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NBA LEGEND Rasheed Wallace dropping some serious knowledge Underrated historically Elite inside/outside hooper (Via HoopDreamsBball🏀🧠 🎥)

327,298 views • 1 year ago •via X (Twitter)

11 Comments

Chad Elsey's profile picture
Chad Elsey1 year ago

No. Rasheed Wallace absolutely underachieved on his talent and it should be noted. One of the most talented players in NBA history and he never averaged a double-double and never, in any season avg 20 pts OR 10 rebs. Never made any ALL-NBA team. Let’s call it what it was. Lunatic with special talent, should have been more, but at least he entertained us.

American Stories Network's profile picture
American Stories Network1 year ago

Legends are made, not born. ⚔️ Watch competitors battle it out on Surviving Mann and see who earns the title of MVP! #SurvivingMann #LegendsInTheMaking #NavySEALs #SpecOps

Tim Cook's profile picture
Tim Cook1 year ago

@hoopdreamsbball One of the most undervalued underrated, power forward, hybrid forward of all time, phenomenal player I have him in the top 25 players of all time. Kevin Garnett too ✊🏼♥️🗣️🗣️🗣️🔥🔥🏀🏀🏀🏀💯💯

Kimbo!!!'s profile picture
Kimbo!!!1 year ago

@hoopdreamsbball That’s in Memphis at southwest community college

Patrick Pollock's profile picture
Patrick Pollock1 year ago

@hoopdreamsbball "Break his wrist!" A good hard rip through can be all you need to get the step or two to the rim. If they reach, you teach.

J.Hopp💯✊🏾's profile picture
J.Hopp💯✊🏾1 year ago

@hoopdreamsbball It’s all about efficiency and attacking the rim with bad intentions at that level

Will Mock's profile picture
Will Mock1 year ago

@hoopdreamsbball Sheed would have been a perennial all-star during this era of the NBA

E Honda's profile picture
E Honda1 year ago

@hoopdreamsbball Sheed was unbelievable

Damien's profile picture
Damien1 year ago

@hoopdreamsbball UNC legend…

Swingin' Charts's profile picture
Swingin' Charts1 year ago

@hoopdreamsbball Former Trailblazer but those Pistons teams were nasty, great era.

reMARKable 5️⃣'s profile picture
reMARKable 5️⃣1 year ago

@hoopdreamsbball at that top level everybody damn near has the talent to be the best but their minds aren’t where they need to be that’s what separates mfs. Sheed went in games ready to murder mfs 😭

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Tyler Tamboline

60,031 views • 1 year ago

This is the problem with some of my African brothers, they take Donald Trump’s talking points and lies, turn them into facts, and then run with them. This is also why I encourage my social media followers to read first and then engage in debates that are centred on facts, not emotions, because repeating propaganda does not make it true. American oil companies did not “own Venezuela’s oil wells” in the Chávez era or just before. Venezuela nationalised its oil industry in 1976, more than 20 years before Hugo Chávez came to power. From that point onwards, the oil belonged to the Venezuelan state through Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PDVSA). Foreign companies, including Americans, operated under service contracts and joint ventures, not ownership. Hugo Chávez did not hand oil to “mafias” as you have said, brother. He renegotiated contracts in the 2000s to give PDVSA majority control of 60 percent or more in joint ventures. Companies that refused those terms, such as ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips, exited and later pursued international arbitration. Others, including Chevron, stayed and continue to operate in Venezuela to this day, even under US sanctions via special licences. Chevron is an American company. Russians, Chinese, and Iranians did not “take over American oil wells.” Companies from Russia and China entered Venezuela through state-to-state agreements and joint ventures with PDVSA, mostly after Western firms reduced exposure because of sanctions and financial risk. Examples of these partnerships include Rosneft and China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC). These firms did not seize American assets, they stepped into gaps created by sanctions, capital flight, and the collapse of PDVSA, operating through state to state agreements and joint ventures rather than expropriation. What happened recently is limited re-entry and licence based cooperation by American companies, especially Chevron, as part of sanctions negotiations tied to political and electoral conditions. So calling Chávez simply “Communist” is MAGA political rally shorthand talk to excite the so called political base, not an economic description of what actually happened. His model was a state-controlled, oil-funded populist system, not classic communism, and Venezuela retained private property and private enterprise throughout his rule. I studied Venezuela and Chávez at film school in Britain, so I know a bit about what happened there, hence my intervention to your comment. Was Maduro a saint? The answer is no, but is this how you pursue oil interests in a rules based world? Have we not learnt enough from history about how this always ends from Patrice Lumumba to Muammar Gaddafi? It is not a binary debate, you can condemn Maduro’s dictatorship and also call for the upholding of international law without lacing arguments with lies and Trump's propaganda. The tragedy on these social media Apps is that people follow personalities, not ideas, not principles, not a set of values. They tragically follow political personalities like they are a religion. So if someone likes Donald Trump, regardless of how badly he has performed, they will still take his talking points and run with them as fact. You cannot have a sensible intellectual debate if you debate that way and choose that route. Be principled and understand that even if you support a specific person or grouping, when the facts do not support what they are saying, you must have the intellectual courage to stand up and say no, this is wrong. I support this person, but what they are saying or doing is wrong. If you go hook, line, and sinker, it means you are intellectually compromised. You have no principles, no values, and you do not follow ideas. I do not think we can learn anything from each other under those conditions and discourse circumstances. I have read many debates on Zimbabwean Twitter and African Twitter that centre on the argument that we also have dictators, so some people end up celebrating Donald Trump’s behaviour on the basis that we too live under authoritarian leaders. That framing is intellectually lazy. Understanding history matters before we make wild and misplaced declarations. Venezuela is not Africa. When surveys were conducted after Hugo Chávez came to power, many Venezuelans described what was happening as liberation. For decades they had lived under oligarchic rule aligned with the United States, dominated by a largely white elite that excluded and marginalised the black and poor majority. That historical context matters, whether one likes Chávez or not. This is why I cringe when I read some of what is posted on social media, arguments made without nuance, without history, and without facts. When we misplace our arguments and compare apples with oranges, we end up making ourselves an intellectual laughing stock. In that context, Chávez was closer to Morgan Tsvangirai than to an African dictator caricature, while the role of the United States in Venezuela mirrors, in some respects, what China is doing in parts of Africa with the help of crooked and corrupt African leaders and their elite compradors. If we are serious about debate, we must engage honestly with history rather than bending it to fit personalities we happen to like. The suffering of poor and Afro-descendant Venezuelans before Hugo Chávez came to power is well documented, and central to why he initially enjoyed mass support. Before 1999 whenChávez came to power, Venezuela was formally a "democracy", but in practice it was run by a small, racially and socially stratified elite concentrated in Caracas and linked to oil rents. Although Venezuela does not use rigid racial categories, poverty and exclusion overwhelmingly fell on darker-skinned and Afro-descendant Venezuelans, while political and economic power sat with lighter-skinned elites of European descent. About 18 to 20 percent of Venezuelans lived in poverty in the late 1970s. By 1998, before Hugo Chávez came to power, poverty had risen sharply to about 49 percent, with roughly 20 to 23 percent of the population living in extreme poverty. During the 1990s, Venezuela also had one of the highest levels of income inequality in Latin America. Oil wealth flowed upward through patronage networks rather than downward into public services, leaving poor, largely black and mixed race communities without adequate healthcare, clean water, or quality education. This extreme inequality existed alongside immense oil wealth, with sprawling slums, the barrios, surrounding wealthy urban centres. The breaking point came in 1989 with the Caracazo, a mass uprising and state massacre in Venezuela in February 1989, and it is one of the most important events for understanding why Hugo Chávez later rose to power. IMF style austerity measures triggered mass protests that were brutally crushed by the army, resulting in the deaths of thousands of poor Venezuelans. That massacre permanently delegitimised the old elite order in the eyes of the majority, the very elite that controlled oil revenues. Chávez was therefore seen by many inside Venezuela as a liberator. He was not just another politician. He was the first president who openly spoke like, looked like, and identified with the poor majority, including Afro Venezuelans. His political legitimacy came from redirecting oil income away from oligarchic capture and towards social spending aimed at the excluded majority. Between 1999 and 2012, measurable social indicators improved significantly, using UNDP, World Bank, and Venezuelan official data from the 2000s. Overall poverty fell from around 49 percent in 1998 to about 27 percent by 2011, while extreme poverty dropped from roughly 23 percent to under 8 percent. This represented one of the fastest poverty reductions in the hemisphere during the oil boom years. Income inequality also declined. Venezuela’s Gini coefficient fell from about 0.49 to around 0.39, and by the late 2000s the country was ranked among the least unequal in Latin America. The Gini coefficient is a statistical measure of income or wealth inequality within a country or society. There was a major expansion in health, education and social services. Free healthcare clinics were rolled out across poor barrios, illiteracy was declared eradicated under UNESCO standards, and school enrolment and university access increased sharply for poor and black Venezuelans. Political inclusion also changed. Afro Venezuelans became visible in politics, media, and state institutions for the first time, and the constitution explicitly recognised Afro descendant and indigenous rights. This is why international observers at the time acknowledged that Chávez achieved real social inclusion, even among critics of his broader politics. Chávez did not rise to protect a political elite. He rose against one. That is why poor Venezuelans initially defended him, just as many Africans supported liberation movements at independence, or opposition movements even when later outcomes disappointed. Ignoring that history flattens reality and turns serious political analysis into personality worship or cheap propaganda. Chávez genuinely improved the material lives of poor and black Venezuelans in his first decade, but he failed to build sustainable institutions, diversify oil production, or protect PDVSA from politicisation. When oil prices collapsed and sanctions later compounded mismanagement, many of those gains were reversed under Nicolás Maduro. However, this does not erase the historical reality of why Chávez rose to power, nor does it justify lazily comparing him to African dictators without context, which is intellectually dishonest. That is why Chávez was defended by the masses during the brief 2002 coup. When he was removed from office and a self appointed interim government was announced, poor and working class Venezuelans poured into the streets, surrounded the presidential palace, and refused to accept the return of the old elite order. Within about 48 hours, with the backing of popular mobilisation and loyal sections of the military, Hugo Chávez was brought back to power. That moment confirmed, more than any speech or election result, why large sections of Venezuelan society saw him as their own and were prepared to defend him. So facts matter my brother.

Hopewell Chin’ono

38,260 views • 6 months ago

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It grows The same thing started happening on Crypto Twitter recently I used to be the one who always changed the topic until recently Let me explain WHAT I HAD TO ADMIT iGaming is not a new hype It is a multi billion machine that has been generating real cash for years 13 percent annual growth Crypto volumes in the sector are doubling year over year The money is already flowing The only thing that changes is who captures it on-chain Looking at it now I do not understand how I ignored it before BUT FIRST WHY I DID NOT TRUST THIS SECTOR All iGaming tokens sounded the same: - Huge market - Loud promises - Token detached from real usage I thought it was just noise but that assumption was my mistake What changed my position was not hype or anyone’s recommendation It was structure concrete verifiable numbers THIS IS AN INDUSTRY THAT NEVER NEEDED CRYPTO Here is the right question I should have asked from the start Can a token connect to activity that already exists instead of trying to create it This is a completely different starting point iGaming answers this question YES Millions of people go on platforms every day not to farm points and not to speculate but to play bet and interact This activity generates what crypto rarely has at scale - stable revenue independent of sentiment A PLATFORM THAT EXISTED BEFORE THE TOKEN? Most crypto projects follow this scheme: 1. Launch a token 2. Distribute incentives 3. Try to find users But I found a project that positions itself differently - 1win Token 1win did the opposite First nearly a decade of operations: - 30M+ users in 50+ countries - Systems for engagement and monetization - Around 1B USD annual revenue - Global celebrity advertising - Nine years of operations before the first token The platform existed long before the token did And that order matters more than it seems WHERE TOKENOMICS FINALLY BECAME INTERESTING Most buyback mechanisms are just marketing in a whitepaper Here it is different The mechanism is deterministic and built into code: - A portion of real platform revenue goes to weekly buybacks from the market - Bought tokens are returned to users as cashback - 10 percent of every spent 1WIN is burned daily - Fixed supply 10B No inflation No additional issuance The loop looks like this: ACTIVITY -> REVENUE -> BUYBACK -> REWARDS -> BURN -> LOWER SUPPLY Activity affects the token Not sentiment This is a flywheel tied to real human behavior not the price of BTC THE ARCHITECTURE MOST PEOPLE MISS $1WIN is natively deployed on BNB Chain and Solana via LayerZero When tokens move between chains they are burned on source and minted on destination Total supply remains constant This removes typical bridge risks that have already killed many projects And it gives access to: - BNB liquidity and retail base - Solana speed and DeFi activity This level of design is not accidental THE SIGNAL THAT MADE ME LOOK TWICE Then I saw the collaboration with Jupiter Not a vague partnership announcement but a live reward campaign inside the Jupiter ecosystem Jupiter is the core infrastructure hub of Solana DeFi with billions in daily volume Serious infrastructure platforms do not align with projects without substance This added another layer of confidence before the tokensale ATTENTION IS ALREADY BOUGHT INTO CRYPTO There is another layer most people ignore Before any token before any on-chain narrative 1win already built global distribution through sports and entertainment - Jon Jones: UFC legend and youngest champion in history - Canelo Alvarez: Mexican boxing superstar - David Warner: elite international cricket star You do not get athletes of this level unless the business under the hood generates serious stable cashflow This is the key signal The token is not trying to create attention from zero It is plugging into attention that already exists WHY TIMING MATTERS RIGHT NOW Recently I started noticing a shift Conversations about iGaming tokens are becoming more frequent and more serious Less noise more people with real arguments This is how early narratives usually form And right when this shift is happening $1WIN is approaching its tokensale No price history No price discovery Only users revenue and mechanics already in place This timing is rare BUT REMEMBER THE RISKS Regulation execution liquidity after launch These risks are real and I am not going to pretend they are not But the key difference compared to most pre TGE projects is: - Product already exists - Users already exist - Revenue is already generated Most crypto projects do not start this way WHY MY VIEW CHANGED Not because of shill Not because of anyone’s recommendation Because the puzzle finally made sense 1. Large existing industry with real cashflow 2. Platform with real users and revenue before token 3. Token mechanically tied to activity not sentiment 4. Architecture solving real problems 5. Tier 1 partnerships as a catalyst 6. Timing where attention is just starting to form This combination is rare The best opportunities rarely look obvious at first They sit in categories people underestimate while the structure quietly builds underneath iGaming is already a cashflow machine What changes is how that value is represented on-chain This is not a token looking for users This is a working system inviting the token inside And right now it still feels early Usually that is where the edge is Good luck!

Linton Worm (🍏,🪱)

14,345 views • 3 months ago

🎙️ Akademiks Responds to Clout Chasing Senior Citizen Streamer Glasses Malone Comparing Him to O.J. Simpson DJ Akademiks reacts to a clip of Glasses Malone attempting to compare him to O.J. Simpson, calling it a reach for attention and completely off base. 🤨 Ak’s Issue With the Comparison •Ak says the comparison makes no sense and ignores context •He accuses Glasses Malone of clout chasing by leaning into controversy •Ak believes Glasses is too intelligent to seriously make that analogy, but did it anyway for attention ⚖️ Ak on the Doechii vs Adin Ross Situation Ak makes it clear why he didn’t rush to Doechii’s defense: •Doechii has publicly said her “red flag” is straight men •Ak says as a straight man, he’s disqualified himself from “white-knighting” for someone who openly dismisses people like him •He believes in equality: 👉 Adults can defend themselves in verbal disputes 👉 Women don’t need to be babied or protected in non-physical arguments 🗣️ About the Verbal Back and Forth •Ak points out Doechii made disrespectful claims in her music aimed at Adin Ross saying he “Sucks All These Male Rappers **** from the back.” •When Adin responded verbally, people suddenly framed it as a major issue •Ak’s stance: 👉 This is two adults trading insults, not a civil rights moment 👉 Verbal disrespect invites verbal responses gender doesn’t change that 🚨 Clear Line Drawn Ak stresses: •Verbal arguments does not equal physical harm •If it were physical, he says he’d step in immediately •But online or verbal exchanges don’t require saving grown adults from words 🧠 Ak’s Bigger Point •The internet selectively decides who deserves protection •People rush to defend for optics, not principles •Turning every insult into a moral crisis dilutes real issues 💭 My Take on Doechii (Why It Changed) I used to be a real supporter of Doechii. I thought she was talented and believed that once she fully found her own sound and voice outside of mimicking other artists she could be great. But over time, my perception changed. 🎤 Live Experience I attended a few of her live events, and what stood out to me was: •The way she spoke to people working for her •It came off disrespectful, and that was disappointing to see firsthand 🎧 “Student of Rap” Claims Doechii has said she’s: •A student of rap •A fan of battle rap However, during an interview: •She was asked about a legendary, elite battle rapper •Someone she’s essentially in the same creative orbit as (same small label, same studio space) •She didn’t know who he was That felt disingenuous to me like she was saying what she thought people wanted to hear rather than speaking from real knowledge or passion. 🗣️ Comments About Men The final shift for me was her own words: •She openly said she hates men, especially straight men At that point, I had to ask myself: 👉 Why would I support someone who openly says they hate what I am? It’s ironic how some of the loudest self proclaimed “protectors” of Black women: •Rarely confront men they are around who actually disrespect Black women Glasses is an alleged gang member. Majority of gang banging music disrespects the black woman. A lot of gang members Pimp and beat black women. Yet Glasses Luther King Malone Jr doesn’t take the time to address that. Which is one of the biggest problems in our culture and community. •On Top Of That Malcolm Glasses X Has past work that degrades or exploits Black women.. Glasses an alleged professional writer/ Thinker/ Rapper Literally has a song called Rihanna where he uses the brutal beating Rihanna suffered in a domestic dispute as an analogy/ metaphor for him to brag about what he will do to the vagina. •It’s Really Interesting to see people who have done a lot of evil to the black culture adopt a moral high ground when it’s convenient 📌 Bottom Line: Akademiks sees this as manufactured outrage, clout chasing, and selective accountability.

Cousin Tino ™️

17,281 views • 6 months ago

Dana Gioia is one of the world’s greatest living poets. He’s been writing for ~55 years, and this 3-hour interview is all about his approach to writing. Some lessons: 1. What is poetry? Here’s a definition: “Poetry is a way of remembering what it would impoverish us to forget.” 2. And who is the mother of the muses? Mnemosyne, the goddess of memory. 3. You can’t understand poetry until you start learning it by heart. Yes, memorizing it. The metaphor of knowing something by heart means storing a piece of wisdom in the center of your being and making it a part of you. 4. Poetry exists in the body before it exists in language. For him, great writing is about putting form to felt sensations. 5. First drafts are an act of madness. They’re messy and chaotic, and it’s worth embracing that. Only in the process of revision does the structure begin to reveal itself. 6. The most valuable ideas arrive suddenly, fully formed but fragile, and they won’t wait for you to be ready. If you don’t write them down immediately, you’ll probably forget them. 7. His artistic process: Confusion, followed by madness, exhilaration, and despair. 8. Aspiring writers who can’t find the time to write run the risk of living a life of regret, where destiny takes the wheel and steers them off-course. Seneca says, “If you follow your destiny, it guides you. If you resist it, it drags you behind it.” 9. What’s the purpose of art? Most people, most of the time, go through life half-awake. The purpose of art is to awaken us to reality and help us feel our situation. Done right, it excites, expands, and refines our complete human intelligence. 10. Can you write with a full-time job? T.S. Eliot had a day job at a bank. Wallace Stevens was an insurance lawyer. Dana Gioia worked a full-time job in New York and wrote in the evenings. 11. Life is like a wallet full of one-hour bills. You only have 24 hours to spend every day. If you want to do serious writing while raising a family and maintaining a full-time job, almost every hour of every day has to be budgeted. 12. Poetry should turn. It shouldn’t just climb to an emotional height. It should pivot, contradict, or contain its own rebuttal. But most new poems go something like this: “I’m sad, I’m sad, I’m sad, I’m sad, the end,” or “I’m happy, I’m happy, I’m happy, the end. There’s no twist, no turn. 13. You don’t need to be 100% original. All you need to do is assemble parts of the reality that already exists. As George Balanchine said, “God creates, I assemble.” 14. A foundational book in his life: The City of God by St. Augustine. He says there are two cities that exist: There’s the City of Man, which is ruled by wealth and power and all the laws of man. And there’s the City of God which is eternal and governed by the rules of God. 15. Great poetry exists at the level of intuition, and it’s the same intuition that academic education tries to suppress. With great poems, like great songs, you feel before you understand. 16. Art is an argument with yourself. Yeats said: “Out of arguments with others, we make politics. Out of arguments with ourselves, we make poetry.” 17. Great writing should astonish the creator, and if it doesn’t astonish the creator, it won’t astonish the reader. 18. Robert Frost once said: “No tears in the writer, no tears in the reader. No surprise in the writer, no surprise in the reader.” 19. Beauty is being able to see the form, the shape underneath reality, and to understand why it is right, even when it is destructive or terrifying or humiliating. The most powerful kind of beauty is to discover the secret shape and rightness of things that are terrifying. 20. On novels: Most people don’t understand what a novel is — and how revolutionary the form was. So, what’s a novel? It’s a story that tells you simultaneously what’s happening on the outside of a character and what they’re thinking on the inside. I’ve shared the full interview with Dana Gioia below. If you’d rather watch it on YouTube, or listen on Apple or Spotify, check out the reply tweets.

David Perell

870,721 views • 1 year ago

While we are busy focused on the 2030 presidential term extension theatrics, the presidential race to take over from President Emmerson Mnangagwa is already in full swing inside ZANUPF. It is an open secret that Mnangagwa’s preferred successor is businessman Kudakwashe Tagwirei, and the dark horse is General Valerio Sibanda, who retired from the army in an announcement made yesterday by the presidency. Tagwirei is already on a campaign trail which some have not observed, and all the issues he is raising are carefully crafted to resonate with ordinary citizens, shifting from liberation struggle slogans like Pasi neMhandu to Pasi neNhamo and Mari Muhomwe. He is deliberately rebranding himself as a champion of economic grievances, positioning his message to speak directly to poverty, hardship, and the cost of living, rather than the old liberation rhetoric. This is not accidental, his nemesis is a soldier and military general whose track record is rooted in Zimbabwe's excesses. What Tagwirei is doing is planting in his rallies a political seed that he hopes will germinate between now and 2027, when the ZANUPF Congress is expected to elect a new leader, or even earlier if an extraordinary congress is convened as some in the ruling party suspect might happen. That seed is intended to carry him into 2028, when the general election is due, if he succeeds in taking over should his principal, President Mnangagwa, not change his mind or Chiwenga stages a dramatic miracle coup. He is laying the groundwork early, shaping public perception, opinion and positioning himself as the natural successor by tapping into economic frustrations that ordinary citizens understand and feel every day. The elites see things differently, but it is the poor in townships and rural Zimbabwe who are being targeted with this messaging. When I look at the political landscape in Zimbabwe today, I see nobody else, either in the opposition or in ZANUPF, offering a clear and solid message that speaks to the people’s real needs. What we consider logical in elite circles does not sell to the poor, their needs are immediate. They want solutions for today, regardless of who created the problems that require solutions. While the educated elites talk about root-cause analysis and solutions for a distant future in their scenarios, the ordinary citizens want Sapatina, a euphemism for something that comes today, coined by a man who was perfectly happy eating chicken and chips/fries at State House. Our struggles are different. Vice President General Constantino Chiwenga, who thought he was a shoo in to become the next president after leading a coup against Robert Mugabe and making way for Mnangagwa, is now talking about corruption, something we have discussed for years to appeal to the masses. But Tagwirei is positioning himself differently. He is in full campaign mode, planting messages aimed at securing his place in the succession race, messages of economic prosperity. He is speaking to the daily needs of ZANUPF supporters and Zimbabweans in general. He is placing himself before the electorate, travelling, being visible, leveraging state linked platforms, and promising youths economic empowerment. Meanwhile, the general is speaking in closed boardrooms, and nobody has heard him speak directly to his presidential ambitions outside his own circle. Tagwirei is out in the open shaping a constituency, while Chiwenga remains confined to private spaces that do not build political momentum. That does not look regular to me unless he has an ace up his sleeves, a coup, because a coup does not require much talking. But as Mnangagwa shuts all the options once available to him by creating a state security sector in his own image, the prospects of a coup become slimmer with each move made by Mnangagwa. In closing those doors and pathways, Mnangagwa has effectively weakened Chiwenga’s leverage and narrowed the space in which he could plausibly attempt anything outside the formal succession path using ZANUPF internal processes. Tagwirei’s "meet the people" type of rallies with music stars in tow point to a group of people focused on winning hearts and minds both inside and outside ZANUPF. They have money. The other side has passion and entitlement, but without money there is very little political traction in Zimbabwe’s political theatre, where loyalties change based on what is on the table. Politics the world over is about money, that is why Elon Musk claimed that he won the election for Donald Trump, and that is why Trump said you need US$5 billion to become a president in America, it is about money. When you strip away the slogans and the drama, the real engine of political power is financial muscle, whether in Zimbabwe, America, or anywhere else. Tagwirei’s Godfather Mnangagwa understands that politics in Zimbabwe is transactional, and he is investing heavily in shaping perceptions, building networks, and buying influence long before the succession battle formally begins. Those opposed to Mnangagwa and his faction must not wake up tomorrow pretending they did not see this coming. It is obvious that Tagwirei is positioning himself as the most visible, accessible and well financed candidate within ZANUPF. It is also obvious that there is no opposition in Zimbabwe and that Chiwenga’s grip has been terribly loosened in unthinkable ways. Anyone paying attention can see the succession terrain shifting, and those who fail to read these signals will only have themselves to blame when the outcome unfolds. The question for the remnants of the main opposition is simple. What are you doing about 2028? Because while everyone is distracted by the talk of 2030, that talk may turn out to be a political ruse, a deliberate decoy to make us ignore what is unfolding on the ground. 2030 could be the bait that sends General Chiwenga chasing shadows while his real competitor campaigns at grassroots level, spends money, and entrenches himself as a household name. Mnangagwa is a political strategist who has won politically through hook or crook, so it would be a fatal mistake to assume that he has only one plan. A second option is to push for 2030, not with the intention of serving until then, but to block General Chiwenga at a congress and secure enough time to hand over to a successor of his choice after defeating Chiwenga. That is on condition that Chiwenga even has the guts to challenge him for the party leadership, which at the moment looks increasingly doubtful. If General Chiwenga puts his faith in the ZANUPF electoral processes through Congress or an Extraordinary Congress which elects a leader, then he is finished. He will be beaten on the floor even by Kuda Tagwirei, not because of anything else, but because Tagwirei and the Mnangagwa team have the resources that the general might not want to spend, even though he is a wealthy man, or might not actually have available as disposable funds for an internal election campaign he is likely to lose. Mnangagwa also has the power of incumbency, something that has been stripped away from Chiwenga as his lieutenants were retired or died one by one. That erosion of his inner circle has left him exposed, weakened, and without the institutional backing he once relied on. Mnangagwa, meanwhile, has consolidated the state, the party, and the security apparatus in his favour, widening the gulf between the two men. What we are seeing now is the opening of the presidential race, with Mnangagwa’s side fully satisfied that they have degraded Chiwenga’s powers to a point where they can now campaign openly. Where is the general? The consolidation of power in the army through the appointment of General Walter Tapfumaneyi, who worked closely with Tagwirei during the 2023 elections, is a clear signal of the new power architecture. More military purges are coming, including the removal of Chiwenga’s wife from military intelligence, and each one further isolates Chiwenga while tightening Mnangagwa’s control over the security establishment. This systematic dismantling of his support base makes it clear that the succession battle has already begun, and that Chiwenga is being pushed further away from the centres of real power with every move. The Chinese general Sun Tzu teaches that “all warfare is based on deception”, and Mnangagwa has perfected this by using 2030 as a decoy while quietly weakening Chiwenga and allowing Tagwirei to advance. He has also mastered the art of appearing weak when he is strong, and appearing strong when he is weak, creating confusion while he restructures the state and securing loyalty across the security ranks. Those in the media and diplomatic circles know that Mnangagwa deliberately appeared weak on many occasions, and his emissaries would tell diplomats and journalists that he had no power to act on many serious issues because Chiwenga was supposedly too powerful. It was an illusion they deliberately created. They created a fictitious image of an all-powerful General Chiwenga, a narrative that fits perfectly into Sun Tzu’s teaching about appearing weak when you are strong and appearing strong when you are weak. There were also moments when Mnangagwa appeared very strong, such as in 2019 when Chiwenga's side thought of carrying out a coup. Mnangagwa projected firmness, yet behind the scenes he was weak, hesitant, and deeply indecisive in dealing with the unfolding crisis. If you remember the period when the internet was shut down, that moment exposed just how fragile the inner workings of power were, despite the public portrayal of a decisive leader. Mnangagwa’s team, led by Tagwirei, now embodies the wisdom that “victorious warriors win first and then go to war”, planting narratives, building visibility, and mobilising resources long before the battle officially begins. In this environment, the utter disarray in the opposition makes it effortless for ZANUPF to open war fronts within itself, because when the enemy outside has collapsed, the real contest becomes the fight to inherit the throne.

Hopewell Chin’ono

57,979 views • 8 months ago

"900,000 BARRELS JUST ARRIVED IN JAPAN": President Trump's Truth Social Post Lands as Beijing's Hormuz Strategy Officially Implodes — Inside the Tanker That Just Rewrote the Indo-Pacific Energy Map The M/V Otis didn't just dock in Tokyo Bay. It docked on top of the CCP's entire wedge-strategy thesis. "HUGE MOMENT! Asia is getting their oil from the United States now. 900,000 barrels just arrived in Japan. America will lead the charge on oil dominance." President Trump's post — accompanied by an ANN News screenshot of an American crude tanker easing into Tokyo Bay at dawn — is doing the kind of work that ten policy white papers cannot. It is taking a moment of strategic transformation and stamping it onto the public consciousness in a single image: U.S. oil. Japanese port. Middle East bypassed. And for once, the substance behind the showmanship checks out. What Actually Happened in Tokyo Bay The tanker is the Suezmax-class M/V Otis (IMO 9408217). On the morning of Sunday, April 26, she eased up to an offshore jetty in Tokyo Bay carrying approximately 910,000 barrels of Texas light crude oil bound for a refinery in Chiba Prefecture. The cargo was transferred through an undersea pipeline to a facility operated by Cosmo Oil, a subsidiary of Cosmo Energy Holdings, where it will be processed into petroleum products including gasoline for domestic distribution. The voyage itself is the part that matters strategically. The Otis loaded in Texas on March 22 and completed a roughly 35-day voyage through the Panama Canal — one of the largest direct U.S. crude deliveries to Japan in years. The alternative routing — Cape of Good Hope, which takes about 55 days — was bypassed in favor of the Panama Canal, cutting transit time by roughly 20 days. This is the operational answer to a question Beijing assumed had no answer: Can American crude actually reach Japanese refineries fast enough, in sufficient volume, to matter when Hormuz is contested? The Otis is the receipt. The Real Number Is Not 910,000. It's 4x. A single tanker, as honest reporting from noted, amounts to less than one day's consumption in Japan. Taken in isolation, 910,000 barrels is a symbol, not a strategy. The strategy lives in the trendline. According to Japanese government documents reviewed by Reuters, Japanese imports of U.S. crude oil for May will be four times higher than they were a year earlier — up from a May 2025 baseline of 189,000 barrels daily, which represented about 8% of total imports that month. Tokyo also expects that by May, it will have secured half of its imports from suppliers outside the Middle East, with the United States the largest among those alternative suppliers, joined by Malaysia, Azerbaijan, Brazil, Nigeria, and Angola. For a country that historically sourced as much as 95% of its oil from the Middle East, this is the fastest reorientation of a G7 energy supply chain in the post-Cold War era. The Otis is the first tanker in a queue, not the last. The $56 Billion Bet Behind the Tanker None of this is happening on autopilot. On March 14, at the Asia-Pacific Energy Security Forum in Tokyo, Japan signed agreements worth up to $56 billion with the United States covering oil, natural gas, and LNG purchases and investments — sitting inside the broader framework from the 2025 U.S.-Japan trade agreement, under which Japan pledged $550 billion in U.S. investments, with energy as a key pillar. Five days later, Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi — Japan's first woman prime minister and one of the most China-skeptical leaders Tokyo has produced in a generation — walked into the Oval Office and, in front of cameras, embraced President Trump. The visit had a few rough edges: Trump's unprompted Pearl Harbor reference, made when a Japanese reporter asked why allies hadn't been warned about the February 28 strike on Iran, appeared to take Takaichi aback. But on substance the meeting did exactly what an alliance summit is supposed to do — it pre-positioned the energy pivot the Otis would later make material. By May 19, that pivot had widened into a trilateral. In Seoul, President Lee Jae-myung and Prime Minister Takaichi agreed to expand LNG cooperation under the bilateral Supply and Demand Cooperation Agreement signed in March, and to deepen information sharing and communication channels related to crude oil supply, demand, and stockpiling — explicitly framed by Seoul as a vehicle for South Korea–Japan and South Korea–U.S.–Japan cooperation for regional peace and stability. The Hormuz shock was supposed to fracture this triangle. Instead, it welded it. What Beijing Got Wrong — And Why It Matters The Chinese Communist Party's strategic miscalculation in the Hormuz file was not merely tactical. It was conceptual. For roughly a decade, Beijing's working thesis on Asian energy security has been that the United States cannot credibly underwrite the region from outside the Persian Gulf, and that any Middle East flashpoint would therefore translate into political leverage for China — the buyer of last resort with the deepest stockpiles, the longest supply contracts, and the most flexible sanctions tolerance. The thesis has just failed three stress tests at once. First, the logistics held. Alaskan crude can reach Japanese refineries via Pacific routes about a week faster than Middle Eastern shipments, and Texas crude via Panama — as the Otis proved — gets there in 35 days. Tokyo is now actively weighing expanded Alaskan imports and a joint U.S.-Japan strategic crude reserve arrangement. Second, the political will held. Takaichi did not hedge. She unilaterally began releasing 15 days' worth of private-sector reserves from March 16, followed by a month's worth of state-held oil, and committed Japan to participating in the IEA's coordinated 400-million-barrel release, with Japan contributing 80 million barrels — 54 million in crude and 26 million in oil products. Third — and most damaging to Beijing's strategic narrative — China's own position deteriorated. While Tokyo was diversifying westward across the Pacific, Iran continued sending the bulk of the crude still moving — roughly 1.22 million barrels per day — to China, after a record 2.16 million bpd in February that was entirely destined for Beijing as it amassed reserves. The CCP's "energy security" turned out to be a deeper handcuff to a sanctioned, militarily degraded supplier whose primary export terminal — Kharg Island, the departure point for roughly 90% of Iran's crude exports — has been struck by U.S. forces. Beijing did not de-risk. It concentrated risk. And when Trump publicly pressured Beijing to help secure Hormuz on the grounds that 90% of Chinese oil flowed through it, Chinese state spokespeople were reduced to publicly emphasizing that the country had "enough" energy reserves — an answer that managed to be both defensive and, in strategic terms, an admission. The Honest Caveats Serious analysis requires acknowledging what the headline glosses over. The Otis cargo is, by Japan's own ministry, less than one day's consumption. U.S. crude exports cannot fully substitute for Middle Eastern barrels: industry analysts cited by Axios put the realistic monthly ceiling for U.S. crude exports in the 5.5 million bpd range, with Gulf Coast port and terminal capacity acting as a hard infrastructure limit. The Iran war has been genuinely costly — Brent crude topped $110 a barrel in late March before retreating to roughly $98 by late May — and the global growth picture has been marked down accordingly. There are also legitimate technical questions about crude grade compatibility (U.S. light sweet vs. Middle Eastern medium sour) that Japanese refineries will need to manage. The diversification away from Hormuz is real, but it is not free, not frictionless, and not complete. These caveats sharpen the conclusion. They do not invert it. The Strategic Bottom Line Three months ago, the Hormuz file was supposed to be the lever that pried Tokyo loose from Washington. The arithmetic looked plausible on paper: Japan and South Korea are the third- and fourth-largest destinations for crude moving through the Strait of Hormuz, behind only China and India. Pain there should, in theory, have created political space for Beijing. It didn't. The pain became the catalyst. A $56 billion energy package. A four-fold surge in U.S. crude bound for Japanese refineries. A Suezmax tanker easing into Tokyo Bay at dawn carrying 910,000 barrels from Texas. A trilateral Tokyo–Seoul–Washington cooperation framework formalized in the middle of a war Beijing was counting on to crack it. There is a lesson here for anyone still treating CCP economic statecraft as inevitable: leverage that depends on your rival having no alternative evaporates the moment one is built. Tokyo built one. Washington underwrote it. Trump is now broadcasting it. And the manifests in Yokohama harbor are the proof. The alliance held. The wedge failed. The map has been redrawn — and the next tanker is already loading. Original article by me Aric Chen. Views are my own — welcome to discuss! © 2026 Aric Chen. All rights reserved. Any unauthorized use will be reported under the DMCA.

Aric Chen

17,007 views • 1 month ago