherited colonial borders. - Many countries recognize Somaliland’s practical governance capacity and cooperate with it in areas such as counterterrorism, anti-piracy efforts, maritime security, regional stability, trade, and development. These relationships demonstrate substantial engagement despite the absence of formal recognition. - The discussion also addressed the Somaliland–Ethiopia Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) - The Recognition of Somaliland by Israel, including their wider regional and geopolitical implications. A well-deserved hats off to Mustafa Guri and Alaraby Tube for this work a rare and valuable effort to present Somaliland’s history and political reality with greater objectivity, academic depth, and accuracy.

Gaboose

17,449 Aufrufe • vor 13 Tagen