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🚨BIG BREAKING : Election Commission Accept defeat🔥🔥 The Election Commission has quietly pulled the extra SIR declaration off the online Form 6 in states where SIR is over. No big announcement. It vanished from the ECINET portal on Wednesday night. That declaration made new voters link themselves, their parents...

67,285 görüntüleme • 5 gün önce •via X (Twitter)

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💔 ROBERTS AND BARRETT JUST STABBED US IN THE BACK. AGAIN. The Supreme Court ruled today in Watson v. RNC that states do not have to receive mail-in ballots by Election Day for them to count. Postmarked by Election Day is good enough. Your ballot can wander through the postal system for days after the polls close and still be counted. And who wrote the majority opinion? Amy Coney Barrett. Who joined her? John Roberts. Along with Sotomayor, Kagan, and Jackson. The usual liberal bloc did what the usual liberal bloc does. But Barrett and Roberts had the power to stop this and chose not to. This is not a surprise from Roberts at this point. But Barrett? This is the justice we were promised would be different. This is the justice we fought for. This is the justice who just handed the left exactly what they wanted on mail-in ballot integrity. Five to four. One vote. That is the margin by which election integrity lost today. Alito, Thomas, Gorsuch, and Kavanaugh dissented. Alito was scathing. He wrote that allowing ballots to pour in after Election Day, while preliminary results are already being reported publicly, creates greater opportunity for fraud and risks further destroying public confidence in our elections. He is right. He has always been right on this. Here is what this means on the ground. States can now set their own deadlines for when mail-in ballots must be received after Election Day. Mississippi had five days. Washington State has twenty-one days. Twenty-one days of ballots trickling in after you thought the election was over. Think about what that looks like. Think about what that feels like to watch. You know exactly what it feels like. We have all lived it. Alito said it plainly in his dissent. When thousands of absentee ballots flow in after Election Day and potentially flip the result of an election, charges of a rigged election explode. He cited research showing that drawn-out ballot counting produces a large and significant decrease in Americans' trust in elections. We did not need a study to tell us that. The Save America Act, if passed, could address some of this going forward through Congress. But today's ruling makes clear that the legislative route is now the only route. The Court just took the judicial option off the table. Roberts and Barrett handed that decision to the same Congress where we are still fighting for a real majority. Barrett and Roberts folded. Again. Remember this the next time someone tells you that winning the White House is enough. It is not enough if the judges we are told to trust keep crossing the line when it matters most. Personnel is policy. And today, our personnel failed us.

Bill Mitchell

290,417 görüntüleme • 3 ay önce

#ZimElection2023 CHAMISA RAN HIS CAMPAIGN LIKE AN INDEPENDENT CANDIDATE WITH NO STRUCTURES AND EXPECTED TO WIN AND BECOME PRESIDENT WITH NO MAJORITY IN PARLIAMENT This is what Nelson Chamisa said on 21 June 2023 about the strategic thrust of the campaign of his CCC in the 2023 harmonised general election held last week: "our [CCC] campaign is going to be basically a presidential... our [CCC] focus is not to be in parliament but to be in government. We [as MDC opposition] have been in parliament for a long time, that's not our [CCC] station of choice at the moment". The fact that Chamisa thought he could win the presidential election even if, or regardless of whether, his CCC won a majority in Parliament, explains his crushing defeat. An election in Zimbabwe is defined in terms of section 4 of the Electoral Act which provides that: election” means— (a) the election of a member of Parliament; or (b) an election to the office of President; or (c) an election for the purposes of the Rural District Councils Act [Chapter 29:13] or the Urban Councils Act [Chapter 29:15]; as the case may be. These three elections used to be held separately before they were harmonised for the first time in the 2008 election in terms of section 38 of the Act. It is odd and even irrational, and it defies the logic of the harmonised general election for any political party that seeks power to govern the country as a whole to only target – as did Chamisa in the 2023 harmonised general election held last week –winning only one of the three elections, just the presidential election. It is foolhardy for a political party to say its strategy and focus is only to win the presidential election, without basing that strategy and focus on winning the local authority and parliamentary elections, as well. Such a strategy, if it can be called a strategy, renders the presidential candidate no different from an independent presidential candidate who contests for the presidency without the advantage of the structures of a political party. Simply put, a presidential candidate in Zimbabwe cannot win a presidential election if the candidate does not have a campaign strategy that is based on his or her political party winning a majority of wards in the local authority election, and a majority of constituencies in the parliamentary election. If it’s an independent presidential candidate, then he or she must have ground structures of one sort or another, or forget it. Chamisa contested the presidential election as if he was an independent candidate, and he boasted about it, without relying on his CCC and without any ground structures. In the circumstances, just how or why did Chamisa expect to win the presidential election by effectively running as an independent candidate? Which structures did Chamisa expect to use, or did he in fact use to campaign for the presidency in every street and every village, across the length and breadth of the country? Since by his own admission, as quoted above and reflected on the attached video clip, Chamisa was clearly not relying on his CCC to win the presidency. This begs the question: by not relying on CCC structures, and by not having alternative ground structures in the streets and in villages, did Chamisa think that ZanuPF members and supports would vote for him, as an act of God, perhaps? Was Chamisa's presidential election campaign, for him an article of faith, in other words was it about his belief that God had chosen him, and that he would win regardless of whether or not CCC won a majority in the local authority and parliamentary elections? Where did Chamisa and his supporters in Zimbabwe and among the legions of his fans in America and Europe think he would get the necessary number of polling agents to monitor the voting and vote counting at the country’s 12,374 polling stations, and to secure the 12,374 V11s from those polling stations, given the fact that he actually ran for the presidency as an independent candidate, expecting to be supported less by his own CCC party and more by the members and supporters of ZanuPF? Does this kind of strategy make sense to anyone on earth? And, does that strategy make sense to Nerves Mumba and his Sadc Election Observation Mission or to any other foreign election observation mission that was in Zimbabwe last week like, say for example, the European Union Observer Mission or any of the several observer missions from the United States that were in Zimbabwe to observe the elections? How did the various foreign election observer missions and Chamisa’s social media supporters expect him to win the presidential election, not only where and when his CCC party was losing the local authority and parliamentary elections but, and critically, where Chamisa himself did not believe that the local authority and parliamentary elections were important or necessary for him to win the presidency? The fact that the loquacious, belligerent and inflammatory foreign election observer missions that are peddling falsehoods about the elections, and Chamisa’s social media supporters who claim with no evidence that Chamisa won, did not raise a finger against the results of the local and parliamentary elections that were declared at 1970 wards and 209 constituencies well ahead of the declaration of the result for the presidential election on 26 August, clearly means that there was no problem with two of the three elections that make up Zimbabwe’s harmonised general election. Only after the declaration of the presidential election result on 26 August did all hell break loose. It must be asked, again, how did anyone expect Chamisa to win a presidential election whose campaign was – as per Chamisa’s deliberate strategy – organised and pursued as if it was the presidential campaign of an independent candidate? Chamisa’s presidential election campaign was not based on the CCC parliamentary election campaign or on CCC’s structural capacity on the ground, strangely, it was based on the expectation that ZanuPF members and supporters would vote for Chamisa. Why on earth did anyone expect ZanuPF members and supporters to vote for someone whose base is ever singing cacophonic noise that ZanuPF must go, and hurling insults at the incumbent party, its officials and its supporters? What kind of politics is that? You are contemptuous of ZanuPF and anyone associated with it, but you expect ZanuPF members and supporters to vote for you. This expectation does not compute, certainly not in electoral politics. As things turned out, ZanuPF members and supporters who are registered voters voted for their party candidates in all the three elections: local authority election, the parliamentary election and the presidential election. As a result, in the parliamentary election, CCC won just 73 constituency seats. There's just no way that CCC's 73 constituency seats in the National Assembly would have boosted Chamisa to win the presidency. No ways. In Zimbabwe's first harmonised general election in 2008, Morgan Tsvangirai did well in the first round of the presidential election primarily if not only because the two MDC formations used their round structures to win a majority in Parliament with a combined strength of 110 constituency seats, while ZanuPF garnered 99 seats and an independent got one seat. This was the first time since independence in 1980 that the opposition commanded the majority in Parliament. So, clearly, in 2008 Tsvangirai was propelled by the solid parliamentary performance of the MDC formations. The same structural dynamic was conspicuously absent for Chamisa in the just ended harmonised general election. Chamisa ran a solo presidential election campaign and, predictably, it went horribly wrong. The fact that CCC did not field local authority candidates in 90 wards made a bad situation worse for Chamisa, and it was further compounded by the fact that CCC did not have ground structures to harness and harvest from the loose and unreliable protest vote, especially in the wards and constituencies outside CCC strongholds, which in fact used to be MDC strongholds in the days of Morgan Tsvangirai!

Prof Jonathan Moyo

98,261 görüntüleme • 3 yıl önce

TRUMP JUST ENDED THE U.S. ELECTION ASSISTANCE COMMISSION. WHAT DOES THAT MEAN? Is Trump finally ending mail-in voter fraud? He fired the three remaining commissioners this week, leaving the board with zero members. The EAC is the obscure little agency that sets voting machine standards and controls the federal mail voter registration form. Here is the real story behind it. For over a year Trump has pushed two basic reforms through that commission: proof of citizenship to register, and rules requiring USPS to stop blindly mailing ballots to anyone without verifying they are eligible for mail voting. The old board slow walked both. So he cleared it out. Replacements need Senate confirmation, this is not a hostile takeover, it is the president using the power the Supreme Court just confirmed he has! Now the post office piece. Trump's executive order directs USPS to track ballots and only deliver them to voters on an approved list. Courts have already blocked several parts of it, ruling the president cannot unilaterally rewrite election rules, that power sits with states and Congress. What this really means is Trump keeps applying pressure on citizenship verification and mail ballot accountability heading into the midterms. Democrats are calling it interference because tighter verification makes it harder to run up numbers through a system nobody can fully audit. This is a developing story. Nothing is more important for November than voter integrity.

Bill Mitchell

91,096 görüntüleme • 2 ay önce

Let me speak plainly and without fear President Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa’s leadership has ushered in a new era of indigenous wealth creation. For the first time in decades, we are witnessing the deliberate cultivation of a class of black Zimbabwean billionaires homegrown, unapologetic, and impactful.Among these, one name towers above the rest Sir Wicknell Chivayo sir_wicknell. Under President Mnangagwa’s economic reforms and empowerment agenda, Sir Chivayo has not only thrived he has flourished with purpose. His success is not accidental it is the logical outcome of a system that rewards initiative, loyalty, and national commitment.People must not be distracted by the noise of opposition activists who, in their desperation, resort to name-calling and petty envy. Their bitterness is not about Sir Wicknell Chivayo’s wealth it is about their own irrelevance. They mock what they cannot match. Sir Wicknell Chivayo is not just a businessman. He is a philanthropic force of nature. His recent donations totaling over US$5.3 million to churches, political institutions, and community causes are not mere gestures. They are monuments of generosity, unmatched in scale and sincerity. In any other country, a man of such giving spirit would be celebrated, studied, and immortalized. It is high time that Sir Wicknell Chivayo’s name be inscribed in the Guinness World Records as one of the greatest Philanthropists of our time if not of all time.President Mnangagwa’s vision has made this possible. He has created an environment where black excellence is not punished but promoted, where success is not criminalized but celebrated.Let's give credit where it is due. Let's applaud the President for creating billionaires, and let us honor Sir Chivayo for using his billions to build, not to boast.This is the Zimbabwe we were promised. This is the Zimbabwe we are becoming.

Gachange

40,069 görüntüleme • 9 ay önce

ALITO'S DISSENT ON MAIL-IN BALLOTS IS A MASTERPIECE AND NOBODY IS TALKING ABOUT IT While the mainstream media is busy celebrating today's ruling, four justices stood in the breach and said what every honest American already knows. Alito's dissent in Watson v. RNC is not just a legal argument. It is a warning shot about where this country is headed if we do not get serious about election integrity. Read these words carefully. Alito wrote that when thousands of absentee ballots flow in after Election Day and potentially flip the result of an election, charges of a rigged election explode. That is a sitting Supreme Court Justice, in an official dissent, validating what the corporate media has spent four years calling a conspiracy theory. He went further. Alito cited research showing that drawn-out ballot counting produces a large and significant decrease in Americans' trust in elections. Not a talking point. Not a campaign slogan. Peer reviewed research cited in a Supreme Court dissent. The problem is real, it is documented, and five justices just decided to ignore it. On fraud, Alito was surgical. He pointed out that as far back as 2005, a commission chaired by Jimmy Carter and James Baker concluded that absentee voting was the largest source of potential voter fraud in American elections. Jimmy Carter. The left canonizes that man. His own commission said mail-in ballots are the biggest fraud vulnerability we have. And today's majority just threw the door open wider. Then Alito did something remarkable. He painted a picture of exactly what this ruling could produce. A close presidential election. One state still counting. The leading candidate watching his margin shrink day after day as new batches of mail-in ballots arrive. The lead flipping with days to spare before electors must cast their votes. He was not writing fiction. He was describing something we have already watched happen in slow motion in race after race since 2020. He also torched the majority's logic directly. Barrett and Roberts argued that the word election in federal law only governs when voters CAST their ballots, not when officials RECEIVE them. Alito called this what it is. The electorate's choice is not complete, he argued, until all the ballots have been collected and the decision is fixed. A ballot sitting in a mail truck three days after Election Day is not a completed act of voting. It is an open question. And open questions are where fraud lives. He also raised something nobody else is talking about. What is the limiting principle here? If states can accept ballots five days late, can they accept them twenty-one days late? Washington State already does. Can a state eliminate receipt deadlines entirely? Alito asked that question directly and the majority gave no answer. They opened a door and refused to say how far it swings. Thomas and Gorsuch stood with Alito completely. Kavanaugh joined most of it. And Barrett, the justice we were told would hold the line, wrote the opinion that Alito was dissenting against. History will not be kind to this decision. But it may be very kind to this dissent. The greatest dissents in Supreme Court history are often the ones that turn out to be right. Alito, Thomas, and Gorsuch put it on the record today. The question is what we do with it.

Bill Mitchell

249,050 görüntüleme • 3 ay önce

They did not take cursive from the schools because children no longer needed it. They took it because of what it was quietly building in them. Consider what the exercise actually is. A child, six years old, is handed a pen and asked to draw a single unbroken line that becomes a word. The wrist must float. The fingers must hold a living pressure, never quite the same twice, always correcting. The eye must follow the ink forward and trust the hand to finish what it has begun. There is no lifting, no stopping, no starting over mid-word. The loop must close. The ascender must rise and return. The sentence must travel from one margin to the other as a single continuous gesture, and at the end of it the hand must still be steady. Twelve years of this. Every day. Ten thousand small acts of sustained, self-correcting attention, carried out below the level of conscious thought, until the motion belongs to the body and the body belongs to the motion. This is not penmanship. It is the slow construction of an interior form. The hand that has learned to carry a line without breaking it is the hand of a mind that has learned to carry a thought without breaking it. The two are not metaphors for one another. They are the same faculty, trained in the same child, by the same daily discipline. Continuity of the stroke becomes continuity of the reasoning. The patience of the loop becomes the patience of the argument. The commitment to finish a word one has started becomes the commitment to finish a sentence, a paragraph, a life's idea, without reaching for the nearest distraction halfway through. Print is a different creature entirely. Print lifts. Print stops. Print assembles a word out of separate, stamped, interchangeable pieces, each one beginning and ending in isolation. A mind raised only on print learns to think the way print is made, in discrete tokens, in replaceable units, in fragments that can be recombined by any outside hand without the owner noticing the substitution. It is precisely the shape of thought a language model produces. It is precisely the shape of thought a language model can steer. Cursive is kata. This is the whole of it. A form repeated daily, for years, not for the sake of the form but for what the repetition lays down in the practitioner beneath the form. The swordsman does not train kata so that one day he may fight in kata. He trains it so that when the moment comes and there is no time to think, the movement is already inside him, older and deeper than thought, and it rises on its own. Cursive was the kata of the literate mind, the daily quiet drilling of continuity, of patience, of a line held steady under the long pressure of its own length. And the signature it produced at the end, that small flourished mark unique to a single human being on earth, was only the outward proof of an inward form no machine and no other hand could ever reproduce. Take the kata away and the practitioner is left with vocabulary in place of faculty. He can recognise a whole thought when he encounters one. He cannot carry one himself. He can admire a finished argument. He cannot sustain one long enough to close its loop. He begins books he does not finish, sentences he does not end, ideas he abandons the moment the screen in his palm offers him a brighter one. And when the machine begins feeding him tokens in the exact shape his schooling taught him to receive, he meets it with no interior resistance at all, because no interior form was ever built in him to push back with. They removed it quietly, across a generation, and they removed it in the last years before the machines arrived. Twelve years of daily practice in unbroken, embodied, self-authored thought, gone from the curriculum of almost every child in the Western world, just as the instruments designed to complete their sentences for them came online. The hand forgets. The mind, having never been taught the kata, forgets a thing it never knew it had. That is what cursive was. That is what was taken. And that is why the thought of anyone who still writes by hand, in long unlifted lines, remains, quietly, stubbornly, and without their ever needing to announce it, their own. Now the question stands open. What else has been banned, phased out, quietly retired from the curriculum and from common life over these same decades, under the same soft excuses? Mental arithmetic. Memorisation of poetry. Latin. Logic as a formal subject. Map reading. Knot work. The keeping of a commonplace book. The reading aloud of long passages in class. Singing in parts. What was each of those actually building in the child, beneath the surface of the lesson, and whose interest was served by its disappearance?

SiriusB

444,402 görüntüleme • 5 ay önce