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Here is a 1 minute and 52 second video featuring Lieutenant General Addis Tedla, who served as the Joint Chief of Staff of the Ethiopian military in May 1991, second in authority only to Mengistu Haile Mariam. In this rare testimony he unequivocally states that the EPLF was the... most formidable military force of the era, without whose decisive assistance the TPLF would never have reached Addis Ababa. This account corroborates a fact long acknowledged by those acquainted with the historical record, despite the revisionist narratives now propagated by certain #TPLF orphans who seek to portray themselves as a self-sufficient force of consequence. It was that same military prowess, now embedded within the Eritrean Defence Forces, that played a pivotal role in rescuing the Abiy regime from what would have been the most catastrophic state collapse in modern African history. Yet the Quisling Prince of Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed, whom I have aptly dubbed the “Sick Man of the Horn,” now seeks to stab in the back the very nation that ensured his political survival, Eritrea. History has not ended well for the #TPLF’s political midgets, nor, I assure you, will it for the weasel from Beshasha. Mark these words.show more

Dawit

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11,431 Aufrufe • vor 11 Monaten •via X (Twitter)

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The warning signs of a fragmenting #Ethiopia are becoming harder to ignore. The President of the Somali Region (Mustafe Mohammed Omer) is openly discussing about the breakup of the #Ethiopian state, admitting that he had prepared the Somali region to secede if the TPLF were to return to power. That admission speaks volumes about the state of Ethiopia under Abiy Ahmed. It depicts one ethnic region is unwilling to be governed by another, and where the prospect of TPLF leadership is seen as a trigger for the country's disintegration. In this video he clearly states that, as TPLF forces advanced toward Addis Ababa, his overriding concern was not to fight for his country, but breaking the Somali Region away from Ethiopia. This raises an obvious question: what calculations were being made by Abiy at the time? may be seceding Oromia? The current fragile state of Ethiopia demands leadership capable of leading the country peacefully —not presiding over its slow unraveling.

The warning signs of a fragmenting #Ethiopia are becoming harder to ignore. The President of the Somali Region (Mustafe Mohammed Omer) is openly discussing about the breakup of the #Ethiopian state, admitting that he had prepared the Somali region to secede if the TPLF were to return to power. That admission speaks volumes about the state of Ethiopia under Abiy Ahmed. It depicts one ethnic region is unwilling to be governed by another, and where the prospect of TPLF leadership is seen as a trigger for the country's disintegration. In this video he clearly states that, as TPLF forces advanced toward Addis Ababa, his overriding concern was not to fight for his country, but breaking the Somali Region away from Ethiopia. This raises an obvious question: what calculations were being made by Abiy at the time? may be seceding Oromia? The current fragile state of Ethiopia demands leadership capable of leading the country peacefully —not presiding over its slow unraveling.

Sirak Bahlbi

41,469 Aufrufe • vor 3 Monaten

I have spent the better part of my adult life in uniform. I have served this country from the days of the liberation struggle through the formation of the Zimbabwe National Army, through the regional deployments, through the institutional reforms, and through the years of quiet service that most citizens never see and rarely think about. I am not a politician. I have never sought public office. I do not speak in the language of party manifesto or campaign rally. I speak in the language of the field. I speak in the language of command, accountability, institutional duty, and above all the welfare of the men and women under one's charge, and by extension, the welfare of the nation those men and women are sworn to protect. It is from that place, and only from that place, that I offer this assessment of General Constantino Chiwenga and why I believe his presidency would represent a genuinely different chapter in Zimbabwe's post-independence governance history. I do not make this argument lightly. I have watched this country from the inside for five decades. I have seen what works. I have seen, at far closer range than most, what has failed. And I have reached the conclusion that Zimbabwe has not yet had a leader whose formation whose fundamental character as shaped by years of discipline, institutional loyalty, and command responsibility was suited to the demands of governing a broken state back to health. General Chiwenga is that leader. Zimbabwe has not yet had a leader whose fundamental character was suited to governing a broken state back to health. General Chiwenga is that leader. I. What Forty Years of Civilian Political Governance Has Produced ? Let me begin with the record, because the record must be confronted honestly before any forward-looking argument can be credible. Comrade Robert Mugabe led this country for thirty-seven years. I will not diminish what was achieved in the early years the expansion of education, the health infrastructure, the genuine progress of the 1980s that gave a generation of Zimbabweans reason for hope. I served during those years. I saw the state functioning with purpose. But I also saw and any officer who served through the 1990s and 2000s saw the same the progressive hollowing out of every institution that was supposed to hold the state accountable to the people. The land reform programme, whatever its historical justice as a corrective measure, was executed without a management framework. There was no command structure for the aftermath. When you execute a major operation without a plan for the consolidation phase, you lose everything you gained in the assault. That is what happened to the land reform programme. The tactical objective was achieved. The strategic outcome was catastrophic. Farm production collapsed. Foreign currency evaporated. Inflation consumed the savings of every Zimbabwean who had worked and saved for their retirement. And through all of it through the hyperinflation, the fuel queues, the hospital collapses, the mass emigration of our most educated citizens the political system never corrected itself. It rewarded loyalty over competence. It punished dissent over failure. It produced a culture in which ministers competed to praise the leader rather than solve problems, in which generals were expected to be political instruments rather than professional commanders. I watched this happen. I watched good officers compromised by the requirement to serve political masters rather than constitutional principles.When you execute a major operation without a plan for the consolidation phase, you lose everything you gained in the assault. That is what happened to Zimbabwe's governance.

I have spent the better part of my adult life in uniform. I have served this country from the days of the liberation struggle through the formation of the Zimbabwe National Army, through the regional deployments, through the institutional reforms, and through the years of quiet service that most citizens never see and rarely think about. I am not a politician. I have never sought public office. I do not speak in the language of party manifesto or campaign rally. I speak in the language of the field. I speak in the language of command, accountability, institutional duty, and above all the welfare of the men and women under one's charge, and by extension, the welfare of the nation those men and women are sworn to protect. It is from that place, and only from that place, that I offer this assessment of General Constantino Chiwenga and why I believe his presidency would represent a genuinely different chapter in Zimbabwe's post-independence governance history. I do not make this argument lightly. I have watched this country from the inside for five decades. I have seen what works. I have seen, at far closer range than most, what has failed. And I have reached the conclusion that Zimbabwe has not yet had a leader whose formation whose fundamental character as shaped by years of discipline, institutional loyalty, and command responsibility was suited to the demands of governing a broken state back to health. General Chiwenga is that leader. Zimbabwe has not yet had a leader whose fundamental character was suited to governing a broken state back to health. General Chiwenga is that leader. I. What Forty Years of Civilian Political Governance Has Produced ? Let me begin with the record, because the record must be confronted honestly before any forward-looking argument can be credible. Comrade Robert Mugabe led this country for thirty-seven years. I will not diminish what was achieved in the early years the expansion of education, the health infrastructure, the genuine progress of the 1980s that gave a generation of Zimbabweans reason for hope. I served during those years. I saw the state functioning with purpose. But I also saw and any officer who served through the 1990s and 2000s saw the same the progressive hollowing out of every institution that was supposed to hold the state accountable to the people. The land reform programme, whatever its historical justice as a corrective measure, was executed without a management framework. There was no command structure for the aftermath. When you execute a major operation without a plan for the consolidation phase, you lose everything you gained in the assault. That is what happened to the land reform programme. The tactical objective was achieved. The strategic outcome was catastrophic. Farm production collapsed. Foreign currency evaporated. Inflation consumed the savings of every Zimbabwean who had worked and saved for their retirement. And through all of it through the hyperinflation, the fuel queues, the hospital collapses, the mass emigration of our most educated citizens the political system never corrected itself. It rewarded loyalty over competence. It punished dissent over failure. It produced a culture in which ministers competed to praise the leader rather than solve problems, in which generals were expected to be political instruments rather than professional commanders. I watched this happen. I watched good officers compromised by the requirement to serve political masters rather than constitutional principles.When you execute a major operation without a plan for the consolidation phase, you lose everything you gained in the assault. That is what happened to Zimbabwe's governance.

Retired Lt General Winston Sigauke Mapuranga

18,481 Aufrufe • vor 3 Monaten

I am sharing a powerful 1-minute and 23-second clip from Abiy Ahmed’s historic visit to Asmara, Eritrea, on July 8, 2018, a day etched in the memory of both Eritreans and Ethiopians. During that momentous visit, Abiy declared: “To the people of Eritrea, I would like to express my deep sympathy and condolences to the families of those who lost their lives and sustained physical injuries during the conflict 20 years ago. Moving forward, let us not relive that war. Instead, let us use our untapped potential for peace and development… If you hear me speak about Eritrea in international forums, know this: His Excellency President Isaias has officially authorized me to represent Eritrea’s foreign affairs wherever I go. Let there be no misunderstanding while I speak on behalf of Foreign Minister Osman as well.” These words formed the cornerstone of the peace accord between Eritrea and Ethiopia, a breakthrough that earned Abiy Ahmed the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019. That award, now drenched in irony, was built on the shoulders of Eritrea’s magnanimity, a nation that extended its hand when Ethiopia teetered on the brink of total collapse during the TPLF-led war. And now, barely five years later, Abiy beats the drums of war against the very nation that helped save his regime. A man who once pledged unity, forgiveness, and cooperation has now become the most dangerous provocateur in the Horn of Africa, bent on igniting a regional inferno in pursuit of a delusional imperial fantasy. This is not just betrayal; it is treachery of the highest order. Eritrea acted with grace and wisdom. #Quisling Abiy responded with deceit and bloodshed. History will remember who honored peace, and who buried it under the rubble of ambition. Yemane G. Meskel 🇪🇷 United Nations African Union Europe Peace Foundation Neamin Zeleke Andargachew Tsege ⓉⓃ Sharron Yemane Marta Freta172711Eri Sheba - PushStart 🇺🇸🇪🇹🇪🇷🇺🇸 The New York Times Jeff Pearce Yonas Biru CBC News Financial Times

I am sharing a powerful 1-minute and 23-second clip from Abiy Ahmed’s historic visit to Asmara, Eritrea, on July 8, 2018, a day etched in the memory of both Eritreans and Ethiopians. During that momentous visit, Abiy declared: “To the people of Eritrea, I would like to express my deep sympathy and condolences to the families of those who lost their lives and sustained physical injuries during the conflict 20 years ago. Moving forward, let us not relive that war. Instead, let us use our untapped potential for peace and development… If you hear me speak about Eritrea in international forums, know this: His Excellency President Isaias has officially authorized me to represent Eritrea’s foreign affairs wherever I go. Let there be no misunderstanding while I speak on behalf of Foreign Minister Osman as well.” These words formed the cornerstone of the peace accord between Eritrea and Ethiopia, a breakthrough that earned Abiy Ahmed the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019. That award, now drenched in irony, was built on the shoulders of Eritrea’s magnanimity, a nation that extended its hand when Ethiopia teetered on the brink of total collapse during the TPLF-led war. And now, barely five years later, Abiy beats the drums of war against the very nation that helped save his regime. A man who once pledged unity, forgiveness, and cooperation has now become the most dangerous provocateur in the Horn of Africa, bent on igniting a regional inferno in pursuit of a delusional imperial fantasy. This is not just betrayal; it is treachery of the highest order. Eritrea acted with grace and wisdom. #Quisling Abiy responded with deceit and bloodshed. History will remember who honored peace, and who buried it under the rubble of ambition. Yemane G. Meskel 🇪🇷 United Nations African Union Europe Peace Foundation Neamin Zeleke Andargachew Tsege ⓉⓃ Sharron Yemane Marta Freta172711Eri Sheba - PushStart 🇺🇸🇪🇹🇪🇷🇺🇸 The New York Times Jeff Pearce Yonas Biru CBC News Financial Times

Dawit

32,430 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

Channel 4 reports on a “looming war” between Ethiopia and Eritrea driven by Ethiopia’s demand for access to the Red Sea via the Eritrean port of Assab. The dispute threatens to unravel the 2018 peace agreement that ended their long war, for which Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed was later awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which previously fought against the Ethiopian government with Eritrean support, is now aligned with the Fano militia and Eritrea against the Ethiopian state. A new force, the Tigray Peace Force, made up of former TPLF fighters who say they were betrayed by their leadership, has emerged and switched sides to support the Ethiopian government. Interviews with their fighters and leadership from Channel 4 News below.

Channel 4 reports on a “looming war” between Ethiopia and Eritrea driven by Ethiopia’s demand for access to the Red Sea via the Eritrean port of Assab. The dispute threatens to unravel the 2018 peace agreement that ended their long war, for which Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed was later awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which previously fought against the Ethiopian government with Eritrean support, is now aligned with the Fano militia and Eritrea against the Ethiopian state. A new force, the Tigray Peace Force, made up of former TPLF fighters who say they were betrayed by their leadership, has emerged and switched sides to support the Ethiopian government. Interviews with their fighters and leadership from Channel 4 News below.

Drop Site

36,940 Aufrufe • vor 7 Monaten

This clip is from 1977 in #Eritrea, produced by a Japanese television crew that visited the area under the control of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF). In the video, we see #EstifanosAfwerki (also known as Bruno), the head of the EPLF northern front, speaking from behind enemy lines. He was a former member of the #EPLF Central Committee and is now the Ambassador of the State of Eritrea to #Japan. The clip illustrates how the EPLF treated Ethiopian prisoners of war by providing them with education and healthcare services. Throughout the struggle for #Eritrean independence, the EPLF captured over 130,000 #Ethiopianprisoners, including officers, pilots, and generals. All of these individuals were ultimately released and sent back to Ethiopia. Many of these former prisoners of war have since become generals and leaders within the Prosperity Party government of Ethiopia. #DiscoverEritrea

This clip is from 1977 in #Eritrea, produced by a Japanese television crew that visited the area under the control of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF). In the video, we see #EstifanosAfwerki (also known as Bruno), the head of the EPLF northern front, speaking from behind enemy lines. He was a former member of the #EPLF Central Committee and is now the Ambassador of the State of Eritrea to #Japan. The clip illustrates how the EPLF treated Ethiopian prisoners of war by providing them with education and healthcare services. Throughout the struggle for #Eritrean independence, the EPLF captured over 130,000 #Ethiopianprisoners, including officers, pilots, and generals. All of these individuals were ultimately released and sent back to Ethiopia. Many of these former prisoners of war have since become generals and leaders within the Prosperity Party government of Ethiopia. #DiscoverEritrea

Yared Tesfay

26,574 Aufrufe • vor 8 Monaten

Bacha Debele never believed Assab was Ethiopian — and here’s the proof. In his now-famous interview, the general inadvertently admits two things: first, that the #Ethiopian army was crushed by the #Eritrean Defence Forces on the Burre front comprehensively; and second, that he himself — the commander of that front — didn’t even know why they were fighting there, because he believed there is no military reason to fight in the Burre front. Everyone knows what that war in #Burre was about. The EPRDF/TPLF forces tried to seize #Assab at the end of their invasion — a desperate move to tell the Ethiopian public, “we got Assab,” as consolation for their devastating losses elsewhere. Now, years later, Bacha Debele senses his time in Prosperity Party is ending. So he’s back, peddling absurd claims over Assab to stay relevant. But military Generals, by definition, are meant to be men of honor, dignity, and courage. In Ethiopia, however, there seem to be too many Bacha Debeles — men who hold the title of general, yet lack the character worthy of it. #EritreaPrevails because #TruthPrevails

Bacha Debele never believed Assab was Ethiopian — and here’s the proof. In his now-famous interview, the general inadvertently admits two things: first, that the #Ethiopian army was crushed by the #Eritrean Defence Forces on the Burre front comprehensively; and second, that he himself — the commander of that front — didn’t even know why they were fighting there, because he believed there is no military reason to fight in the Burre front. Everyone knows what that war in #Burre was about. The EPRDF/TPLF forces tried to seize #Assab at the end of their invasion — a desperate move to tell the Ethiopian public, “we got Assab,” as consolation for their devastating losses elsewhere. Now, years later, Bacha Debele senses his time in Prosperity Party is ending. So he’s back, peddling absurd claims over Assab to stay relevant. But military Generals, by definition, are meant to be men of honor, dignity, and courage. In Ethiopia, however, there seem to be too many Bacha Debeles — men who hold the title of general, yet lack the character worthy of it. #EritreaPrevails because #TruthPrevails

Sirak Bahlbi

10,373 Aufrufe • vor 8 Monaten

#Ethiopian Foreign Minister: #Ethiopia’s State Formation Still Disputed, and is shaped by a Culture of Violence The following is what the current Ethiopian Foreign Minister said about the flawed nature of Ethiopia’s state formation and how it is still contested and shaped by a violent political culture. This is verbatim; I have not added any opinion. 'The process through which the Ethiopian state was formed is rather unique on the African continent. In most parts of the world, states are formed through conflict, violence, and bloodshed. That does not make Ethiopia unique. What makes Ethiopia unique—particularly in the African context—is that the violence was carried out by indigenous, native forces. The main protagonists in this process were Ethiopians themselves. By contrast, in the history of most African countries, state formation was the outcome of colonial conquest, with significant involvement of European actors. So, we have a state formation process driven by local political forces, but we did not have the opportunity to strengthen or cement that process through a social contract, nor did we have the chance to heal the wounds and contradictions that emerged during state formation. As a result, the legitimacy of the state was questioned and contested by some. This contestation has persisted throughout the formation of the state and has been exacerbated by subsequent events. Some have challenged the very legitimacy of the Ethiopian state; others have contested its nature, its vision, its identity, and its narratives. Some have found it difficult to accept its institutions and their configurations. Thus, there have always been fundamental contradictions stemming from Ethiopia’s state formation process, and we have not adequately addressed them in a way that would create consensus among key actors. Another layer we need to consider is that we have a very violent and autocratic political culture. Whenever there are contests for power, political differences, or disagreements over policy or institutional arrangements, the method of resolving them has more often than not been conflict. Imposing one’s will and vision on others through violence and force has been how we have conducted politics for generations. And once in power, using autocratic means to consolidate authority has been common practice. This autocratic and forceful approach, combined with the flawed state formation process, has produced many wounds, grievances, and violations. We have not been able to address these in a way that is satisfactory to most Ethiopians. On top of this, attempts to resolve these problems have often been divisive, emphasizing differences at the expense of what unites us. As a result, our politics has become polarized and ethnic-based.

#Ethiopian Foreign Minister: #Ethiopia’s State Formation Still Disputed, and is shaped by a Culture of Violence The following is what the current Ethiopian Foreign Minister said about the flawed nature of Ethiopia’s state formation and how it is still contested and shaped by a violent political culture. This is verbatim; I have not added any opinion. 'The process through which the Ethiopian state was formed is rather unique on the African continent. In most parts of the world, states are formed through conflict, violence, and bloodshed. That does not make Ethiopia unique. What makes Ethiopia unique—particularly in the African context—is that the violence was carried out by indigenous, native forces. The main protagonists in this process were Ethiopians themselves. By contrast, in the history of most African countries, state formation was the outcome of colonial conquest, with significant involvement of European actors. So, we have a state formation process driven by local political forces, but we did not have the opportunity to strengthen or cement that process through a social contract, nor did we have the chance to heal the wounds and contradictions that emerged during state formation. As a result, the legitimacy of the state was questioned and contested by some. This contestation has persisted throughout the formation of the state and has been exacerbated by subsequent events. Some have challenged the very legitimacy of the Ethiopian state; others have contested its nature, its vision, its identity, and its narratives. Some have found it difficult to accept its institutions and their configurations. Thus, there have always been fundamental contradictions stemming from Ethiopia’s state formation process, and we have not adequately addressed them in a way that would create consensus among key actors. Another layer we need to consider is that we have a very violent and autocratic political culture. Whenever there are contests for power, political differences, or disagreements over policy or institutional arrangements, the method of resolving them has more often than not been conflict. Imposing one’s will and vision on others through violence and force has been how we have conducted politics for generations. And once in power, using autocratic means to consolidate authority has been common practice. This autocratic and forceful approach, combined with the flawed state formation process, has produced many wounds, grievances, and violations. We have not been able to address these in a way that is satisfactory to most Ethiopians. On top of this, attempts to resolve these problems have often been divisive, emphasizing differences at the expense of what unites us. As a result, our politics has become polarized and ethnic-based.

Sirak Bahlbi

20,081 Aufrufe • vor 7 Monaten

The Jar of Needles: Historical Memory, Grievance Politics, and the Amhara Question One of the most revealing aspects of contemporary Ethiopian politics is not simply disagreement over history, but the transmission of historical narratives across generations. In a recent discussion of General Tsadkan’s new book, Abebech Kahasay and Araya Tesfamariam, two Ethiopian journalists of Tigrayan origin, offer an unusually candid critique of what they describe as the TPLF’s enduring political culture. Their argument is not directed at the people of Tigray, but at a political tradition that, in their view, continues to frame war and inherited grievance as central organizing principles. The most striking example is the story of the “jar of needles.” As recounted in the discussion, generations of TPLF leaders were told that during the reign of Emperor Menelik, “አንድ ገንቦ ሙሉ መርፌ ከትግራይ ሕዝብ ተሰብስቦ ወደ ሸዋ ተወስዶ ነበር፣ የትግራይ ሕዝብ ቀዳዳ ልብሱን እንኳን እንዳይሰፋ።” (“An entire jar of needles was collected from the people of Tigray and taken to Shoa so that the people of Tigray could not even mend their torn clothes.”) The journalists go on to state that this same narrative resurfaced during the recent Northern Ethiopian War as propaganda used to mobilize young people, repeating the message: “እዚህ ድረስ ነው ሸዋ የበደለን፣ እዚህ ድረስ ነው አማራ የበደለን።” (“This is how far Shoa has wronged us; this is how far the Amhara have wronged us.”) One of the speakers then asks a haunting question: “ምን ዓይነት በሽታ ነው? … ይህ መርዘኝነት?” (“What kind of disease is this? … This poisonous mentality?”) Whether one accepts or rejects the historical accuracy of this particular story, the discussion is significant because it comes from journalists from Tigray reflecting critically on the political culture of the TPLF itself. It also illustrates a broader challenge for Ethiopia: when historical memory is repeatedly framed through collective grievance and directed toward a single community, it becomes extraordinarily difficult to build trust, shared citizenship, and a peaceful political future. Breaking that cycle requires confronting inherited narratives honestly while refusing to pass them uncritically to the next generation. The timing makes the discussion particularly striking. During the Northern Ethiopian War, Ethiopia’s federal government was led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, while the country’s senior political and security leadership was not drawn from the Amhara community. Yet, according to the journalists’ account, historical grievances continued to be framed primarily in terms of “Shoa” and “Amhara.” This raises an important question: if the conflict was fundamentally between the TPLF leadership and a federal government that many critics describe as being dominated by Oromo political elites and influenced by OLF narratives, why did narratives of collective blame continue to focus on the Amhara? The question becomes even more significant in light of the public testimony of former Ethiopian official #Taye_Dendea, who stated in a recorded interview, before his imprisonment, that Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed had declared, “I am going to destroy the Amhara.” Similar accounts have since been echoed by other former senior Oromo officials who later left Ethiopia. Readers are, of course, free to examine those interviews, many of which I have previously shared, and reach their own conclusions. In my view, this reflects a deeper political pattern in which the Amhara people continue to serve as the principal historical reference point for accumulated grievances, despite the changing composition of state power. Tragically, the Amhara also paid an enormous human cost during the Northern Ethiopian War bearing the greatest brunt, making this persistent attribution of collective responsibility all the more significant. UN Human Rights Council UN Human Rights Yale Genocide Studies Program

The Jar of Needles: Historical Memory, Grievance Politics, and the Amhara Question One of the most revealing aspects of contemporary Ethiopian politics is not simply disagreement over history, but the transmission of historical narratives across generations. In a recent discussion of General Tsadkan’s new book, Abebech Kahasay and Araya Tesfamariam, two Ethiopian journalists of Tigrayan origin, offer an unusually candid critique of what they describe as the TPLF’s enduring political culture. Their argument is not directed at the people of Tigray, but at a political tradition that, in their view, continues to frame war and inherited grievance as central organizing principles. The most striking example is the story of the “jar of needles.” As recounted in the discussion, generations of TPLF leaders were told that during the reign of Emperor Menelik, “አንድ ገንቦ ሙሉ መርፌ ከትግራይ ሕዝብ ተሰብስቦ ወደ ሸዋ ተወስዶ ነበር፣ የትግራይ ሕዝብ ቀዳዳ ልብሱን እንኳን እንዳይሰፋ።” (“An entire jar of needles was collected from the people of Tigray and taken to Shoa so that the people of Tigray could not even mend their torn clothes.”) The journalists go on to state that this same narrative resurfaced during the recent Northern Ethiopian War as propaganda used to mobilize young people, repeating the message: “እዚህ ድረስ ነው ሸዋ የበደለን፣ እዚህ ድረስ ነው አማራ የበደለን።” (“This is how far Shoa has wronged us; this is how far the Amhara have wronged us.”) One of the speakers then asks a haunting question: “ምን ዓይነት በሽታ ነው? … ይህ መርዘኝነት?” (“What kind of disease is this? … This poisonous mentality?”) Whether one accepts or rejects the historical accuracy of this particular story, the discussion is significant because it comes from journalists from Tigray reflecting critically on the political culture of the TPLF itself. It also illustrates a broader challenge for Ethiopia: when historical memory is repeatedly framed through collective grievance and directed toward a single community, it becomes extraordinarily difficult to build trust, shared citizenship, and a peaceful political future. Breaking that cycle requires confronting inherited narratives honestly while refusing to pass them uncritically to the next generation. The timing makes the discussion particularly striking. During the Northern Ethiopian War, Ethiopia’s federal government was led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, while the country’s senior political and security leadership was not drawn from the Amhara community. Yet, according to the journalists’ account, historical grievances continued to be framed primarily in terms of “Shoa” and “Amhara.” This raises an important question: if the conflict was fundamentally between the TPLF leadership and a federal government that many critics describe as being dominated by Oromo political elites and influenced by OLF narratives, why did narratives of collective blame continue to focus on the Amhara? The question becomes even more significant in light of the public testimony of former Ethiopian official #Taye_Dendea, who stated in a recorded interview, before his imprisonment, that Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed had declared, “I am going to destroy the Amhara.” Similar accounts have since been echoed by other former senior Oromo officials who later left Ethiopia. Readers are, of course, free to examine those interviews, many of which I have previously shared, and reach their own conclusions. In my view, this reflects a deeper political pattern in which the Amhara people continue to serve as the principal historical reference point for accumulated grievances, despite the changing composition of state power. Tragically, the Amhara also paid an enormous human cost during the Northern Ethiopian War bearing the greatest brunt, making this persistent attribution of collective responsibility all the more significant. UN Human Rights Council UN Human Rights Yale Genocide Studies Program

Dawit

15,943 Aufrufe • vor 12 Tagen

I’ve been waiting for this great news. Ximdo’s pioneering activist Awel Seid has announced that he will soon publish detailed evidence tracing the origins of the Tigray genocide allegations, accompanied by a comprehensive documentary supported by verified materials and interviews of crimes committed by Abiy Ahmed’s forces during the Tigray war, as well as testimonies from military leaders confirming that many Tigrayans—who were on the verge of being killed by Abiy’s troops—were in fact saved by the Eritrean Defence Forces. As always, every aspect of the conflict has been meticulously documented in the characteristic manner of the Eritrean forces.

I’ve been waiting for this great news. Ximdo’s pioneering activist Awel Seid has announced that he will soon publish detailed evidence tracing the origins of the Tigray genocide allegations, accompanied by a comprehensive documentary supported by verified materials and interviews of crimes committed by Abiy Ahmed’s forces during the Tigray war, as well as testimonies from military leaders confirming that many Tigrayans—who were on the verge of being killed by Abiy’s troops—were in fact saved by the Eritrean Defence Forces. As always, every aspect of the conflict has been meticulously documented in the characteristic manner of the Eritrean forces.

Sirak Bahlbi

33,517 Aufrufe • vor 7 Monaten

The Weaponization of Hate: #Taye_Bogale_Arega and the Escalating Persecution of the Amhara People As a follow up to the earlier post, I am sharing four additional videos for future historical record and potential legal collaboration, given the extent of the ongoing genocide against the #Amhara people. These clips expose the deliberate distortions and hate propaganda promoted by #Taye_Bogale_Arega, reflecting the normalization of anti-Amhara incitement in Ethiopian political discourse. They also raise serious questions regarding his asylum case in the United States, as he now openly defends and celebrates the very regime he claimed to oppose when seeking protection, an issue worthy of ICE review for potential fraud. Video 1: Taye warns in genocidal terms that any attempt by the #Amhara people to capture political power in Addis Ababa will provoke the wrath of all Oromos from across Ethiopia. This is a grotesque rewriting of history, for Addis Ababa’s origins stretch back to medieval Ethiopia before the Oromo invasions, with the modern city founded by the Amhara and built by all Ethiopians. Video 2: Taye misquotes and mischaracterizes the late Dr. Dereje Zeleke of Addis Ababa University, comparing the Amhara Fano Resistance Movement to a monstrosity worse than Hitler’s Nazism, Mussolini’s fascism, and #TPLF’s Weyanaism combined. He even boasts that if deported by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement back to Ethiopia, he would continue his campaign of hate against the Amhara using Ethiopia’s state media. Video 3: The late Dr. Dereje Zeleke himself issues a prophetic warning about activists like Taye who defend state atrocities and how the Abiy regime cloaks itself in Oromo nationalism while perpetuating TPLF-style repression. Video 4: The late Assefa Chabo discusses the #Gujji Oromo tradition of castration, an act that Taye shockingly celebrates in today’s Ethiopia. These videos are documented for posterity and to support future accountability efforts, ensuring that incitement, distortion, and persecution of the Amhara people are recorded and challenged through proper legal and historical processes. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement USCIS FBI Taye Bogale Arega

The Weaponization of Hate: #Taye_Bogale_Arega and the Escalating Persecution of the Amhara People As a follow up to the earlier post, I am sharing four additional videos for future historical record and potential legal collaboration, given the extent of the ongoing genocide against the #Amhara people. These clips expose the deliberate distortions and hate propaganda promoted by #Taye_Bogale_Arega, reflecting the normalization of anti-Amhara incitement in Ethiopian political discourse. They also raise serious questions regarding his asylum case in the United States, as he now openly defends and celebrates the very regime he claimed to oppose when seeking protection, an issue worthy of ICE review for potential fraud. Video 1: Taye warns in genocidal terms that any attempt by the #Amhara people to capture political power in Addis Ababa will provoke the wrath of all Oromos from across Ethiopia. This is a grotesque rewriting of history, for Addis Ababa’s origins stretch back to medieval Ethiopia before the Oromo invasions, with the modern city founded by the Amhara and built by all Ethiopians. Video 2: Taye misquotes and mischaracterizes the late Dr. Dereje Zeleke of Addis Ababa University, comparing the Amhara Fano Resistance Movement to a monstrosity worse than Hitler’s Nazism, Mussolini’s fascism, and #TPLF’s Weyanaism combined. He even boasts that if deported by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement back to Ethiopia, he would continue his campaign of hate against the Amhara using Ethiopia’s state media. Video 3: The late Dr. Dereje Zeleke himself issues a prophetic warning about activists like Taye who defend state atrocities and how the Abiy regime cloaks itself in Oromo nationalism while perpetuating TPLF-style repression. Video 4: The late Assefa Chabo discusses the #Gujji Oromo tradition of castration, an act that Taye shockingly celebrates in today’s Ethiopia. These videos are documented for posterity and to support future accountability efforts, ensuring that incitement, distortion, and persecution of the Amhara people are recorded and challenged through proper legal and historical processes. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement USCIS FBI Taye Bogale Arega

Dawit

16,059 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

Major Breaking New‼️ In a notable political development, Ethiopian Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed held a classified high-level meeting with senior Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) figures to discuss Ethiopia's long-standing goal of securing reliable access to the sea. The meeting included: - Tigray interim regional president Tadese Worede - TPLF chairman Debretsion Gebremichael - Former Tigray interim president and current Minister Advisor for East African Affairs to the Prime Minister - Former TPLF chairman Tsadkan Gebretensae - Chief of General Staff of the Ethiopian National Defense Forces Birhanu Jula - And several other senior officials Despite deep political differences, all participants agreed on the strategic importance of Ethiopia gaining maritime access. The TPLF side consented to allowing Ethiopian National Defense Forces to enter the Tigray region in connection with advancing this objective. Field Marshal Birhanu Jula, Chief of General Staff of the Ethiopian National Defense Forces, was among the principal military attendees.

Major Breaking New‼️ In a notable political development, Ethiopian Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed held a classified high-level meeting with senior Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) figures to discuss Ethiopia's long-standing goal of securing reliable access to the sea. The meeting included: - Tigray interim regional president Tadese Worede - TPLF chairman Debretsion Gebremichael - Former Tigray interim president and current Minister Advisor for East African Affairs to the Prime Minister - Former TPLF chairman Tsadkan Gebretensae - Chief of General Staff of the Ethiopian National Defense Forces Birhanu Jula - And several other senior officials Despite deep political differences, all participants agreed on the strategic importance of Ethiopia gaining maritime access. The TPLF side consented to allowing Ethiopian National Defense Forces to enter the Tigray region in connection with advancing this objective. Field Marshal Birhanu Jula, Chief of General Staff of the Ethiopian National Defense Forces, was among the principal military attendees.

Habtish Gurmu (Commentary)

64,026 Aufrufe • vor 4 Monaten

The Gloves Are Off: Tsegaye Ararssa [ Tsegaye Ararssa ], the Australian Exile, Joins Abiy Ahmed in the Open Call to Dismantle the Amhara People. #Oromumma on steroids Tsegaye Ararssa, the constitutional law scholar who once branded Abiy Ahmed a fascist and the worst leader the Oromo people have ever known, has now stepped out from behind the curtain in his KALLATTII interview, broadcast from Egypt, that long-time patron of the Oromo Liberation Front and other anti-Amhara forces. The gloves are off, he declares, and what we see beneath is a man perfectly willing to partner with the very Abiy he once denounced, so long as the partnership serves one overriding purpose: the displacement and systematic dismantling of the Amhara people from every province they have called home for centuries, alongside the relentless demonization of Eritrea. His primary target throughout the interview remains unmistakably the Amhara and Eritrea; he speaks of coequals and federalism while whining that Amhara are settlers, he lectures on history yet practices the most surgical selective amnesia, erasing the medieval map of Ethiopia, readily found in any serious Encyclopedia of Ethiopia, that shows the territorial extent of the Amhara heartland right before the Oromo expansion and invasion that began in the 1500s. He claims Addis Ababa, home to millions of Amhara and other ethnic groups, as Oromo territory; he accuses the Amhara and Eritrea of plotting to destroy Addis, the ultimate projection from a man whose own prime minister openly boasts of turning Asmara into Gaza, brags that Ethiopia swallows Eritrea’s entire population every year, and warns that any war will have a clear winner. Yet in the same breath Tsegaye constantly praises the TPLF, presenting it as a victim or a legitimate force while he insults and demonizes Amhara and Eritreans without pause; these are his strategic lies, because the TPLF remains his true ally in this broader campaign, a quiet partnership masked by selective outrage. He sits comfortably in Australia, enjoying the freedoms of a free society, while using that platform to issue explicit calls for ethnic cleansing against the very people who architected the Ethiopian state. Meanwhile the facts on the ground remain damning: the Derg military regime was Oromo-led, the TPLF era deliberately marginalized Amhara, and since 2018 every lever of real power, Prime Minister, army chief, air force, major divisions, has been consolidated under Oromo control. Yet he still points the finger at the Amhara elite as the source of all destruction; the people being exterminated in every corner of the country are accused of engineering their own extermination. The projection is breathtaking. And for the record, and for the international community, when Tsegaye accuses Amhara of cannibalism, another voice from the same camp openly calls for the cannibalization of Amhara; both videos are attached. The mask is not slipping, it has been thrown away. This is not scholarship, this is not constitutionalism; this is a declaration of war on an entire people and on Eritrea, delivered from the safety of Melbourne while the killing fields burn back home. To every peace-loving soul in the Horn of Africa, especially the Amhara and the people of Eritrea, listen carefully. The gloves are off. The alliance is open. The intent is stated without shame. Such a shame that #ChalaAlemo parades his Harvard credentials and Tsegaye flaunts his University of Melbourne perch, both claiming the mantle of the educated elite, yet both descend to the same gutter: openly calling for the cannibalization of an entire people. The ivory tower has never looked so blood-soaked. #AmharaGenocide Harvard University BBC News Australia SBS Australia

The Gloves Are Off: Tsegaye Ararssa [ Tsegaye Ararssa ], the Australian Exile, Joins Abiy Ahmed in the Open Call to Dismantle the Amhara People. #Oromumma on steroids Tsegaye Ararssa, the constitutional law scholar who once branded Abiy Ahmed a fascist and the worst leader the Oromo people have ever known, has now stepped out from behind the curtain in his KALLATTII interview, broadcast from Egypt, that long-time patron of the Oromo Liberation Front and other anti-Amhara forces. The gloves are off, he declares, and what we see beneath is a man perfectly willing to partner with the very Abiy he once denounced, so long as the partnership serves one overriding purpose: the displacement and systematic dismantling of the Amhara people from every province they have called home for centuries, alongside the relentless demonization of Eritrea. His primary target throughout the interview remains unmistakably the Amhara and Eritrea; he speaks of coequals and federalism while whining that Amhara are settlers, he lectures on history yet practices the most surgical selective amnesia, erasing the medieval map of Ethiopia, readily found in any serious Encyclopedia of Ethiopia, that shows the territorial extent of the Amhara heartland right before the Oromo expansion and invasion that began in the 1500s. He claims Addis Ababa, home to millions of Amhara and other ethnic groups, as Oromo territory; he accuses the Amhara and Eritrea of plotting to destroy Addis, the ultimate projection from a man whose own prime minister openly boasts of turning Asmara into Gaza, brags that Ethiopia swallows Eritrea’s entire population every year, and warns that any war will have a clear winner. Yet in the same breath Tsegaye constantly praises the TPLF, presenting it as a victim or a legitimate force while he insults and demonizes Amhara and Eritreans without pause; these are his strategic lies, because the TPLF remains his true ally in this broader campaign, a quiet partnership masked by selective outrage. He sits comfortably in Australia, enjoying the freedoms of a free society, while using that platform to issue explicit calls for ethnic cleansing against the very people who architected the Ethiopian state. Meanwhile the facts on the ground remain damning: the Derg military regime was Oromo-led, the TPLF era deliberately marginalized Amhara, and since 2018 every lever of real power, Prime Minister, army chief, air force, major divisions, has been consolidated under Oromo control. Yet he still points the finger at the Amhara elite as the source of all destruction; the people being exterminated in every corner of the country are accused of engineering their own extermination. The projection is breathtaking. And for the record, and for the international community, when Tsegaye accuses Amhara of cannibalism, another voice from the same camp openly calls for the cannibalization of Amhara; both videos are attached. The mask is not slipping, it has been thrown away. This is not scholarship, this is not constitutionalism; this is a declaration of war on an entire people and on Eritrea, delivered from the safety of Melbourne while the killing fields burn back home. To every peace-loving soul in the Horn of Africa, especially the Amhara and the people of Eritrea, listen carefully. The gloves are off. The alliance is open. The intent is stated without shame. Such a shame that #ChalaAlemo parades his Harvard credentials and Tsegaye flaunts his University of Melbourne perch, both claiming the mantle of the educated elite, yet both descend to the same gutter: openly calling for the cannibalization of an entire people. The ivory tower has never looked so blood-soaked. #AmharaGenocide Harvard University BBC News Australia SBS Australia

Dawit

12,964 Aufrufe • vor 5 Monaten

Two Years ago today 💔 4th May 2021 - Meaza Gidey Gebremedhin: ❝The war started well long ago. Right after Abiy Ahmed Ali 🇪🇹 was selected by the EPRDF, he forged a military pact with a neighboring country (Isaias Afewerki). They have been working together to wage war against the people of #Tigray. The #Eritrean government through its President had been seen visiting military camps, participating in all internal affairs of the country. There was also a report by the European Union Josep Borrell Fontelles 🔗 ⚠️ Warning about a war looming, and this is mainly because they had evidence showing Tigray being encircled not only by Eritrean troops but also by the #Amhara militia and the #Ethiopian National army. Having said that, what's happening in Tigray is devastating, people do not have access to Humanitarian Aid. 4.5 million people are starving, they're facing a man-made famine according to the United Nations report.❞ Neamin Zeleke supported the Genocidal campaign in Tigray with the involvement of Eritrean forces, Amhara including all other regional forces. He even went as far as to admit that #Somalian 🇸🇴 forces who committed Atrocities were in Tigray 🔗 ❝[Ethiopia] It had to scramble including bringing forces as far away as from #Somalia to deploy in Tigray. It is the right of the Ethiopian Government and it's within the sovereign rights of the Ethiopian people to use whatever force to defend the sovereignty.❞ FRANCE 24 🔗 #Ethiopia & #Eritrea are guilty of #TigrayGenocide

Two Years ago today 💔 4th May 2021 - Meaza Gidey Gebremedhin: ❝The war started well long ago. Right after Abiy Ahmed Ali 🇪🇹 was selected by the EPRDF, he forged a military pact with a neighboring country (Isaias Afewerki). They have been working together to wage war against the people of #Tigray. The #Eritrean government through its President had been seen visiting military camps, participating in all internal affairs of the country. There was also a report by the European Union Josep Borrell Fontelles 🔗 ⚠️ Warning about a war looming, and this is mainly because they had evidence showing Tigray being encircled not only by Eritrean troops but also by the #Amhara militia and the #Ethiopian National army. Having said that, what's happening in Tigray is devastating, people do not have access to Humanitarian Aid. 4.5 million people are starving, they're facing a man-made famine according to the United Nations report.❞ Neamin Zeleke supported the Genocidal campaign in Tigray with the involvement of Eritrean forces, Amhara including all other regional forces. He even went as far as to admit that #Somalian 🇸🇴 forces who committed Atrocities were in Tigray 🔗 ❝[Ethiopia] It had to scramble including bringing forces as far away as from #Somalia to deploy in Tigray. It is the right of the Ethiopian Government and it's within the sovereign rights of the Ethiopian people to use whatever force to defend the sovereignty.❞ FRANCE 24 🔗 #Ethiopia & #Eritrea are guilty of #TigrayGenocide

Tigray Update

23,727 Aufrufe • vor 3 Jahren

Let's go over it again ― ⚡️Getachew Reda may have let slip a major secret that directly contradicts PM Abiy Ahmed’s latest explanation over how relations with #Eritrea soured. Abiy has argued in his recent Parliament speech that the relationship deteriorated simply because #Ethiopia chose to end the Tigray war in Pretoria. Getachew offers a different account. He says that while the Pretoria talks were underway, Abiy had already opened secret discussions in Seychelles with two TPLF negotiators, Gen. Tsadikan and Gen. Tadesse Werede, to explore a joint agenda targeting #Eritrea. Think about that. While Eritrean troops were on the ground preventing the toppling of his government by TPLF, Abiy Ahmed was simultaneously entertaining secret talks over the idea of "turning against Eritrea" together. 😠 Off course, once the Eritrean intelligence picked up on those back-channel discussions, whatever trust and confidence the Eritrean government once had in PM Abiy’s leadership disappeared from that point forward.

Let's go over it again ― ⚡️Getachew Reda may have let slip a major secret that directly contradicts PM Abiy Ahmed’s latest explanation over how relations with #Eritrea soured. Abiy has argued in his recent Parliament speech that the relationship deteriorated simply because #Ethiopia chose to end the Tigray war in Pretoria. Getachew offers a different account. He says that while the Pretoria talks were underway, Abiy had already opened secret discussions in Seychelles with two TPLF negotiators, Gen. Tsadikan and Gen. Tadesse Werede, to explore a joint agenda targeting #Eritrea. Think about that. While Eritrean troops were on the ground preventing the toppling of his government by TPLF, Abiy Ahmed was simultaneously entertaining secret talks over the idea of "turning against Eritrea" together. 😠 Off course, once the Eritrean intelligence picked up on those back-channel discussions, whatever trust and confidence the Eritrean government once had in PM Abiy’s leadership disappeared from that point forward.

ⓉⓃ

15,770 Aufrufe • vor 8 Monaten

Zimbabwe has never been led by politics; it has always been led by the gun from the rear. In fact, the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) has always been led by the gun — only the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) was led by politics. The first leader of ZANU was Ndabaningi Sithole. He was removed by the Mgagao Declaration, which was signed by the military wing of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA). The chairman of ZANU and its external leader was Herbert Chitepo. He was also killed by ZANLA in Zambia according to an international commission of inquiry set up by Zambian president, Dr Kenneth Kaunda. The next leader of ZANU was Robert Mugabe. He was installed by the military, although Samora Machel the president of Mozambique had advised them against the idea. Machel was proved right in the fullness of time, but it was the military that endorsed Mugabe through Rex Nhongo who became known as Solomon Mujuru. The Lancaster House talks in Britain were almost stalled by Mugabe’s intransigence, but it was General Josiah Tongogara, with the help of Samora Machel, who forced Mugabe to sign — after Machel sent his special aide, Fernando Honwana, to tell Mugabe to sign or come back to Maputo and write his memoirs on the beach. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, it was the military, through its commanders, that influenced politics. In fact, any time Mugabe felt threatened, it was the military that sorted out party problems. General Solomon Mujuru was nicknamed the Kingmaker because of that, he was a powerful behind-the-scenes Politburo influencer when he was the overall commander of the army. Post-2000, it was the military that kept ZANUPF in power and actually ran its elections in tandem with the CIO. It was General Vitalis Zvinavashe who threatened citizens saying the military won’t accept a Morgan Tsvangirai victory. Though not a visible Politburo member in the 1980s, he was deeply embedded in both party and military affairs. General Constantino Chiwenga was effectively a military commissar for ZANUPF, executing the first bloodless coup in 2008 when the military stopped Morgan Tsvangirai from taking over after defeating Robert Mugabe. He was heavily involved in the 2013 elections with Air Marshal Muchena and eventually carried out a military coup that put Mnangagwa and the current regime in power. When the new crop of so called technocrats was appointed by Mugabe in 2000, it was General Chiwenga who was involved and when they hit a brick wall, they would return to him. The first time the military refused to be involved in politics — which is the real first aberration — was two weeks ago, when General Anselem Nhamo Sanyatwe refused to deploy soldiers against civilians and was fired for that. The ZANUPF spokesman Christopher Mutsvangwa called it disloyalty. If President Emmerson Mnangagwa manages to fire General Chiwenga tomorrow, as rumours suggest, without any blowback or deadly consequences, he would become the first ZANUPF leader to lead the gun — and not be removed by the military. So I disagree with the notion by my brother, Prof Jonathan Moyo, that the 2017 coup was an aberration. It wasn’t — it was the norm. What was an aberration was the amount of violence against the CIO and police officers who tried to resist. What has kept Emmerson Mnangagwa in power after his power struggle with his Vice President is his clansman, General Philip Valerio Sibanda who is the Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces. He is opposed to General Chiwenga taking over as president and has been a stumbling block for the Vice President. Mnangagwa has been strategic by removing the former ZANLA army commanders from the top of the military because they are loyal to Chiwenga, who was in ZANLA, and replacing them with ex-Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) commanders. General Sibanda and the Commander of the Army, General Emmanuel Matatu, are both ex-ZIPRA, and they are all from the Midlands, like Mnangagwa.

Zimbabwe has never been led by politics; it has always been led by the gun from the rear. In fact, the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) has always been led by the gun — only the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) was led by politics. The first leader of ZANU was Ndabaningi Sithole. He was removed by the Mgagao Declaration, which was signed by the military wing of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA). The chairman of ZANU and its external leader was Herbert Chitepo. He was also killed by ZANLA in Zambia according to an international commission of inquiry set up by Zambian president, Dr Kenneth Kaunda. The next leader of ZANU was Robert Mugabe. He was installed by the military, although Samora Machel the president of Mozambique had advised them against the idea. Machel was proved right in the fullness of time, but it was the military that endorsed Mugabe through Rex Nhongo who became known as Solomon Mujuru. The Lancaster House talks in Britain were almost stalled by Mugabe’s intransigence, but it was General Josiah Tongogara, with the help of Samora Machel, who forced Mugabe to sign — after Machel sent his special aide, Fernando Honwana, to tell Mugabe to sign or come back to Maputo and write his memoirs on the beach. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, it was the military, through its commanders, that influenced politics. In fact, any time Mugabe felt threatened, it was the military that sorted out party problems. General Solomon Mujuru was nicknamed the Kingmaker because of that, he was a powerful behind-the-scenes Politburo influencer when he was the overall commander of the army. Post-2000, it was the military that kept ZANUPF in power and actually ran its elections in tandem with the CIO. It was General Vitalis Zvinavashe who threatened citizens saying the military won’t accept a Morgan Tsvangirai victory. Though not a visible Politburo member in the 1980s, he was deeply embedded in both party and military affairs. General Constantino Chiwenga was effectively a military commissar for ZANUPF, executing the first bloodless coup in 2008 when the military stopped Morgan Tsvangirai from taking over after defeating Robert Mugabe. He was heavily involved in the 2013 elections with Air Marshal Muchena and eventually carried out a military coup that put Mnangagwa and the current regime in power. When the new crop of so called technocrats was appointed by Mugabe in 2000, it was General Chiwenga who was involved and when they hit a brick wall, they would return to him. The first time the military refused to be involved in politics — which is the real first aberration — was two weeks ago, when General Anselem Nhamo Sanyatwe refused to deploy soldiers against civilians and was fired for that. The ZANUPF spokesman Christopher Mutsvangwa called it disloyalty. If President Emmerson Mnangagwa manages to fire General Chiwenga tomorrow, as rumours suggest, without any blowback or deadly consequences, he would become the first ZANUPF leader to lead the gun — and not be removed by the military. So I disagree with the notion by my brother, Prof Jonathan Moyo, that the 2017 coup was an aberration. It wasn’t — it was the norm. What was an aberration was the amount of violence against the CIO and police officers who tried to resist. What has kept Emmerson Mnangagwa in power after his power struggle with his Vice President is his clansman, General Philip Valerio Sibanda who is the Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces. He is opposed to General Chiwenga taking over as president and has been a stumbling block for the Vice President. Mnangagwa has been strategic by removing the former ZANLA army commanders from the top of the military because they are loyal to Chiwenga, who was in ZANLA, and replacing them with ex-Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) commanders. General Sibanda and the Commander of the Army, General Emmanuel Matatu, are both ex-ZIPRA, and they are all from the Midlands, like Mnangagwa.

Hopewell Chin’ono

133,989 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

I’m sure the self-proclaimed ‘most transparent White House in history’ won’t mind a thorough investigation into the second strike. Sen. Mark Kelly: “As I said in that video… Members of the military have a responsibility not to follow illegal orders. And this is the kind of thing we were talking about.” “You do not execute survivors who are clinging onto a side of a ship.”

I’m sure the self-proclaimed ‘most transparent White House in history’ won’t mind a thorough investigation into the second strike. Sen. Mark Kelly: “As I said in that video… Members of the military have a responsibility not to follow illegal orders. And this is the kind of thing we were talking about.” “You do not execute survivors who are clinging onto a side of a ship.”

Christopher Webb

24,715 Aufrufe • vor 7 Monaten

Abiy’s Time Warp: Channeling Yilma and Menelik in 2024! __________________________________ Today, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is demanding a sea from Somalia — a sovereign neighbor who does not owe him (excuse my language) a sh*t because Abiy thinks he is stronger. In the 19th century, Abiy’s predecessor, Emperor Menelik II, was also saying the same thing to colonial powers scrambling for Africa at the Berlin Conference; see below: The kid in the video is in the United States in the 1960s; this was at the height of the civil rights movement, but he had the audacity to talk like that and laugh at it too. Whenever I hear Abiy and his minions talking about getting a sea from Somalia — I remember this kid; Yilma is his name. Today, the Ethiopian Prime Minister, whose capital Addis Ababa is the headquarters of the African Union, is talking to Somalia and Somalis like this Yilma — yapping that he must have a sea. What sea! ————————————————— Here is Emperor Menelik II’s letter to European colonizers, asking to join the Scramble for Africa after the infamous Berlin Conference: ————————————————— “I have no intention at all of being an indifferent spectator if the distant Powers hold onto the idea of dividing up Africa. For the past 14 centuries, Ethiopia has been an island of Christians in a sea of Pagans. Since the All-Powerful has protected Ethiopia up until now, I am hopeful that He will keep and enlarge it also in the future, and I do not think for a moment that He will divide Ethiopia among the distant Powers. In the past, the boundary of Ethiopia was the sea. Without our use of force and without the aid of the Christians, our boundary on the sea fell into the hands of the Muslims. Today we do not pretend to be able to recover our sea coast by force; but we hope that the Christian Powers, advised by our Savior, Jesus Christ, will restore our seacoast boundary to us, or give us at least a few ports along the coast.” /// I think it’s high time our cousins accepted that, in His infinite wisdom, God decided they should be landlocked. The silver lining, however, is that He conveniently placed 17 ports nearby, run by their Eritrean, Kenyan, Djiboutian, Sudanese, and Somali neighbors, where they can import and export without hindrance.

Abiy’s Time Warp: Channeling Yilma and Menelik in 2024! __________________________________ Today, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is demanding a sea from Somalia — a sovereign neighbor who does not owe him (excuse my language) a sh*t because Abiy thinks he is stronger. In the 19th century, Abiy’s predecessor, Emperor Menelik II, was also saying the same thing to colonial powers scrambling for Africa at the Berlin Conference; see below: The kid in the video is in the United States in the 1960s; this was at the height of the civil rights movement, but he had the audacity to talk like that and laugh at it too. Whenever I hear Abiy and his minions talking about getting a sea from Somalia — I remember this kid; Yilma is his name. Today, the Ethiopian Prime Minister, whose capital Addis Ababa is the headquarters of the African Union, is talking to Somalia and Somalis like this Yilma — yapping that he must have a sea. What sea! ————————————————— Here is Emperor Menelik II’s letter to European colonizers, asking to join the Scramble for Africa after the infamous Berlin Conference: ————————————————— “I have no intention at all of being an indifferent spectator if the distant Powers hold onto the idea of dividing up Africa. For the past 14 centuries, Ethiopia has been an island of Christians in a sea of Pagans. Since the All-Powerful has protected Ethiopia up until now, I am hopeful that He will keep and enlarge it also in the future, and I do not think for a moment that He will divide Ethiopia among the distant Powers. In the past, the boundary of Ethiopia was the sea. Without our use of force and without the aid of the Christians, our boundary on the sea fell into the hands of the Muslims. Today we do not pretend to be able to recover our sea coast by force; but we hope that the Christian Powers, advised by our Savior, Jesus Christ, will restore our seacoast boundary to us, or give us at least a few ports along the coast.” /// I think it’s high time our cousins accepted that, in His infinite wisdom, God decided they should be landlocked. The silver lining, however, is that He conveniently placed 17 ports nearby, run by their Eritrean, Kenyan, Djiboutian, Sudanese, and Somali neighbors, where they can import and export without hindrance.

Abdirashid Hashi

17,543 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr