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Long before narratives were manufactured… before labels were assigned… before resistance was even given a name... there were women in south Lebanon. Lebanese women, in the early 1970s, speaking with unshaken voices about the horrors they witnessed under Israeli occupation. No scripts. No filters. No fear. Just truth. You...

20,904 views • 4 months ago •via X (Twitter)

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The Epic of Resistance 🎼 This is not just a symphony. This is what resistance sounds like. Composed by Majid Entezami, the Epic of Khorramshahr is not played… it is remembered. It carries the echo of the Battle of Khorramshahr during the Iran–Iraq War... when a city was shattered and occupied… then reclaimed by a people who refused to disappear. They believed fire would silence it. They believed steel would break it. They believed time would erase it. But they misunderstood something fundamental: You can destroy buildings… but not belief. You can occupy land… but not dignity. Listen. The violins do not mourn defeat— they rise like voices from beneath the dust. The drums are not war— they are the pulse of a nation that never stopped beating. The crescendo is not sound— it is return. Like Jerusalem… Khorramshahr fell— and then Khorramshahr rose — and so too will Jerusalem. And in its rising, a message was written into history: That oppression is loud… but resistance is eternal. Today, the same rhythm echoes— in every people who refuse humiliation, in every nation that stands when it is told to kneel, in every voice that says: enough. The oppressed the world over, do not hear this music as the past— but as a covenant. A promise carried across generations: That injustice exhausts itself. That arrogance overreaches. That truth, though tested, does not break. This is why the melody does not end. It advances— from rubble to resistance, from resistance to resurgence, from resurgence to victory. History has a pattern: Empires arrive with certainty. They leave with silence. But those who endure— write the final verse. And so the symphony continues… not as memory alone— but as prophecy. Victory is not a moment. It is a direction. And those who refuse to surrender are already moving toward it… They see victory—and joy and smiles— in Tehran and Gaza, in Beirut and Sana’a, in Baghdad and Jerusalem… in every city with a resisting soul and a tight fist... as candle by candle is rekindled, and as light by light is ignited across the world… until the darkness fades, until racism ends, and until supremacism dismantled.

Sami Al-Arian

102,672 views • 4 months ago

There is something people still fail to understand about Palestine. Not every battle is fought first on the battlefield. Some are fought inside the human being. Some are fought against fear, humiliation, and the belief that submission is inevitable. That is why so many people connect Palestine to Karbala. Not because the events are identical, but because they see in Karbala the refusal to accept that truth is measured by power, numbers, or immediate outcomes. Imam Husayn (AS), in Shia tradition, became a symbol of refusing legitimacy to what one believes is oppression even when the cost is immense. The lesson many take from that story is not seeking death — it is refusing to let fear decide what is true. When figures in Palestinian resistance publicly speak positively about Iranian support, many supporters interpret that through that same lens: not as sect, ethnicity, or geography, but as standing with those who they believe chose support over abandonment at moments they felt isolated. To them, the real victory begins before territory. It begins when a people stop believing that defeat is their natural condition. The most dangerous thing any occupier can lose is not land. It is control over the imagination of the people. Because once people stop accepting humiliation as destiny, history changes. Karbala, for those who invoke it, was never simply about who remained standing at the end of the day. It was about what survives after sacrifice: conviction, memory, and the refusal to normalize what one sees as injustice. That is why some say: first the mind is liberated, then the land follows.

Shia Of Palestine

20,072 views • 1 month ago

MS NOW’s Katy Tur at 304pm Eastern: “Has there been tension with the National Guard? I mean, NPR spoke with a number of National Guard members from Ohio on the condition of anonymity, and they talked to them just the other day, November 10, and they talked about the deployment to various cities, including D.C. One said, this is not what I signed up for. Three of them declined voluntary deployments, and they were deeply uncomfortable with what they were doing. Has it been tense with the National Guard around?” Tom Manger: “So, it has not been tense as far as the public and the National Guard, but I think it's it really is no secret that many of the national Guard's folks, National Guard folks, don't understand what the purpose of their being there is. I know that I'll have quick interactions with them when I see them occasionally. And, you know, they'll – they'll roll their eyes. They'll – you know, one of them said that he thought it was a waste of time. And so, I – and I think they – they understood at first when they were deployed there with all the other federal resources. But then so many of the federal resources have been pulled back out of D.C. and yet, the National Guard has stayed there. And they're staying at – at first, it was the touristy spots. You saw them down near the museums and the monuments along the mall, and then it seemed like they that they were deployed to many of the downtown subway metro stations. And so, I know that – I don't – I don't feel like there's tension with the public and the National Guard or with their presence. But I do think that that that many of them wonder why they're there, why they're there, what their purpose is and how long they're going to be there. Tur: “Their presence is also under question whether it's legal. Last week, a federal judge ruled the trump administration's deployment of the National Guard in D.C. was unlawful, arguing it lacks authority and is violating the District of Columbia's sovereign powers, under the Home Rule Act. The Trump administration is appealing that order. They filed their appeal, Ken, last night.”

Curtis Houck

58,988 views • 7 months ago

Rwanda ... Is Not Choosing Sides in Congo. It Is Preventing Another Genocide. When people talk about the crisis between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda, they often start from the map. Borders. Sovereignty. Diplomacy. Rwanda starts somewhere else. It starts from memory. Rwanda has been very clear about one thing: its security cannot be understood as beginning at its borders. Not because Rwanda seeks influence. But because history taught it … brutally … what happens when threats are allowed to grow just beyond them. In 1994, the Genocide against the Tutsi unfolded under the watch of the United Nations Security Council, the most powerful states on earth. They were warned. They did nothing. More than a million people were killed in just one hundred days. And still, nothing was done to stop it. But what is even less discussed… is what happened after. The perpetrators were not dismantled. They were not neutralized. They fled, largely into eastern Congo, reorganized, rebranded, and continued their project. And they have been doing so… for three decades. In 1994, the Genocide against the Tutsi unfolded under the watch of the United Nations Security Council, the most powerful states on earth. They were warned. They did nothing. More than a million people were killed in just one hundred days. And still, nothing was done to stop it. But what is even less discussed… is what happened after. The perpetrators were not dismantled. They were not neutralized. They fled, largely into eastern Congo, reorganized, rebranded, and continued their project. And they have been doing so… for three decades. This is not abstract history for Rwanda. It is lived experience. Between 1994 and 1999, genocidal forces operating from Congolese territory launched an insurgency aimed at finishing what they had started. Civilians were killed. Genocide survivors were targeted. Schools were attacked. Children were separated by ethnicity and murdered. This was not theoretical insecurity. It was existential. Today, many observers argue that the FDLR is weak … that its numbers have declined. But numbers are not the point anymore. The threat has evolved. What we are witnessing now is not the FDLR as a fugitive militia hiding in forests. It is the FDLR as a state-embedded actor. Through the Wazalendo framework, genocidal forces have gained access to weapons, logistics, intelligence, and political protection. They have positioned themselves as the ideological and operational core of a much larger armed ecosystem. This is a system-level threat. And that distinction matters. When Rwanda’s Ambassador in Washington explained this security reality before the U.S. Congress, some rushed to claim it was proof that Rwanda supports AFC/M23. That conclusion is wrong. Explaining a threat is not the same as endorsing a political movement. Security analysis is not political sponsorship. Rwanda is not choosing sides in Congolese politics. It is not seeking to determine governance outcomes in the DRC. And it does not endorse armed groups as substitutes for inclusive governance. Its concern is singular: preventing the re-emergence of a genocidal cross-border insurgency. Reducing this to accusations of “backing rebels” may be convenient … but it avoids the real question: Why are genocidal forces being tolerated, protected, and integrated into state-sanctioned security structures in the first place? We have seen this movie before. In Sudan, militias empowered by the state turned into the Rapid Support Forces — and the country collapsed into civil war. In Ethiopia, reliance on irregular armed groups produced fragmentation and prolonged violence. In Libya, revolutionary militias destroyed the state they were meant to protect. The DRC is now walking the same path. But with one crucial difference: here, the ideological core of this mobilization is genocidal. And Rwanda knows what that means. Because Rwanda rebuilt itself while carrying open wounds, in its own flesh. While reconstructing its social fabric. While choosing reconciliation over revenge. And it did so largely alone. No one came in 1994. No one dismantled the genocidal networks afterward. No one protected Rwanda for the last thirty years. So today, no one can credibly tell Rwanda that it must outsource its survival. Rwanda is not choosing sides in Congo. It is preventing another genocide. And until genocidal forces are dismantled … not explained away, not rebranded, not absorbed … Rwanda will continue to act on the lesson history imposed upon it: “Never again” is not a slogan. It is a responsibility.

Albert Rudatsimburwa 🇷🇼

15,193 views • 5 months ago

⚡️BREAKING Khaled Meshaal, head of Hamas’s external political bureau: Criminalizing the weapons of resistance and those who carried out resistance is an attempt by some to confine everything to “October 7,” cornering those involved and forcing them to pay a price. This is something we must not accept. The root of the conflict is occupation and a people resisting occupation. That people has the right to self-determination and independence. In that context, the question of resistance and its weapons becomes natural. The philosophy of resistance is simple: as long as there is occupation, there will be resistance. Resistance is a right of peoples under occupation. It is part of international law and the divine laws. It is part of the collective memory of nations, something nations take pride in. When you read any nation’s history, it begins with its major battles. This is how Palestinian behavior should be understood. October 7 is not the beginning of the crisis or the conflict. The striking paradox is the audacious call to disarm the Palestinian people defending themselves, while legitimizing the weapons of proxy militias such as Abu Shabab and others, intended to create chaos. Those promoting this believe the Palestinian people and resistance forces will accept it, which they will not. Palestinian history must be viewed as a whole. No phase of Palestinian resistance should be isolated from its broader context. Otherwise, we would treat the early revolution of martyr Izz al-Din al-Qassam in the late 1920s, who was martyred in 1935, as an aberration or a conspiracy, which is false. The same applies to Abd al-Qader al-Husseini at al-Qastal in 1948, the contemporary Palestinian revolution in 1965, the First Intifada, the Second Intifada, and beyond. Even Israel’s wars on Gaza are waged because it does not want any place with an infrastructure of resistance and a free will. In the West Bank, it fights mere Palestinian existence, let alone resistance. There are constants and variables: the constant is that as long as there is occupation, resistance remains. The variable is the form of resistance: revolution, intifada, armed resistance. Even “martyrdom operations” come in the context of responding to massacres, such as the Ibrahimi Mosque massacre on 25 February 1994, after which operations occurred in Afula, Hadera, and Dizengoff. By understanding the essence of the conflict, the question of resistance and its weapons can be answered clearly.

Warfare Analysis

21,320 views • 5 months ago