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Field Marshal Birhanu Jula: "Tigray Can Constitutionally Secede" A Message Interpreted as a Threat by Many Addis Ababa | In a controversial statement that is sparking renewed debate about Ethiopia’s federal structure and the future of Tigray, Field Marshal Birhanu Jula, the Chief of Staff of the Ethiopian National...

10,902 views • 1 year ago •via X (Twitter)

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Two Years ago today 💔 4th May 2021 - Meaza Gidey Gebremedhin: ❝The war started well long ago. Right after Abiy Ahmed Ali 🇪🇹 was selected by the EPRDF, he forged a military pact with a neighboring country (Isaias Afewerki). They have been working together to wage war against the people of #Tigray. The #Eritrean government through its President had been seen visiting military camps, participating in all internal affairs of the country. There was also a report by the European Union Josep Borrell Fontelles 🔗 ⚠️ Warning about a war looming, and this is mainly because they had evidence showing Tigray being encircled not only by Eritrean troops but also by the #Amhara militia and the #Ethiopian National army. Having said that, what's happening in Tigray is devastating, people do not have access to Humanitarian Aid. 4.5 million people are starving, they're facing a man-made famine according to the United Nations report.❞ Neamin Zeleke supported the Genocidal campaign in Tigray with the involvement of Eritrean forces, Amhara including all other regional forces. He even went as far as to admit that #Somalian 🇸🇴 forces who committed Atrocities were in Tigray 🔗 ❝[Ethiopia] It had to scramble including bringing forces as far away as from #Somalia to deploy in Tigray. It is the right of the Ethiopian Government and it's within the sovereign rights of the Ethiopian people to use whatever force to defend the sovereignty.❞ FRANCE 24 🔗 #Ethiopia & #Eritrea are guilty of #TigrayGenocide

Tigray Update

23,729 views • 3 years ago

How Abiy Ahmed’s Government Engineered Genocide in Tigray A former senior official in Ethiopia’s federal government has publicly admitted that the 2020 war on Tigray was deliberately provoked to target and purge ethnic Tigrayans, lending powerful confirmation to long-standing accusations by Tigrayan leaders and international human rights groups. Taye Dendea, a former Minister of Peace and senior member of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s Prosperity Party, said in a recently published interview that the federal government intentionally initiated the war in order to single out and remove Tigrayans from the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF). “Do you think it is TPLF who started the war? It is us who deliberately started it. We had no other way to single out ethnic Tigrayan members of the national army,” Taye said during an interview with Horn Observer, recorded shortly before his arrest. He added that the attack on the army’s Northern Command, which the government had blamed on the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) to justify its military assault, was used as a pretext to justify a mass purge of Tigrayan soldiers and an ethnic campaign that soon extended far beyond the military. Taye’s admission echoes a previously leaked audio recording of Brigadier General Tesfaye Ayalew, a senior ENDF commander, who was heard saying: “We had to clean out our insides… Even if there may be good people among them, we can’t differentiate… so we excluded them from doing work. Now the security forces are completely Ethiopian.” According to verified reports, more than 17,000 ethnic Tigrayan soldiers were disarmed, detained, or expelled from the army in the first weeks of the war. Simultaneously, ethnic Tigrayans across Ethiopia were subjected to widespread profiling, mass detentions, dismissals from public and private employment, and in many cases, disappearances. Throughout the war, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and senior officials insisted the conflict was a “law enforcement operation” triggered by an alleged TPLF attack on Northern Command bases in November 2020. The government framed the military campaign as an effort to restore constitutional order. However, human rights groups, UN investigators, and independent journalists have documented a very different reality one of systematic ethnic targeting, mass killings, sexual violence, forced starvation, and the displacement of millions of Tigrayans. The government’s narrative now appears increasingly hollow in light of multiple recent revelations. From the outset of the war, Tigrayan leaders and civil society maintained that: . The war was a premeditated genocidal campaign, prepared months in advance. . Tigrayans in the army, civil service, and society were systematically purged, imprisoned, or killed. . The federal government used siege warfare, coordinated attacks with Eritrean and Amhara forces, and blocked humanitarian aid to deliberately inflict suffering on Tigrayan civilians. .Independent investigations, including those by the United Nations and international NGOs, have consistently supported these claims. Taye Dendea’s testimony reinforces calls for the international community to act decisively: 1. Demand full accountability for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during the conflict. 2. Insist on the safe and dignified return of displaced Tigrayans, especially those from Western Tigray, still under illegal occupation. 3. Push for full implementation of the Pretoria Agreement, which remains stalled due to the Ethiopian government’s lack of compliance. Taye’s admission provides a stark reminder of the true nature of the war on Tigray a war driven not by constitutional concerns but by ethnic hatred and political calculation. As millions of Tigrayans remain displaced and waiting for justice, and as the Pretoria peace process falters, the world can no longer look away. The victims deserve recognition, justice, and restoration.

Tigrai Media House

12,573 views • 1 year ago

Recently, Al Jazeera, widely regarded as a propaganda tool of the UAE, published baseless and sensationalized accusations claiming that the Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF) were involved in widespread acts of "rape" during the conflict in Tigray. To be absolutely clear: rape and all forms of sexual violence are abhorrent crimes that must be condemned wherever they occur. However, falsely accusing the EDF—a military known for its discipline and strict code of conduct—of such heinous acts without credible, verifiable evidence is both unjust and deeply irresponsible. This appears to be a deliberate effort to tarnish the reputation of Eritrea and its forces, likely motivated by ulterior political objectives. It’s important to recognize that Tigray has long struggled with high incidences of sexual violence, even before the conflict. Activists and experts, including those from Tigray, have openly spoken about the alarming situation for women in the region. One activist notably referred to Tigray as "a hell for women" on national television. Professor Haregeweyn has also extensively documented the horrific conditions faced by women and children in Tigray well before the war began. Recently, even the Interim President of Tigray, Getachew Reda, admitted that the level of sexual violence within their own community is "truly alarming" and described the situation as "really scary." Rather than addressing these longstanding systemic issues, the focus has shifted toward fabricating accusations against external actors. This finger-pointing does nothing to address the real and deep-rooted problems, particularly the disturbing levels of sexual violence within Tigray itself. It’s high time for outlets like Al Jazeera to stop spreading false narratives and politically motivated misinformation. Such reporting not only fails to bring justice to the actual victims of sexual violence but also undermines genuine efforts to solve the region’s problems. Honest, unbiased journalism is essential for ensuring justice and addressing the root causes of suffering in Tigray, rather than scapegoating Eritrea for issues it did not create. 👇🏾Here are some pre-war studies on sexual violence in Tigray, which was already out of control. Al Jazeera English #HRW UN Human Rights Council #StopScapeGoatingEritrea #EritreaPrevails Chinese Mission to UN

#InvestInEritrea 👩🏿‍🔧 🇪🇷🇪🇷

12,355 views • 1 year ago

🇪🇹 Thousands in Addis Ababa Protest Alleged Forced Recruitment in Tigray Thousands rallied in Ethiopia’s capital on Saturday against an alleged campaign of forced conscription by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), in a pro-government protest organized by a coalition of Tigrayan opposition parties. Tigray is a mountainous region in northern Ethiopia, bordering Eritrea and home to some 6 million people. From 2020 to 2022, it was the center of one of this century’s deadliest wars. The TPLF had dominated Ethiopia’s national government for nearly three decades before falling out with Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, whose rise to power in 2018 ended the party’s dominance. Fighting erupted in November 2020, drawing in Ethiopian federal forces and troops from neighboring Eritrea, the TPLF’s longtime enemy. Estimates of the dead range from roughly 160,000 to as high as 600,000, with many dying from direct fighting, and also from starvation and the collapse of healthcare during the war and federal blockade. A November 2022 peace agreement ended the fighting but left major underlying disputes unresolved. Now the region is sliding back toward confrontation. The TPLF reasserted control over Tigray’s political administration on May 5, displacing the federal-backed interim administration established under the peace deal, and issued a June proclamation mandating military service. Human Rights Watch reported on July 6 that Tigrayan authorities and forces have been abducting and forcibly recruiting civilians, including boys as young as 15, through nighttime raids on homes and recruitment drives at offices and gold-mining sites. Protesters in Addis Ababa carried banners reading, “The Ethiopian government must fulfil its duty to protect the people of Tigray.” The federal government has separately accused the TPLF of sending fighters to Sudan, without providing evidence, with protestors holding signs reading “Stop trafficking combatants to Sudan!” 🎥 Melat Kiros, the Ethiopian-born, Tigrayan-American Democratic nominee for Denver’s overwhelmingly Democratic congressional district, recently spoke with Drop Site about her upbringing, her family’s experience during the devastating war in Tigray, and the catastrophic humanitarian crisis it left behind. That interview is linked in reply. Below, in a recent conversation in Denver on the Voice of Tegaru channel, Kiros discusses civic engagement and the importance of connecting the Tigrayan cause with struggles across the Global South and with issues facing communities in the United States. Melat Kiros for Congress, CO-1 | Drop Site

Drop Site

37,825 views • 27 days ago

The Jar of Needles: Historical Memory, Grievance Politics, and the Amhara Question One of the most revealing aspects of contemporary Ethiopian politics is not simply disagreement over history, but the transmission of historical narratives across generations. In a recent discussion of General Tsadkan’s new book, Abebech Kahasay and Araya Tesfamariam, two Ethiopian journalists of Tigrayan origin, offer an unusually candid critique of what they describe as the TPLF’s enduring political culture. Their argument is not directed at the people of Tigray, but at a political tradition that, in their view, continues to frame war and inherited grievance as central organizing principles. The most striking example is the story of the “jar of needles.” As recounted in the discussion, generations of TPLF leaders were told that during the reign of Emperor Menelik, “አንድ ገንቦ ሙሉ መርፌ ከትግራይ ሕዝብ ተሰብስቦ ወደ ሸዋ ተወስዶ ነበር፣ የትግራይ ሕዝብ ቀዳዳ ልብሱን እንኳን እንዳይሰፋ።” (“An entire jar of needles was collected from the people of Tigray and taken to Shoa so that the people of Tigray could not even mend their torn clothes.”) The journalists go on to state that this same narrative resurfaced during the recent Northern Ethiopian War as propaganda used to mobilize young people, repeating the message: “እዚህ ድረስ ነው ሸዋ የበደለን፣ እዚህ ድረስ ነው አማራ የበደለን።” (“This is how far Shoa has wronged us; this is how far the Amhara have wronged us.”) One of the speakers then asks a haunting question: “ምን ዓይነት በሽታ ነው? … ይህ መርዘኝነት?” (“What kind of disease is this? … This poisonous mentality?”) Whether one accepts or rejects the historical accuracy of this particular story, the discussion is significant because it comes from journalists from Tigray reflecting critically on the political culture of the TPLF itself. It also illustrates a broader challenge for Ethiopia: when historical memory is repeatedly framed through collective grievance and directed toward a single community, it becomes extraordinarily difficult to build trust, shared citizenship, and a peaceful political future. Breaking that cycle requires confronting inherited narratives honestly while refusing to pass them uncritically to the next generation. The timing makes the discussion particularly striking. During the Northern Ethiopian War, Ethiopia’s federal government was led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, while the country’s senior political and security leadership was not drawn from the Amhara community. Yet, according to the journalists’ account, historical grievances continued to be framed primarily in terms of “Shoa” and “Amhara.” This raises an important question: if the conflict was fundamentally between the TPLF leadership and a federal government that many critics describe as being dominated by Oromo political elites and influenced by OLF narratives, why did narratives of collective blame continue to focus on the Amhara? The question becomes even more significant in light of the public testimony of former Ethiopian official #Taye_Dendea, who stated in a recorded interview, before his imprisonment, that Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed had declared, “I am going to destroy the Amhara.” Similar accounts have since been echoed by other former senior Oromo officials who later left Ethiopia. Readers are, of course, free to examine those interviews, many of which I have previously shared, and reach their own conclusions. In my view, this reflects a deeper political pattern in which the Amhara people continue to serve as the principal historical reference point for accumulated grievances, despite the changing composition of state power. Tragically, the Amhara also paid an enormous human cost during the Northern Ethiopian War bearing the greatest brunt, making this persistent attribution of collective responsibility all the more significant. UN Human Rights Council UN Human Rights Yale Genocide Studies Program

Dawit

16,089 views • 1 month ago