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RWANDA In an Iranian state‑aired documentary aired before their execution on Jan 29 2024, Pejman Fatehi and another man claimed Rwanda hosts a 'secret academy' for planning and simulating special ops, alleging foreign agents, train there before real missions. #FactsOnRwanda

28,491 Aufrufe • vor 5 Monaten •via X (Twitter)

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What we heard in today’s conversation between Paul Kagame and Rwandan media personality Oswald Oswakim should alarm every Christian, every human-rights defender, and anyone who believes in freedom of worship. Kagame openly mocked believers, dismissed churches as “full of criminals,” and said he would not allow a single church to open. He went even further, telling Rwandans to “go farm and pray on your phones.” This is not a joke; it is an authoritarian leader attacking the core of people’s spiritual identity. Let’s not forget: 🔹Thousands of churches were shut down in Rwanda in recent years, many after being forced to spend huge amounts of money upgrading buildings just to meet new government demands. 🔹Even after complying, many churches remain closed, with no transparency, no due process, and no respect for believers’ rights. 🔹Now, Kagame claims African Christians have “lost their minds” to colonialism and hints that even more closures are coming. This is all about state hostility toward Christianity and an escalating effort to control and silence faith communities. Freedom of religion is a fundamental human right. No leader has the authority to insult believers, criminalize worship, or decide that Rwandans should “pray at home” or “pray on their phone.” The international community cannot keep turning a blind eye. The repression of churches in Rwanda is real, systematic, and dangerous; and Kagame’s own words make that undeniable. The world must stop rolling out the red carpet for a regime that humiliates millions of believers. Dr. Justin Nsengiyumva European Commission EU Council African Union United Nations SADC Secretariat Presidency | Rwanda Netherlands Embassy in Kigali Department of State Marco Rubio Ambassador Mike Waltz U.S. Embassy Kigali Ambassade de France au Rwanda 🇫🇷🇪🇺 UK in Rwanda 🇬🇧🇷🇼🇧🇮 German Embassy Kigali Canada in Rwanda and Burundi Sweden in Rwanda Casper Stenger Jensen United NationsRwanda EU Delegation to Rwanda Donald J. Trump President Donald J. Trump National Faith Advisory Board Pastor Travis Johnson Dr. Malachi - (Dr. Run) Jenny Korn Paula White-Cain

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Rwanda ... Is Not Choosing Sides in Congo. It Is Preventing Another Genocide. When people talk about the crisis between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda, they often start from the map. Borders. Sovereignty. Diplomacy. Rwanda starts somewhere else. It starts from memory. Rwanda has been very clear about one thing: its security cannot be understood as beginning at its borders. Not because Rwanda seeks influence. But because history taught it … brutally … what happens when threats are allowed to grow just beyond them. In 1994, the Genocide against the Tutsi unfolded under the watch of the United Nations Security Council, the most powerful states on earth. They were warned. They did nothing. More than a million people were killed in just one hundred days. And still, nothing was done to stop it. But what is even less discussed… is what happened after. The perpetrators were not dismantled. They were not neutralized. They fled, largely into eastern Congo, reorganized, rebranded, and continued their project. And they have been doing so… for three decades. In 1994, the Genocide against the Tutsi unfolded under the watch of the United Nations Security Council, the most powerful states on earth. They were warned. They did nothing. More than a million people were killed in just one hundred days. And still, nothing was done to stop it. But what is even less discussed… is what happened after. The perpetrators were not dismantled. They were not neutralized. They fled, largely into eastern Congo, reorganized, rebranded, and continued their project. And they have been doing so… for three decades. This is not abstract history for Rwanda. It is lived experience. Between 1994 and 1999, genocidal forces operating from Congolese territory launched an insurgency aimed at finishing what they had started. Civilians were killed. Genocide survivors were targeted. Schools were attacked. Children were separated by ethnicity and murdered. This was not theoretical insecurity. It was existential. Today, many observers argue that the FDLR is weak … that its numbers have declined. But numbers are not the point anymore. The threat has evolved. What we are witnessing now is not the FDLR as a fugitive militia hiding in forests. It is the FDLR as a state-embedded actor. Through the Wazalendo framework, genocidal forces have gained access to weapons, logistics, intelligence, and political protection. They have positioned themselves as the ideological and operational core of a much larger armed ecosystem. This is a system-level threat. And that distinction matters. When Rwanda’s Ambassador in Washington explained this security reality before the U.S. Congress, some rushed to claim it was proof that Rwanda supports AFC/M23. That conclusion is wrong. Explaining a threat is not the same as endorsing a political movement. Security analysis is not political sponsorship. Rwanda is not choosing sides in Congolese politics. It is not seeking to determine governance outcomes in the DRC. And it does not endorse armed groups as substitutes for inclusive governance. Its concern is singular: preventing the re-emergence of a genocidal cross-border insurgency. Reducing this to accusations of “backing rebels” may be convenient … but it avoids the real question: Why are genocidal forces being tolerated, protected, and integrated into state-sanctioned security structures in the first place? We have seen this movie before. In Sudan, militias empowered by the state turned into the Rapid Support Forces — and the country collapsed into civil war. In Ethiopia, reliance on irregular armed groups produced fragmentation and prolonged violence. In Libya, revolutionary militias destroyed the state they were meant to protect. The DRC is now walking the same path. But with one crucial difference: here, the ideological core of this mobilization is genocidal. And Rwanda knows what that means. Because Rwanda rebuilt itself while carrying open wounds, in its own flesh. While reconstructing its social fabric. While choosing reconciliation over revenge. And it did so largely alone. No one came in 1994. No one dismantled the genocidal networks afterward. No one protected Rwanda for the last thirty years. So today, no one can credibly tell Rwanda that it must outsource its survival. Rwanda is not choosing sides in Congo. It is preventing another genocide. And until genocidal forces are dismantled … not explained away, not rebranded, not absorbed … Rwanda will continue to act on the lesson history imposed upon it: “Never again” is not a slogan. It is a responsibility.

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Belarusian state TV aired a report on the arrest of an alleged "Polish spy," which Polish officials dismissed as a provocation. According to the broadcast, KGB officers detained Grzegorz G., a Polish citizen and Carmelite monk, accusing him of obtaining secret documents on the upcoming "Zapad-2025" military drills. Footage showed several plainclothes officers forcefully detaining him, interrogating him on the spot, and confiscating items including a printed document marked "Secret," Catholic icons, rosary beads, SIM cards, cash, and his Polish passport. The program also aired clips of hidden camera footage allegedly showing Grzegorz receiving papers from a Belarusian contact in exchange for money, coffee, chocolate, and a phone case. The Belarusian "accomplice" was neither shown nor identified, raising suspicions that he may have been a KGB operative. Polish officials rejected the Belarusian claims, pointing out that Poland's Internal Security Agency (ABW), which the report accused of handling the case, has no mandate to conduct intelligence operations abroad. Foreign intelligence is the responsibility of other Polish agencies (AW and SWW). "This is another provocation by the Lukashenko regime against our country. Polish intelligence services do not use monks to collect information about military exercises," wrote Jacek Dobrzyński, spokesman for Poland's special services coordinator. Polish Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski vowed a response to the arrest.

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