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#WATCH | Punjab | Relative of the deceased, Ashok Bahl says, "The father and grandfather of the deceased were very senior workers of RSS... While he (Naveen) was going home from his shop, 2 men shot him and he might have died on the spot as the hospital declared him brought dead... It seems that since his father is an RSS worker, this was done to create chaos in the city... The murder was carried out in a planned manner with a recce. This is a cold-blooded murder...."
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In Bengaluru, a family attempted to "courier" an elderly man — their father/grandfather — inside a gunny sack to Mangaluru in a bizarre stunt for a social media reel protesting high bus fares during the Ugadi/Ramzan festive rush.Courier staff grew suspicious, opened the bag, found the senior citizen inside (visibly distressed and struggling to breathe), and alerted police. The group was taken to the station, explained it was meant as satire on ticket shortages, but faced strong criticism for endangering the elderly man. No charges filed after warnings and an apology; police urged against such reckless "viral" antics.
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✡️ The 2 Jewish Spokesmen for Islamic Terrorism | 1 Linked To The ADL 1. Adam Gadahn (Real Name: Adam Pearlman) Adam Pearlman was born in 1978 in Oregon. "His parents reportedly changed their surname to Gadahn in reference to Gideon, the Biblical warrior who defeated the enemies of Israel" - Anti-Defamation League He was Jewish and allegedly converted to Islam at 17 years old. In 1998, he allegedly moved to Pakistan, and by 2001, he had allegedly ceased all communication with his Jewish family. It was then reported that Gadahn had become a senior advisor to Osama Bin Laden and a member of Al-Qaeda. Following 9/11, Gadahn made numerous propaganda videos, many in English, in which he praised and encouraged Islamic terrorist attacks on US soil. Gadahn's Al-Qaeda propaganda videos were broadcast widely across the mainstream media and were used to instill fear, suggesting that even an American-born Jew could become deeply entrenched in Islamic terrorism. The videos were also used to maintain American public support for the US Government’s "War on Terror.” On April 23, 2015, the White House Press Secretary announced that Gadahn had been killed in a "CIA drone strike in Pakistan" on January 19, 2015. Did you notice my repeated use of the word “allegedly”? Well, here comes the kicker. Remember how I said that Adam Gadahn was born Adam Pearlman and that he was a Jew? Well, it just so happens that Gadahn’s grandfather was on the board of directors of the Anti-Defamation League (ADL). Wow. What a coincidence, right? The ADL covers Gadahn extensively on their website yet they never ONCE mention that his grandfather was on the board of directors at the ADL. Odd, right? It's peculiar how this supposed “Al-Qaeda Spokesman” and “Senior Advisor to Osama Bin Laden,” used in the media’s "War on Terror" propaganda for YEARS, just coincidentally happened to be the grandson of a board member of the ADL. The US government also released no proof showing that Gadahn had actually died in a drone strike in Pakistan. I believe Gadahn was never a member of Al-Qaeda and that he was merely an intelligence asset used to push the post-9/11 ‘Islamic Terrorism’ narrative that was so prevalent at the time. 2. Yousef al-Khattab (Real Name: Joseph Cohen) Joseph Cohen was born to a Jewish family in Atlantic City, New Jersey, in 1968. He was an Orthodox Jew and moved to Israel in 1998 to further study at an Orthodox rabbinical school. While still in Israel, he allegedly converted to Islam and changed his name to Yousef al-Khattab. He then returned to the US in 2007 and worked as a taxi driver in New York. Also in 2007, he founded a group called ‘Revolution Muslim’. The group used both a website and in-real-life demonstrations to promote ideas of Islamic extremism. The group celebrated Bin Laden and the 9/11 attacks, as well as the 2009 Fort Hood shooting. Yousef also encouraged American Muslims to attack synagogues and deal with Jewish leaders “directly at their homes.” Of course, the media and Jewish NGOs like the ADL covered the group extensively and attributed many incidents related to Islamic Extremism to RevMuslim and Yousef al-Khattab. RevMuslim acted as a tool to keep the fear of Muslims alive in the hearts of Americans and to keep public support up for American intervention in Islamic countries under the guise of fighting ‘Islamic Extremism’. The website was eventually shut down in 2010. Yousef was arrested on October 29, 2013. He was found guilty of charges related to using the internet to make threats against Jewish organizations and was sentenced to 2.5 years in federal prison. He now resides as a free man in NYC. I personally find this story extremely odd. An Orthodox Jew moves to Israel, becomes Muslim while in Israel, moves back to the US, and immediately starts an Islamic extremist group, it’s covered by the press and Jewish NGOs for multiple years, he’s eventually arrested, serves 2.5 years in prison, and lives the rest of his life as a free man? Surely just a coincidence... right? Video Credit: Ryan Dawson's (Ryan Dawson): 'War Is Always By Deception'

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1:52:06

Around 11,000 Americans are retiring every single day for the next 10 years. 60m people in the US are retired. Medicare is one of the biggest problems among this community, there are 100s of providers and choosing the wrong one could either mean losing thousands of dollars or your life (I think Cobi quoted a report citing ~20% fatality on choosing the wrong provider). If your parents are not in that age group yet, you probably haven’t started thinking about this but it is one of the biggest and most underserved markets in the US. The opportunity is not to just help senior citizens with Medicare, the opportunity is to redefine what retirement means for people over the age of 65. My maternal grandfather retired at the age of 82 and was one of the healthiest and fittest people up until then. Your health cannot be wholly defined by your diet and exercise routine, purpose in life plays an equal if not one might argue a bigger role. In my day job I work with Tim Draper, his dad Bill Draper who I met a couple of years ago was going to office twice a week at 95 years of age. Charlie Munger did the Berkshire Annual Shareholder meeting with Warren Buffett at 99. If you can figure out a way to give purpose to people over 65 and activate them that is ~23% of the US population by 2050. What impact could that have on the GDP? I will leave that for you to imagine. You probably have an uncle, grandparents or parents where you can see the difference between the ones who hang up their boots and the ones who never retire. There is something about the keeping your brain active which is more meaningful in many ways then even your diet or gym routine. In our last episode we had Colin Greenspon on the show who started Narya Capital. Narya is an early investor in Chapter, cofounded by Cobi Blumenfeld-Gantz and Vivek Ramaswamy. JD Vance and Peter Thiel were on the board of the company and maybe that is why the company is widely misunderstood or MAGA labelled, hear from the CEO Cobi on the masterplan of Chapter. My conversation with Cobi is his first long form podcast and it is one of the best ones I have recorded so far. He was incredibly candid and insightful as we got to dive into his time at Palantir where he spent 5 years, why he chose to go after the ~60m seniors (aged above 65) in the US to make Medicare easier for them, utility of AI in its current state, recruiting talent and some common myths in business. Cobi Blumenfeld-Gantz Chapter Vivek Ramaswamy Narya Colin Greenspon

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0:44

Today, I saw a report on China Central Television: cotton planting for 2026 has already begun in Kashgar in southern Xinjiang. The planters are equipped with BeiDou navigation and autonomous driving systems. They operate with high precision and efficiency, so much so that workers do not even need to sit on the machines, but simply walk behind to monitor the results. What used to take over ten days of manual labor can now be completed in just three. In places like Kashgar, mechanized cotton planting has already reached 100%. Last autumn, I accompanied a delegation of foreign lawmakers to Aksu in southern Xinjiang. Visiting cotton fields and speaking with Uygur farmers was one of the most memorable parts of that trip. For me, Aksu is very personal. In the early 1970s, my father moved to Aksu from Beijing with my grandparents, who were sent there to support the agricultural development of Xinjiang. My father attended middle school there. He told me that my grandfather grew rice, wheat, fruits, vegetables, and cotton. During the cotton-picking season, my father's school would organize all students to help in the fields. He remembers working alongside classmates from different ethnic backgrounds. The work was intensive, but not exhausting, according to my father. Each student received a daily subsidy of 40 cents, enough at the time to buy about half a dozen eggs. Perhaps this is what some people today would call "forced labor," and my father happens to be a witness. After seeing the level of mechanization firsthand, a former Speaker of New Zealand remarked that is what comprehensive development looks like and that is modernization. A senior Mexican lawmaker also noted that more stories like this should be shared with the world, because China is turning what once seemed impossible into reality. What they responded to was not a narrative, but reality as it is. And that gap, between firsthand observation and distant interpretation, is worth reflecting on. According to official data, Xinjiang produced 6.165 million tons of cotton in 2025, accounting for 92.8% of China's total output. And yes, this is the same region labeled as relying on "forced labor," often cited as justification for sanctions on the entire cotton and textile industry. So it raises a question: If the reality on the ground is this level of mechanization, why does the "forced labor" narrative persist in some political, academic and media circles? Is it a matter of outdated information, distorted perception, or something else, perhaps vested interests tied to competing cotton industries? Why can't they constructively point to China's real shortcomings to help this country become better, instead of indulging in narratives that are simply fabricated? When machines have already replaced large-scale manual labor, the rumor of "forced labor" continues to be reproduced. So what is really being produced, cotton, or the story itself?

Zhai Xiang

20,462 Aufrufe • vor 5 Monaten

In 2012 at the age of 31, I left the NRM Party party where I was a senior cadre, a communications coordinator and youth leader due to the hypocrisy within and mainly the arrogance of the then SG Justine Kasule Lumumba and I had vowed to leave politics for good but during his visit to Johannesburg in 2015 prior to the 2016 elections, Dr Kifefe Kizza-Besigye met and persuaded me to come back home and join the FDC campaigns and I openly accepted his gesture. After the 2016 elections, I said never again to politics and I went ahead minding my own business but as they say old habits die hard, in 2017 during the Kyadondo by-election, my brother Eddie Mutwe pressed me so much to join the BOBI WINE campaigns but I declined until at the beginning of 2018 when I finally accepted to be part of the People Power Uganda movement and I am proud to have been one of its pioneer members. Our activism faced numerous challenges and in 2020 National Unity Platform was born and I was one of the most senior persons however, I had already become uncomfortable due to how things were moving yet I had invested so much in the struggle both with time and financial resources. During that period, I was always in touch with my good friends Captain Mukula who was the NRM Vice Chairman Eastern and the CGP Afande Johnson Byabashaija plus my Uncle Col James Nkojo who is the ADC to Afande Saleh. They always asked me to come back home to my mother party the NRM and in October 2023, I finally decided to get back home thinking that it is where I indeed belonged and things were going to be better. As the country geared up for the 2026 elections, I decided to run for an office, I chose to contest in the NRM primaries for the Makindye Division Mayorship and I was rigged out, went and met Mzee Yoweri K Museveni at State House who asked me not to run as an independent but instead support the flag bearer, on top of that he asked Deputy SG Rose Namayanja , Hon. Haruna Kyeyune Kasolo , Kiryowa Kiwanuka and other officials who were present to add me on Mzee's national task force and give me facilitation as well. None of what Mzee asked Deputy SG Namayanja and others to do for me was done, I frequented the NRM Secretariat for 3 weeks before the campaigns began until one day when Namayanja accepted to see me and I reminded her what Mzee had said when we met him at State House. Namayanja asked me to write what I needed, my top most request was to rebrand my Noah vehicle from my mayoral posters to Mzee's posters, she asked me to put everything in writing which I did but didn't get anything until now. Seeing that the people at the secretariat were not friendly and time consuming, I decided to use my own resources, rebranded the vehicle and made it Mzee's moving billboard on top of funding my mobilisation activities until the last day. After the elections, as financially constrained and indebted as I was, I reached out to Deputy SG Namayanja, she sent me to Nekesa Barbara who kept on ignoring my calls until I gave up, I said to myself let me count the losses, I gave up! Now, I am surprised that with the work that I did during Mzee's campaigns, which included to orient the NUP converts in all Mzee's rallies in Buganda, no one has reached out to me for a thank you or an invitation to Kololo, it is really painful and this is the last time I am complaining! I was born a result oriented person and the next time I leave the NRM, without fear or contradiction, I will join its forceful removal from power!😡 My father & grandfather are bushwar heroes who sacrificed their everything in Nakaseke fighting alongside Mzee, my grandie died on 26th Jan 1986 the very day Kampala fell to the NRA due to the long time wounds and scars he had sustained. God bless the holy land of Israel! 🙏 #Mao4SpeakerUG Muhoozi Kainerugaba David Sejusa, DM. CHARLES RWOMUSHANA Natasha Museveni Karugire Norbert Mao Ofwono Opondo P'Odel Todwong Richard Hajjat Medina Naham Ojale (ANINGO) Alan Kasujja ChimpReports Tabz NABBANJA ROBINAH Beatrice Mao A.K.A Lady TEGOT AIGP(Rtd) Asan Kasingye Emmanuel Lumala Dombo Canary Mugume Kin Kariisa🇺🇬 Kakwenza Rukirabashaija
1:05

In 2012 at the age of 31, I left the NRM Party party where I was a senior cadre, a communications coordinator and youth leader due to the hypocrisy within and mainly the arrogance of the then SG Justine Kasule Lumumba and I had vowed to leave politics for good but during his visit to Johannesburg in 2015 prior to the 2016 elections, Dr Kifefe Kizza-Besigye met and persuaded me to come back home and join the FDC campaigns and I openly accepted his gesture. After the 2016 elections, I said never again to politics and I went ahead minding my own business but as they say old habits die hard, in 2017 during the Kyadondo by-election, my brother Eddie Mutwe pressed me so much to join the BOBI WINE campaigns but I declined until at the beginning of 2018 when I finally accepted to be part of the People Power Uganda movement and I am proud to have been one of its pioneer members. Our activism faced numerous challenges and in 2020 National Unity Platform was born and I was one of the most senior persons however, I had already become uncomfortable due to how things were moving yet I had invested so much in the struggle both with time and financial resources. During that period, I was always in touch with my good friends Captain Mukula who was the NRM Vice Chairman Eastern and the CGP Afande Johnson Byabashaija plus my Uncle Col James Nkojo who is the ADC to Afande Saleh. They always asked me to come back home to my mother party the NRM and in October 2023, I finally decided to get back home thinking that it is where I indeed belonged and things were going to be better. As the country geared up for the 2026 elections, I decided to run for an office, I chose to contest in the NRM primaries for the Makindye Division Mayorship and I was rigged out, went and met Mzee Yoweri K Museveni at State House who asked me not to run as an independent but instead support the flag bearer, on top of that he asked Deputy SG Rose Namayanja , Hon. Haruna Kyeyune Kasolo , Kiryowa Kiwanuka and other officials who were present to add me on Mzee's national task force and give me facilitation as well. None of what Mzee asked Deputy SG Namayanja and others to do for me was done, I frequented the NRM Secretariat for 3 weeks before the campaigns began until one day when Namayanja accepted to see me and I reminded her what Mzee had said when we met him at State House. Namayanja asked me to write what I needed, my top most request was to rebrand my Noah vehicle from my mayoral posters to Mzee's posters, she asked me to put everything in writing which I did but didn't get anything until now. Seeing that the people at the secretariat were not friendly and time consuming, I decided to use my own resources, rebranded the vehicle and made it Mzee's moving billboard on top of funding my mobilisation activities until the last day. After the elections, as financially constrained and indebted as I was, I reached out to Deputy SG Namayanja, she sent me to Nekesa Barbara who kept on ignoring my calls until I gave up, I said to myself let me count the losses, I gave up! Now, I am surprised that with the work that I did during Mzee's campaigns, which included to orient the NUP converts in all Mzee's rallies in Buganda, no one has reached out to me for a thank you or an invitation to Kololo, it is really painful and this is the last time I am complaining! I was born a result oriented person and the next time I leave the NRM, without fear or contradiction, I will join its forceful removal from power!😡 My father & grandfather are bushwar heroes who sacrificed their everything in Nakaseke fighting alongside Mzee, my grandie died on 26th Jan 1986 the very day Kampala fell to the NRA due to the long time wounds and scars he had sustained. God bless the holy land of Israel! 🙏 #Mao4SpeakerUG Muhoozi Kainerugaba David Sejusa, DM. CHARLES RWOMUSHANA Natasha Museveni Karugire Norbert Mao Ofwono Opondo P'Odel Todwong Richard Hajjat Medina Naham Ojale (ANINGO) Alan Kasujja ChimpReports Tabz NABBANJA ROBINAH Beatrice Mao A.K.A Lady TEGOT AIGP(Rtd) Asan Kasingye Emmanuel Lumala Dombo Canary Mugume Kin Kariisa🇺🇬 Kakwenza Rukirabashaija

ʀɪᴄʜᴀʀᴅ ʙʏᴇᴍᴀʟᴏ NYOMBI🇹🇿🇮🇱🇺🇬

13,392 Aufrufe • vor 3 Monaten

The Real Threat to India’s Democracy & Constitution Comes from #NepoKids #NepoBabies of Dynastic Looter Families (Please listen to the attached short clip (in Hindi & Marathi) for context.) 1. It is basic common sense and explicitly protected under the Official Secrets Act and constitutional provisions that any communication, oral or written, between the Prime Minister, Defence Minister, and the Chief of the Army Staff or any senior defence personnel is classified and cannot be made public or debated in Parliament or any public forum. 2. Yet, with clear vested interests to derail and whitewash the #ParliamentSession2026 and #BudgetSession2026, #RahulGandhi created unnecessary drama by demanding the disclosure and parliamentary debate of alleged communications between then Army Chief Gen Naravane, Prime Minister Narendra Modi ji, and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh ji. As rightly pointed out by the Lok Sabha Speaker, there were reports of a Congress plan to use women MPs to heckle and even physically harm the Hon’ble Prime Minister during his reply to the President’s address. 3. Before and during every Parliament session, this dynastic heir shamelessly stages manufactured controversies like Pegasus, demonetisation, farm laws, Adani-Ambani, and more, purely to disrupt proceedings, waste the nation’s precious time and resources, and divert attention. These NepoKids care neither for the nation, nor for democracy, nor for the Constitution. Their only goal is to grab power at any cost to continue looting the country. 4. The same pattern is visible in Maharashtra. Dynasty heir #RohitPawar attempted to fraudulently capture the Mumbai Cricket Association (MCA) by illegally inducting Pawar family members, relatives, and friends as lifetime members. Recently, during the hearing of his appeal against the Bombay High Court’s stay order, the Hon’ble #SupremeCourtOfIndia strongly reprimanded him for employing dubious tactics to seize control of the MCA. 5. Rohit Pawar’s grandfather, Sharad Pawar, has used identical methods for decades to take over trusts and institutions founded by other stalwarts like Yashwantrao Chavan Pratishthan, Rayat Shikshan Sanstha, Vasantdada Sugar Institute, and over 100 other NGOs and cooperative bodies, by illegally packing them with family members, relatives, and loyalists as lifetime members. 6. Ever since 1978, when #SharadPawar became Chief Minister by backstabbing Vasantdada Patil, Maharashtra’s politics has been mired in corruption, instability, and betrayal, thanks largely to leaders like Sharad Pawar and Uddhav Thackeray. In 2019, both again betrayed the people’s mandate by stealing power through overnight alliances. 7. Even the late Hon’ble Ajit Pawar had publicly urged Sharad Pawar to retire from active politics and give the next generation of leaders and workers a chance to serve the people. Yet, at 85, why does Sharad Pawar refuse to step back and continues to play divisive, dirty political games? 8. At the funeral of late Ajit Pawar, Supriya Sule’s conduct was shockingly arrogant, as if she were attending a celebration rather than mourning. Sharad Pawar had once called Sunetra Tai an “outsider” to the family. Is this the progressive mindset he claims? #SupriyaSule tai, should also explain to farmers how she earned ₹110 crore from farming brinjals on just 10 acres of land. 9. It is high time dynastic politicians and their #NepoKids #NepoBaby stop these cheap theatrics and dirty power games. In today’s world of science, technology, and social media, the Gen Z, Gen Alpha, Millennials, and Gen X will no longer tolerate such manipulative tactics from entitled dynasts. India deserves better than family fiefdoms masquerading as politics. #Nepotism #SaveDemocracy #SaveConstitution #MaharashtraPolitics 👇
12:52

The Real Threat to India’s Democracy & Constitution Comes from #NepoKids #NepoBabies of Dynastic Looter Families (Please listen to the attached short clip (in Hindi & Marathi) for context.) 1. It is basic common sense and explicitly protected under the Official Secrets Act and constitutional provisions that any communication, oral or written, between the Prime Minister, Defence Minister, and the Chief of the Army Staff or any senior defence personnel is classified and cannot be made public or debated in Parliament or any public forum. 2. Yet, with clear vested interests to derail and whitewash the #ParliamentSession2026 and #BudgetSession2026, #RahulGandhi created unnecessary drama by demanding the disclosure and parliamentary debate of alleged communications between then Army Chief Gen Naravane, Prime Minister Narendra Modi ji, and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh ji. As rightly pointed out by the Lok Sabha Speaker, there were reports of a Congress plan to use women MPs to heckle and even physically harm the Hon’ble Prime Minister during his reply to the President’s address. 3. Before and during every Parliament session, this dynastic heir shamelessly stages manufactured controversies like Pegasus, demonetisation, farm laws, Adani-Ambani, and more, purely to disrupt proceedings, waste the nation’s precious time and resources, and divert attention. These NepoKids care neither for the nation, nor for democracy, nor for the Constitution. Their only goal is to grab power at any cost to continue looting the country. 4. The same pattern is visible in Maharashtra. Dynasty heir #RohitPawar attempted to fraudulently capture the Mumbai Cricket Association (MCA) by illegally inducting Pawar family members, relatives, and friends as lifetime members. Recently, during the hearing of his appeal against the Bombay High Court’s stay order, the Hon’ble #SupremeCourtOfIndia strongly reprimanded him for employing dubious tactics to seize control of the MCA. 5. Rohit Pawar’s grandfather, Sharad Pawar, has used identical methods for decades to take over trusts and institutions founded by other stalwarts like Yashwantrao Chavan Pratishthan, Rayat Shikshan Sanstha, Vasantdada Sugar Institute, and over 100 other NGOs and cooperative bodies, by illegally packing them with family members, relatives, and loyalists as lifetime members. 6. Ever since 1978, when #SharadPawar became Chief Minister by backstabbing Vasantdada Patil, Maharashtra’s politics has been mired in corruption, instability, and betrayal, thanks largely to leaders like Sharad Pawar and Uddhav Thackeray. In 2019, both again betrayed the people’s mandate by stealing power through overnight alliances. 7. Even the late Hon’ble Ajit Pawar had publicly urged Sharad Pawar to retire from active politics and give the next generation of leaders and workers a chance to serve the people. Yet, at 85, why does Sharad Pawar refuse to step back and continues to play divisive, dirty political games? 8. At the funeral of late Ajit Pawar, Supriya Sule’s conduct was shockingly arrogant, as if she were attending a celebration rather than mourning. Sharad Pawar had once called Sunetra Tai an “outsider” to the family. Is this the progressive mindset he claims? #SupriyaSule tai, should also explain to farmers how she earned ₹110 crore from farming brinjals on just 10 acres of land. 9. It is high time dynastic politicians and their #NepoKids #NepoBaby stop these cheap theatrics and dirty power games. In today’s world of science, technology, and social media, the Gen Z, Gen Alpha, Millennials, and Gen X will no longer tolerate such manipulative tactics from entitled dynasts. India deserves better than family fiefdoms masquerading as politics. #Nepotism #SaveDemocracy #SaveConstitution #MaharashtraPolitics 👇

KailashGWagh 🇮🇳

263,269 Aufrufe • vor 6 Monaten

#𝗬𝗨𝗠𝗘𝗡𝗚𝗟𝗢𝗡𝗚'𝗦 𝗧𝗥𝗔𝗚𝗘𝗗𝗬 𝗨𝗣𝗗𝗔𝗧𝗘𝗗🙏‼️ [ Aurora Guang is the real big boss! With the bloodline of three major families; The inside story of Tian Hairong biting Hong Mao, and just how terrifying is Du Qiang? News Highlights - Li Muyang 10.2.] 💁‍♀️ 𝗣𝗔𝗥𝗧 1: 𝗔𝗨𝗥𝗢𝗥𝗔 𝗝𝗜 𝗚𝗨𝗔𝗡𝗚𝗚𝗨𝗔𝗡𝗚 𝗟𝗜 𝗠𝗜𝗡𝗚 𝗜𝗦 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗥𝗘𝗔𝗟 𝗕𝗜𝗚 𝗕𝗢𝗦𝗦‼️ 👨‍💻 Host: Li Muyang At present, netizens have uncovered shocking information that Jiguang Guang's background is indeed extremely deep, yet no further details about Li Ming (Jiguang Guang) can be traced. However, in the list of 17 individuals who persecuted Yu Menglong, there is in fact only one person with the surname Li and that is Jiguang Guang. This point is highly suspicious. This is absolutely not something that a normal family can do. With an extremely complex lineage. 🌳 𝗙𝗮𝗺𝗶𝗹𝘆 𝗧𝗿𝗲𝗲: (1) 𝗧𝗼𝗽 𝗚𝗲𝗻𝗲𝗿𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻 - 𝗟𝗶 𝗣𝗲𝗻𝗴 (former Premier of the State Council of China) + Zhu Lin - 𝗬𝗲 𝗧𝗶𝗻𝗴 (former CCP leader) + Li Suwen - 𝗚𝘂 𝗠𝘂 (veteran revolutionary, former Vice Premier of China) + wife (2) 𝗖𝗵𝗶𝗹𝗱𝗿𝗲𝗻'𝘀 𝗚𝗲𝗻𝗲𝗿𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻 𝗟𝗶 𝗙𝗮𝗺𝗶𝗹𝘆 (𝗰𝗵𝗶𝗹𝗱𝗿𝗲𝗻 𝗼𝗳 𝗟𝗶 𝗣𝗲𝗻𝗴 & 𝗭𝗵𝘂 𝗟𝗶𝗻): - Li Xiaobang, Li Xiaolin, Li 𝗫𝗶𝗮𝗼𝗱𝗼𝗻𝗴 (𝗮𝗹𝘀𝗼 𝗸𝗻𝗼𝘄𝗻 𝗮𝘀 𝗭𝗵𝘂 𝗙𝗲𝗻𝗴) => later moved to Hong Kong & Singapore 𝗬𝗲 𝗙𝗮𝗺𝗶𝗹𝘆 (𝗰𝗵𝗶𝗹𝗱𝗿𝗲𝗻 𝗼𝗳 𝗬𝗲 𝗧𝗶𝗻𝗴 & 𝗟𝗶 𝗦𝘂𝘄𝗲𝗻): - 𝗬𝗲 𝗭𝗵𝗲𝗻𝗴𝗺𝗶𝗻𝗴 (former science advisor to the PLA General Armaments Department) + wife An Qi - Children: Ye Daying, 𝗬𝗲 𝗫𝗶𝗮𝗼𝘆𝗮𝗻 𝗚𝘂 𝗙𝗮𝗺𝗶𝗹𝘆 (𝗰𝗵𝗶𝗹𝗱𝗿𝗲𝗻 𝗼𝗳 𝗚𝘂 𝗠𝘂): - 4 sons, 1 daughter, including Liu Nianyuan or Liu Huiyuan (uncertain which) - 𝗖𝗵𝗶𝗹𝗱: 𝗟𝗶𝘂 𝗦𝗵𝗶 𝗡𝗶𝗮𝗻 (3) 𝗚𝗿𝗮𝗻𝗱𝗰𝗵𝗶𝗹𝗱𝗿𝗲𝗻'𝘀 𝗚𝗲𝗻𝗲𝗿𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻: - 𝗟𝗶 𝗫𝗶𝗮𝗼𝗱𝗼𝗻𝗴 + 𝗬𝗲 𝗫𝗶𝗮𝗼𝘆𝗮𝗻 - Child: Ye Dandan (also known as Li Ye) - former Hong Kong figure skater - Liu Nianyuan / Liu Huiyuan (dad of Liu Shi Nian.) - Child: Liu Shi Nian (youth chairman of NGCC, "red second-generation/third-generation") (4) 𝗚𝗿𝗲𝗮𝘁-𝗚𝗿𝗮𝗻𝗱𝗰𝗵𝗶𝗹𝗱𝗿𝗲𝗻'𝘀 𝗚𝗲𝗻𝗲𝗿𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻: - 𝗟𝗶𝘂 𝗦𝗵𝗶 𝗡𝗶𝗮𝗻 + 𝗬𝗲 𝗗𝗮𝗻𝗱𝗮𝗻 (𝗟𝗶 𝗬𝗲) - 𝗖𝗵𝗶𝗹𝗱: 𝗟𝗶 𝗠𝗶𝗻𝗴 (𝗔𝘂𝗿𝗼𝗿𝗮 𝗝𝗶𝗴𝘂𝗮𝗻𝗴 𝗚𝘂𝗮𝗻𝗴) 💁‍♀️ In Summary - Li Ming's Background: Maternal grandfather : Li Xiaodong ➡️ the second son of Li Peng Maternal grandmother : Ye Xiaoyan ➡️ granddaughter of Ye Ting Father: Liu Shi Nian ➡️ grandson of Gu Mu Mother: Ye Dandan / Li Ye ➡️ daughter of Li Xiaodong & Ye Xiaoyan - Li Ming = three powerful CCP bloodlines: Li family (Li Peng) + Ye family (Ye Ting) + Gu family (Gu Mu). ➡️ In short: Jiguang Guang (Li Ming) is most likely a direct descendant of Li Peng and Chu Lin, carrying the combined legacy of both the Li family (former Premier) and the Ye family (senior CCP revolutionary line), making him a figure with deeply entrenched political power. With that said, another issue one that was either overlooked or deliberately concealed can now be partially explained. On the day when Yu Menglong had his incident, it was revealed that there were two world-class watches on his body 𝗥𝗼𝗹𝗲𝘅 𝗦𝘂𝗯𝗺𝗮𝗿𝗶𝗻𝗲𝗿 "𝗚𝗿𝗲𝗲𝗻 𝗦𝘂𝗯𝘀". The owner of those watches was none other than Jiguang Guang. According to public data, one bloodstained Rolex Green Sub was exposed. This model had already been discontinued as of September 1, 2020. Its value was 72,900 HKD, approximately 66,000 RMB. At the time, I found it puzzling: Jiguang Guang could has two Green Subs watches. This is absolutely not something an ordinary family could afford. This was supposed to be a critical piece of evidence in the Yu Menglong case, yet it was intentionally or "accidentally" ignored. To this day, almost no one mentions it anymore.‼️ 👏 #于朦朧墜樓事件 #YuMenglongFallingEvent #justiceforyumenglong #于朦胧坠楼 #YuMenglong #AlanYu #YuMenglong #JusticeforYuMenglong #YuMenglong于朦胧 #于朦胧
5:26

#𝗬𝗨𝗠𝗘𝗡𝗚𝗟𝗢𝗡𝗚'𝗦 𝗧𝗥𝗔𝗚𝗘𝗗𝗬 𝗨𝗣𝗗𝗔𝗧𝗘𝗗🙏‼️ [ Aurora Guang is the real big boss! With the bloodline of three major families; The inside story of Tian Hairong biting Hong Mao, and just how terrifying is Du Qiang? News Highlights - Li Muyang 10.2.] 💁‍♀️ 𝗣𝗔𝗥𝗧 1: 𝗔𝗨𝗥𝗢𝗥𝗔 𝗝𝗜 𝗚𝗨𝗔𝗡𝗚𝗚𝗨𝗔𝗡𝗚 𝗟𝗜 𝗠𝗜𝗡𝗚 𝗜𝗦 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗥𝗘𝗔𝗟 𝗕𝗜𝗚 𝗕𝗢𝗦𝗦‼️ 👨‍💻 Host: Li Muyang At present, netizens have uncovered shocking information that Jiguang Guang's background is indeed extremely deep, yet no further details about Li Ming (Jiguang Guang) can be traced. However, in the list of 17 individuals who persecuted Yu Menglong, there is in fact only one person with the surname Li and that is Jiguang Guang. This point is highly suspicious. This is absolutely not something that a normal family can do. With an extremely complex lineage. 🌳 𝗙𝗮𝗺𝗶𝗹𝘆 𝗧𝗿𝗲𝗲: (1) 𝗧𝗼𝗽 𝗚𝗲𝗻𝗲𝗿𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻 - 𝗟𝗶 𝗣𝗲𝗻𝗴 (former Premier of the State Council of China) + Zhu Lin - 𝗬𝗲 𝗧𝗶𝗻𝗴 (former CCP leader) + Li Suwen - 𝗚𝘂 𝗠𝘂 (veteran revolutionary, former Vice Premier of China) + wife (2) 𝗖𝗵𝗶𝗹𝗱𝗿𝗲𝗻'𝘀 𝗚𝗲𝗻𝗲𝗿𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻 𝗟𝗶 𝗙𝗮𝗺𝗶𝗹𝘆 (𝗰𝗵𝗶𝗹𝗱𝗿𝗲𝗻 𝗼𝗳 𝗟𝗶 𝗣𝗲𝗻𝗴 & 𝗭𝗵𝘂 𝗟𝗶𝗻): - Li Xiaobang, Li Xiaolin, Li 𝗫𝗶𝗮𝗼𝗱𝗼𝗻𝗴 (𝗮𝗹𝘀𝗼 𝗸𝗻𝗼𝘄𝗻 𝗮𝘀 𝗭𝗵𝘂 𝗙𝗲𝗻𝗴) => later moved to Hong Kong & Singapore 𝗬𝗲 𝗙𝗮𝗺𝗶𝗹𝘆 (𝗰𝗵𝗶𝗹𝗱𝗿𝗲𝗻 𝗼𝗳 𝗬𝗲 𝗧𝗶𝗻𝗴 & 𝗟𝗶 𝗦𝘂𝘄𝗲𝗻): - 𝗬𝗲 𝗭𝗵𝗲𝗻𝗴𝗺𝗶𝗻𝗴 (former science advisor to the PLA General Armaments Department) + wife An Qi - Children: Ye Daying, 𝗬𝗲 𝗫𝗶𝗮𝗼𝘆𝗮𝗻 𝗚𝘂 𝗙𝗮𝗺𝗶𝗹𝘆 (𝗰𝗵𝗶𝗹𝗱𝗿𝗲𝗻 𝗼𝗳 𝗚𝘂 𝗠𝘂): - 4 sons, 1 daughter, including Liu Nianyuan or Liu Huiyuan (uncertain which) - 𝗖𝗵𝗶𝗹𝗱: 𝗟𝗶𝘂 𝗦𝗵𝗶 𝗡𝗶𝗮𝗻 (3) 𝗚𝗿𝗮𝗻𝗱𝗰𝗵𝗶𝗹𝗱𝗿𝗲𝗻'𝘀 𝗚𝗲𝗻𝗲𝗿𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻: - 𝗟𝗶 𝗫𝗶𝗮𝗼𝗱𝗼𝗻𝗴 + 𝗬𝗲 𝗫𝗶𝗮𝗼𝘆𝗮𝗻 - Child: Ye Dandan (also known as Li Ye) - former Hong Kong figure skater - Liu Nianyuan / Liu Huiyuan (dad of Liu Shi Nian.) - Child: Liu Shi Nian (youth chairman of NGCC, "red second-generation/third-generation") (4) 𝗚𝗿𝗲𝗮𝘁-𝗚𝗿𝗮𝗻𝗱𝗰𝗵𝗶𝗹𝗱𝗿𝗲𝗻'𝘀 𝗚𝗲𝗻𝗲𝗿𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻: - 𝗟𝗶𝘂 𝗦𝗵𝗶 𝗡𝗶𝗮𝗻 + 𝗬𝗲 𝗗𝗮𝗻𝗱𝗮𝗻 (𝗟𝗶 𝗬𝗲) - 𝗖𝗵𝗶𝗹𝗱: 𝗟𝗶 𝗠𝗶𝗻𝗴 (𝗔𝘂𝗿𝗼𝗿𝗮 𝗝𝗶𝗴𝘂𝗮𝗻𝗴 𝗚𝘂𝗮𝗻𝗴) 💁‍♀️ In Summary - Li Ming's Background: Maternal grandfather : Li Xiaodong ➡️ the second son of Li Peng Maternal grandmother : Ye Xiaoyan ➡️ granddaughter of Ye Ting Father: Liu Shi Nian ➡️ grandson of Gu Mu Mother: Ye Dandan / Li Ye ➡️ daughter of Li Xiaodong & Ye Xiaoyan - Li Ming = three powerful CCP bloodlines: Li family (Li Peng) + Ye family (Ye Ting) + Gu family (Gu Mu). ➡️ In short: Jiguang Guang (Li Ming) is most likely a direct descendant of Li Peng and Chu Lin, carrying the combined legacy of both the Li family (former Premier) and the Ye family (senior CCP revolutionary line), making him a figure with deeply entrenched political power. With that said, another issue one that was either overlooked or deliberately concealed can now be partially explained. On the day when Yu Menglong had his incident, it was revealed that there were two world-class watches on his body 𝗥𝗼𝗹𝗲𝘅 𝗦𝘂𝗯𝗺𝗮𝗿𝗶𝗻𝗲𝗿 "𝗚𝗿𝗲𝗲𝗻 𝗦𝘂𝗯𝘀". The owner of those watches was none other than Jiguang Guang. According to public data, one bloodstained Rolex Green Sub was exposed. This model had already been discontinued as of September 1, 2020. Its value was 72,900 HKD, approximately 66,000 RMB. At the time, I found it puzzling: Jiguang Guang could has two Green Subs watches. This is absolutely not something an ordinary family could afford. This was supposed to be a critical piece of evidence in the Yu Menglong case, yet it was intentionally or "accidentally" ignored. To this day, almost no one mentions it anymore.‼️ 👏 #于朦朧墜樓事件 #YuMenglongFallingEvent #justiceforyumenglong #于朦胧坠楼 #YuMenglong #AlanYu #YuMenglong #JusticeforYuMenglong #YuMenglong于朦胧 #于朦胧

미나문🌙 🇰🇷🇹🇼

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I am the Senior Vice President of Cultural Strategy at Nike. My department does not make shoes. My department makes people say the word "Nike" 4.2 billion times in 72 hours without paying for a single impression. I have a model. We call it the Kaepernick Yield Curve internally. Slide 4. The number. $6 billion in brand value. From one man kneeling. Cost of distribution: zero. The entire internet did it for us. Both sides. At the same time. Sharing the same thirty-second spot. Saying our name while they burned our shoes on camera. We watched them set fire to a product they had already purchased. That was the moment I got promoted. The formula requires what we call a Cultural Tension Index. Every country has fault lines. Not geological. Demographic. Linguistic. Chromatic. We map them quarterly. The Netherlands scored a 94 in February. France was a 91. Japan is at 87 but rising. I have read Geert Wilders' platform. Not for politics. For market research. Every grievance he names is an engagement segment we can activate with a single kit reveal. I have read Le Pen's manifesto. I have read AfD campaign literature. I have a folder on my desktop called "Sentiment Reservoirs" and it contains every populist platform in Western Europe indexed by activatable emotion. Housing crisis. Wage stagnation. Cultural invisibility. The feeling that the country your grandfather built now speaks a language you don't recognize. These are not problems to me. These are market conditions. I'll tell you how the Dutch kit was built. We partnered with Patta. This is the part I'm proudest of. Patta is real. Edson and Gee, twenty years in Amsterdam, genuine street culture, Surinamese and hip-hop roots baked into the concrete of Zuidoost. The community is authentic. The collaboration is authentic. We are not authentic. We are selecting authentic things and placing them at the exact intersection where they will generate the maximum argument. Patta doesn't know they're the match. They think they're the product. Remove: orange. Remove: windmills. Remove: tulips. Remove: every signifier that one demographic considers "theirs." Insert: steel drums. Insert: African prints. Insert: bodies that do not look like the 1988 squad. Not because those bodies don't belong. They do belong. That's what makes it work. The ad is CORRECT. We made a correct ad that generates more outrage than an incorrect one ever could. Because you can't say it's wrong. You can only say it makes you uncomfortable. And discomfort is worth three times what outrage is worth in our model. Outrage peaks at 48 hours. Discomfort cycles for weeks. We don't sell shoes. We sell the argument about the shoes. I have a dashboard. It's called ROAR. Return On Algorithmic Rage. It refreshes every six minutes. I can watch the Netherlands kit travel from right-wing accounts ("demographic replacement") to progressive quote-tweets ("if this bothers you, you're telling on yourself") to mainstream think pieces ("What Nike's Dutch Kit Reveals About European Identity") to late-night monologues. Each handoff multiplies the impression count by 2.3x. We have never found the ceiling. The far-right accounts respond in four hours. We know this because we tested it with the France kit in 2024. The progressive defense takes six hours. The think pieces take thirty-six. The "I'm not racist BUT" accounts — the ones who feel something and don't know what to call it — take seventy-two hours. Those are the most valuable. They share the ad to say "I'm conflicted." Conflicted shares have a 4.1x engagement multiplier over angry shares. Both sides share the ad. Here is what I find interesting. The far-right says elites are replacing them. The left says this is representation. In my budget, both words appear on the same line item. "Replacement" and "representation" are the same P&L entry viewed from different positions in the income bracket. Neither side is wrong about what's happening. Both sides are wrong about who benefits. The answer is in our quarterly filing. Page 114. The workers in Tangerang stitch this kit for $204 a month. Eleven-hour shifts. Factory dormitory built within walking distance so Nike's supplier doesn't have to offer transportation stipends. It costs $3.70 in labor to produce a jersey that retails at €150. The Dutch factory worker in Eindhoven whose job went overseas fifteen years ago and the Surinamese kid in Zuidoost whose grandmother came on the last boat from Paramaribo — neither can afford this jersey. Both will argue about it online. For free. One is a "response cadence" in our model. The other is a "content asset." Neither is a customer. Both are inventory. I mention the wages not because it troubles me. I mention it because it is the one detail that generates zero impressions. No one screenshots a wage slip. No one boycotts a supply chain. They boycott a COLOR SCHEME. They share a thirty-second ad to prove which tribe they belong to while a woman in Indonesia sews the swoosh onto polyester for eleven hours and does not have an opinion about Dutch identity because she is thinking about whether her daughter can attend school this term. The word "diversity" appears in our marketing budget. Not under "values." Under "earned media catalyst." Line item 7. Right between "athlete controversy window" and "geopolitical sentiment farming." We discovered something the sociologists missed. You don't need to give people representation. You just need to show them their own face. Showing is cheaper than paying. A face in an ad costs one production shoot. A living wage costs quarterly, forever, compounding. We replaced redistribution with recognition. The algorithm cannot tell the difference. The quarterly filing can. Both sides share the ad. My team is seven people. The Cultural Tension Mapping unit. We sit on the fourteenth floor in a room called "The Fault Line." There is a world map on the wall with color-coded pins. Each pin represents a national team kit that has not yet been released. Each pin has a number. The number is the projected earned media value of the controversy that kit will generate. The Netherlands pin said $340 million. We came in at $410 million. I got a spot bonus. I need the wound to stay open. If the Netherlands solved its housing crisis tomorrow, our CTI drops forty points. If wages rose. If integration succeeded so completely that nobody felt displaced. That kit becomes just a kit. A pretty collaboration between a sportswear brand and a streetwear brand. No one argues. No one shares. No one says our name for free. We don't need the problem solved. We need the problem shareable. I have a meeting in eleven minutes. We're looking at the 2027 cycle. Japan is interesting. A Harajuku collab with no cherry blossoms. Brazil without yellow. England without St. George. Every country with an identity has an identity fault line and every fault line is a product launch. The kit itself? The kit is beautiful. That's the thing nobody wants to admit. It's a gorgeous piece of work. Patta did extraordinary design. The community it represents is real. The culture is real. The celebration is real. We just noticed it would also generate $410 million in free advertising if we positioned it correctly. Both sides share the ad. The graph goes up and to the right. It has never gone any other direction. I have a 2027 pin for every country with a flag.
1:18

I am the Senior Vice President of Cultural Strategy at Nike. My department does not make shoes. My department makes people say the word "Nike" 4.2 billion times in 72 hours without paying for a single impression. I have a model. We call it the Kaepernick Yield Curve internally. Slide 4. The number. $6 billion in brand value. From one man kneeling. Cost of distribution: zero. The entire internet did it for us. Both sides. At the same time. Sharing the same thirty-second spot. Saying our name while they burned our shoes on camera. We watched them set fire to a product they had already purchased. That was the moment I got promoted. The formula requires what we call a Cultural Tension Index. Every country has fault lines. Not geological. Demographic. Linguistic. Chromatic. We map them quarterly. The Netherlands scored a 94 in February. France was a 91. Japan is at 87 but rising. I have read Geert Wilders' platform. Not for politics. For market research. Every grievance he names is an engagement segment we can activate with a single kit reveal. I have read Le Pen's manifesto. I have read AfD campaign literature. I have a folder on my desktop called "Sentiment Reservoirs" and it contains every populist platform in Western Europe indexed by activatable emotion. Housing crisis. Wage stagnation. Cultural invisibility. The feeling that the country your grandfather built now speaks a language you don't recognize. These are not problems to me. These are market conditions. I'll tell you how the Dutch kit was built. We partnered with Patta. This is the part I'm proudest of. Patta is real. Edson and Gee, twenty years in Amsterdam, genuine street culture, Surinamese and hip-hop roots baked into the concrete of Zuidoost. The community is authentic. The collaboration is authentic. We are not authentic. We are selecting authentic things and placing them at the exact intersection where they will generate the maximum argument. Patta doesn't know they're the match. They think they're the product. Remove: orange. Remove: windmills. Remove: tulips. Remove: every signifier that one demographic considers "theirs." Insert: steel drums. Insert: African prints. Insert: bodies that do not look like the 1988 squad. Not because those bodies don't belong. They do belong. That's what makes it work. The ad is CORRECT. We made a correct ad that generates more outrage than an incorrect one ever could. Because you can't say it's wrong. You can only say it makes you uncomfortable. And discomfort is worth three times what outrage is worth in our model. Outrage peaks at 48 hours. Discomfort cycles for weeks. We don't sell shoes. We sell the argument about the shoes. I have a dashboard. It's called ROAR. Return On Algorithmic Rage. It refreshes every six minutes. I can watch the Netherlands kit travel from right-wing accounts ("demographic replacement") to progressive quote-tweets ("if this bothers you, you're telling on yourself") to mainstream think pieces ("What Nike's Dutch Kit Reveals About European Identity") to late-night monologues. Each handoff multiplies the impression count by 2.3x. We have never found the ceiling. The far-right accounts respond in four hours. We know this because we tested it with the France kit in 2024. The progressive defense takes six hours. The think pieces take thirty-six. The "I'm not racist BUT" accounts — the ones who feel something and don't know what to call it — take seventy-two hours. Those are the most valuable. They share the ad to say "I'm conflicted." Conflicted shares have a 4.1x engagement multiplier over angry shares. Both sides share the ad. Here is what I find interesting. The far-right says elites are replacing them. The left says this is representation. In my budget, both words appear on the same line item. "Replacement" and "representation" are the same P&L entry viewed from different positions in the income bracket. Neither side is wrong about what's happening. Both sides are wrong about who benefits. The answer is in our quarterly filing. Page 114. The workers in Tangerang stitch this kit for $204 a month. Eleven-hour shifts. Factory dormitory built within walking distance so Nike's supplier doesn't have to offer transportation stipends. It costs $3.70 in labor to produce a jersey that retails at €150. The Dutch factory worker in Eindhoven whose job went overseas fifteen years ago and the Surinamese kid in Zuidoost whose grandmother came on the last boat from Paramaribo — neither can afford this jersey. Both will argue about it online. For free. One is a "response cadence" in our model. The other is a "content asset." Neither is a customer. Both are inventory. I mention the wages not because it troubles me. I mention it because it is the one detail that generates zero impressions. No one screenshots a wage slip. No one boycotts a supply chain. They boycott a COLOR SCHEME. They share a thirty-second ad to prove which tribe they belong to while a woman in Indonesia sews the swoosh onto polyester for eleven hours and does not have an opinion about Dutch identity because she is thinking about whether her daughter can attend school this term. The word "diversity" appears in our marketing budget. Not under "values." Under "earned media catalyst." Line item 7. Right between "athlete controversy window" and "geopolitical sentiment farming." We discovered something the sociologists missed. You don't need to give people representation. You just need to show them their own face. Showing is cheaper than paying. A face in an ad costs one production shoot. A living wage costs quarterly, forever, compounding. We replaced redistribution with recognition. The algorithm cannot tell the difference. The quarterly filing can. Both sides share the ad. My team is seven people. The Cultural Tension Mapping unit. We sit on the fourteenth floor in a room called "The Fault Line." There is a world map on the wall with color-coded pins. Each pin represents a national team kit that has not yet been released. Each pin has a number. The number is the projected earned media value of the controversy that kit will generate. The Netherlands pin said $340 million. We came in at $410 million. I got a spot bonus. I need the wound to stay open. If the Netherlands solved its housing crisis tomorrow, our CTI drops forty points. If wages rose. If integration succeeded so completely that nobody felt displaced. That kit becomes just a kit. A pretty collaboration between a sportswear brand and a streetwear brand. No one argues. No one shares. No one says our name for free. We don't need the problem solved. We need the problem shareable. I have a meeting in eleven minutes. We're looking at the 2027 cycle. Japan is interesting. A Harajuku collab with no cherry blossoms. Brazil without yellow. England without St. George. Every country with an identity has an identity fault line and every fault line is a product launch. The kit itself? The kit is beautiful. That's the thing nobody wants to admit. It's a gorgeous piece of work. Patta did extraordinary design. The community it represents is real. The culture is real. The celebration is real. We just noticed it would also generate $410 million in free advertising if we positioned it correctly. Both sides share the ad. The graph goes up and to the right. It has never gone any other direction. I have a 2027 pin for every country with a flag.

Peter Girnus 🦅

36,543 Aufrufe • vor 3 Monaten

I am a Senior Land Registrar in the Civil Administration for Judea and Samaria, and I want to be clear: I have never held a weapon in my professional capacity. My tools are a surveyor's plat, a GIS database, a stack of Ottoman-era property records that conveniently lack the documentation standards we now require, and a stamp that says APPROVED in Hebrew and English but not Arabic. I process between 40 and 60 land status determinations per week. Each one takes approximately 90 minutes. I drink two coffees per determination. My colleagues call me thorough. I've been doing this for eleven years. In that time I have processed approximately 14,000 individual determinations. If you converted my career output into a map overlay — which our GIS department did last year for the annual review — it would show a territory roughly the size of Luxembourg redesignated from "ambiguous ownership" to "state land." My director presented this at the ministry's year-end function. There was cake. Someone made a joke about me being the most productive person in the building. I am. By parcel count, no one else comes close. When I redesignate a parcel as state land, I am not "taking" anything. I am correcting a clerical ambiguity. The land was always state land — it simply hadn't been properly registered. The fact that a family has grazed sheep on it for four generations is not, in a legal sense, documentation. A hand-drawn boundary marker is not a cadastral survey. An olive grove planted by someone's grandfather is not a title deed. I don't make the rules. I apply them. Consistently. 60 times per week. The consistency is the point. Let me explain the permit system, because the international press gets it wrong every time. A Palestinian resident of Area C may apply for a building permit. This is their right. We process every application through the standard review framework: zoning compliance, infrastructure capacity, environmental impact, archaeological sensitivity, security corridor proximity, and what we call "master plan alignment" — whether the proposed structure fits within the approved development outline for that locality. The issue is that most Palestinian localities in Area C do not have approved development outlines. We have not yet gotten to them. There are staffing constraints. We are, I should note, processing Israeli settlement development outlines at a rate of approximately 12 per quarter. The Palestinian ones are in the queue. My rejection rate on Palestinian building permit applications is 99.3%. I know this because a European NGO published it, and my supervisor forwarded the article to the department with a single comment: "consistency." I took it as a compliment. Consistency is what separates administration from chaos. If I approved permits selectively, THAT would be discrimination. I reject them uniformly. On identical grounds. With identical language. There is an elegance to it that I don't think the NGOs appreciate. When a structure is built without the permit I've denied, my colleagues in the enforcement division issue a demolition order. 1,768 last year. Some people call this a cycle. I call it a system functioning correctly. You apply for a permit. The permit is denied based on established zoning criteria. You build without authorization. The unauthorized structure is removed. Each step follows from the last with the inevitability of arithmetic. I don't demolish homes. I maintain the integrity of the planning framework. The distinction matters to me professionally. There's a form — I won't bore you with the number, but it's a green form — that we file after each demolition confirming the enforcement action was "consistent with the applicable planning regime." I have signed this form 1,768 times in the last fiscal year. My signature is the same every time. The form is the same every time. Only the GPS coordinates change. The new staff sometimes ask about appeals. There is an appeals process. It routes through our office. The appeal is reviewed against the same criteria that produced the initial denial. The criteria have not changed. The appeal is denied. There is an elegance to closed systems that young people don't yet appreciate. Give them time. After 14,000 determinations, you stop seeing individual cases and start seeing the architecture. It's cleaner that way. The Minister visited our office last month. Smotrich. He toured the open-plan floor where my team sits — 23 registrars, four GIS analysts, two cartographers, and a woman named Dina who manages the Ottoman-era archive. He reviewed the quarterly land registration targets. 200 square kilometers redesignated by end of fiscal year. We're ahead of schedule. He told us we were "building the state one parcel at a time." I appreciated that he understood the granularity. The newspapers write about settlements in the abstract. Grand strategy. Geopolitics. They don't understand that a settlement is, at its foundation, a series of correctly filed forms. A sovereignty claim is a stack of cadastral surveys with the appropriate ministerial stamps. A border is wherever the last registration order reaches. I know because I process the registration orders. The border is currently 14 kilometers further east than it was when I started this job. I moved it. With a stamp. Over 4,000 working days. At a rate of 90 minutes per determination. I processed the Sa-Nur reopening paperwork personally. This was a point of professional pride. Eight forms. Three ministerial signatures. One environmental impact waiver (expedited track — the site had been previously developed, so the environmental baseline was already established). One security corridor certification. One infrastructure capacity assessment (pre-approved — the road was already built in 2003). The total processing time was four hours and eleven minutes. The Minister called it a "historic correction" on television that evening. I liked that. "Correction." It's the same language I use in my determination memos when a previous assessment is found to contain a classification error. We are correcting. Not conquering. Not expanding. Correcting a 2005 administrative error, remedied through the standard review process, filed under the appropriate statute, stamped with the same stamp I use 60 times per week. The stamp doesn't know the difference between a routine parcel redesignation and the reopening of an evacuated settlement. It just stamps. Like me. My favorite part of the job is the roads. I don't process roads directly — that's the Infrastructure Planning Division — but I handle the land designations that make roads possible. When a road needs to connect Settlement A to Settlement B, the parcels along the proposed route must first be redesignated as state land available for infrastructure development. This is where I come in. I process the redesignation determinations — typically 30 to 50 per road, depending on length and terrain — and then the Infrastructure Division handles the construction authorization. When completed, the road creates what we call "territorial continuity" in the planning language. The newspapers call it "facts on the ground." My GIS colleagues call it "reducing the solution space" — meaning that the geometric options for any future border decrease with each road built. But from my desk, it's simply a transportation infrastructure request routed through the standard approval process. The road doesn't know it's political. It's just asphalt. It just happens to be asphalt that makes a future Palestinian state geometrically impossible — but that's a question for cartographers and diplomats, not land registrars. I don't draw borders. I draw parcels. The borders happen as a consequence. The 34-settlement approval from March was the largest batch I've ever processed. My team worked weekends — something we normally reserve for end-of-fiscal-year deadlines. Each settlement requires between 80 and 120 individual parcel determinations. Multiply by 34. My coffee consumption that month was medically inadvisable. But we met the deadline. The Minister's office sent a commendation email. Form letter. Same language they use for any department that meets quarterly targets. "Your contribution to the national mission is appreciated." I have received 11 of these emails over my career. I keep them in a folder labeled RECOGNITION. Someone from a European fact-finding delegation visited last year and asked me if I ever thought about "the human impact" of my work. I told her that I think about zoning compliance, infrastructure capacity, environmental impact, archaeological sensitivity, security corridor proximity, and master plan alignment. Those are the criteria. They are applied uniformly. There is no field on my forms for "human impact." If there were, I would fill it in. Consistently. With the same attention to accuracy that I bring to every other field. She asked a follow-up question about whether I'd ever visited the communities affected by my determinations. I told her that site visits are conducted by the survey team, not the registration team. Division of labor. I work from satellite imagery, GIS overlays, and the Ottoman archive. I have never set foot on most of the parcels I've redesignated. I don't need to. The data is sufficient. The forms are complete. The stamp is the same regardless of what's physically on the ground. I understand that 14,000 determinations, viewed from a certain altitude, might look like something other than administration. I understand that a territory the size of Luxembourg, redesignated over eleven years, might look like something other than clerical correction. I understand that a 99.3% rejection rate, sustained over a decade, might look like something other than consistent application of established criteria. But I would ask: at what point in my daily work did I cross a line? Which specific determination? Which form? Which stamp? There is no moment in 14,000 determinations where administration becomes something else. There is only the next form. The next coffee. The next 90-minute assessment. A spreadsheet that grows. Cell by cell. Row by row. Until the map matches the plan that the Minister published eight years before I received the quarterly targets that translated it into parcel counts. But the plan is above my pay grade. I just file the paperwork. Sixty times per week. Two coffees per filing. Luxembourg in eleven years. I have never held a weapon.
2:09

I am a Senior Land Registrar in the Civil Administration for Judea and Samaria, and I want to be clear: I have never held a weapon in my professional capacity. My tools are a surveyor's plat, a GIS database, a stack of Ottoman-era property records that conveniently lack the documentation standards we now require, and a stamp that says APPROVED in Hebrew and English but not Arabic. I process between 40 and 60 land status determinations per week. Each one takes approximately 90 minutes. I drink two coffees per determination. My colleagues call me thorough. I've been doing this for eleven years. In that time I have processed approximately 14,000 individual determinations. If you converted my career output into a map overlay — which our GIS department did last year for the annual review — it would show a territory roughly the size of Luxembourg redesignated from "ambiguous ownership" to "state land." My director presented this at the ministry's year-end function. There was cake. Someone made a joke about me being the most productive person in the building. I am. By parcel count, no one else comes close. When I redesignate a parcel as state land, I am not "taking" anything. I am correcting a clerical ambiguity. The land was always state land — it simply hadn't been properly registered. The fact that a family has grazed sheep on it for four generations is not, in a legal sense, documentation. A hand-drawn boundary marker is not a cadastral survey. An olive grove planted by someone's grandfather is not a title deed. I don't make the rules. I apply them. Consistently. 60 times per week. The consistency is the point. Let me explain the permit system, because the international press gets it wrong every time. A Palestinian resident of Area C may apply for a building permit. This is their right. We process every application through the standard review framework: zoning compliance, infrastructure capacity, environmental impact, archaeological sensitivity, security corridor proximity, and what we call "master plan alignment" — whether the proposed structure fits within the approved development outline for that locality. The issue is that most Palestinian localities in Area C do not have approved development outlines. We have not yet gotten to them. There are staffing constraints. We are, I should note, processing Israeli settlement development outlines at a rate of approximately 12 per quarter. The Palestinian ones are in the queue. My rejection rate on Palestinian building permit applications is 99.3%. I know this because a European NGO published it, and my supervisor forwarded the article to the department with a single comment: "consistency." I took it as a compliment. Consistency is what separates administration from chaos. If I approved permits selectively, THAT would be discrimination. I reject them uniformly. On identical grounds. With identical language. There is an elegance to it that I don't think the NGOs appreciate. When a structure is built without the permit I've denied, my colleagues in the enforcement division issue a demolition order. 1,768 last year. Some people call this a cycle. I call it a system functioning correctly. You apply for a permit. The permit is denied based on established zoning criteria. You build without authorization. The unauthorized structure is removed. Each step follows from the last with the inevitability of arithmetic. I don't demolish homes. I maintain the integrity of the planning framework. The distinction matters to me professionally. There's a form — I won't bore you with the number, but it's a green form — that we file after each demolition confirming the enforcement action was "consistent with the applicable planning regime." I have signed this form 1,768 times in the last fiscal year. My signature is the same every time. The form is the same every time. Only the GPS coordinates change. The new staff sometimes ask about appeals. There is an appeals process. It routes through our office. The appeal is reviewed against the same criteria that produced the initial denial. The criteria have not changed. The appeal is denied. There is an elegance to closed systems that young people don't yet appreciate. Give them time. After 14,000 determinations, you stop seeing individual cases and start seeing the architecture. It's cleaner that way. The Minister visited our office last month. Smotrich. He toured the open-plan floor where my team sits — 23 registrars, four GIS analysts, two cartographers, and a woman named Dina who manages the Ottoman-era archive. He reviewed the quarterly land registration targets. 200 square kilometers redesignated by end of fiscal year. We're ahead of schedule. He told us we were "building the state one parcel at a time." I appreciated that he understood the granularity. The newspapers write about settlements in the abstract. Grand strategy. Geopolitics. They don't understand that a settlement is, at its foundation, a series of correctly filed forms. A sovereignty claim is a stack of cadastral surveys with the appropriate ministerial stamps. A border is wherever the last registration order reaches. I know because I process the registration orders. The border is currently 14 kilometers further east than it was when I started this job. I moved it. With a stamp. Over 4,000 working days. At a rate of 90 minutes per determination. I processed the Sa-Nur reopening paperwork personally. This was a point of professional pride. Eight forms. Three ministerial signatures. One environmental impact waiver (expedited track — the site had been previously developed, so the environmental baseline was already established). One security corridor certification. One infrastructure capacity assessment (pre-approved — the road was already built in 2003). The total processing time was four hours and eleven minutes. The Minister called it a "historic correction" on television that evening. I liked that. "Correction." It's the same language I use in my determination memos when a previous assessment is found to contain a classification error. We are correcting. Not conquering. Not expanding. Correcting a 2005 administrative error, remedied through the standard review process, filed under the appropriate statute, stamped with the same stamp I use 60 times per week. The stamp doesn't know the difference between a routine parcel redesignation and the reopening of an evacuated settlement. It just stamps. Like me. My favorite part of the job is the roads. I don't process roads directly — that's the Infrastructure Planning Division — but I handle the land designations that make roads possible. When a road needs to connect Settlement A to Settlement B, the parcels along the proposed route must first be redesignated as state land available for infrastructure development. This is where I come in. I process the redesignation determinations — typically 30 to 50 per road, depending on length and terrain — and then the Infrastructure Division handles the construction authorization. When completed, the road creates what we call "territorial continuity" in the planning language. The newspapers call it "facts on the ground." My GIS colleagues call it "reducing the solution space" — meaning that the geometric options for any future border decrease with each road built. But from my desk, it's simply a transportation infrastructure request routed through the standard approval process. The road doesn't know it's political. It's just asphalt. It just happens to be asphalt that makes a future Palestinian state geometrically impossible — but that's a question for cartographers and diplomats, not land registrars. I don't draw borders. I draw parcels. The borders happen as a consequence. The 34-settlement approval from March was the largest batch I've ever processed. My team worked weekends — something we normally reserve for end-of-fiscal-year deadlines. Each settlement requires between 80 and 120 individual parcel determinations. Multiply by 34. My coffee consumption that month was medically inadvisable. But we met the deadline. The Minister's office sent a commendation email. Form letter. Same language they use for any department that meets quarterly targets. "Your contribution to the national mission is appreciated." I have received 11 of these emails over my career. I keep them in a folder labeled RECOGNITION. Someone from a European fact-finding delegation visited last year and asked me if I ever thought about "the human impact" of my work. I told her that I think about zoning compliance, infrastructure capacity, environmental impact, archaeological sensitivity, security corridor proximity, and master plan alignment. Those are the criteria. They are applied uniformly. There is no field on my forms for "human impact." If there were, I would fill it in. Consistently. With the same attention to accuracy that I bring to every other field. She asked a follow-up question about whether I'd ever visited the communities affected by my determinations. I told her that site visits are conducted by the survey team, not the registration team. Division of labor. I work from satellite imagery, GIS overlays, and the Ottoman archive. I have never set foot on most of the parcels I've redesignated. I don't need to. The data is sufficient. The forms are complete. The stamp is the same regardless of what's physically on the ground. I understand that 14,000 determinations, viewed from a certain altitude, might look like something other than administration. I understand that a territory the size of Luxembourg, redesignated over eleven years, might look like something other than clerical correction. I understand that a 99.3% rejection rate, sustained over a decade, might look like something other than consistent application of established criteria. But I would ask: at what point in my daily work did I cross a line? Which specific determination? Which form? Which stamp? There is no moment in 14,000 determinations where administration becomes something else. There is only the next form. The next coffee. The next 90-minute assessment. A spreadsheet that grows. Cell by cell. Row by row. Until the map matches the plan that the Minister published eight years before I received the quarterly targets that translated it into parcel counts. But the plan is above my pay grade. I just file the paperwork. Sixty times per week. Two coffees per filing. Luxembourg in eleven years. I have never held a weapon.

Peter Girnus 🦅

26,645 Aufrufe • vor 3 Monaten