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The same scene, across three languages: Revathi & Karthik, Mouna Raagam (Tamil, 1986) Neelam & Chunky Pandey, Kasak (Hindi, 1992) Prema & Shiva Rajkumar, Chandrodaya (Kannada, 1999) What monumental difference in staging, acting, and most importantly the power of background music (Ilayaraja, Rajesh Roshan, and Hamsalekha, respectively).

759,302 Aufrufe • vor 2 Jahren •via X (Twitter)

10 Kommentare

Profilbild von Karthik 🇮🇳
Karthik 🇮🇳vor 2 Jahren

Here's a follow-up googly :) The same scene, across 3 languages, but 4 films! Anil Kapoor & Kiran Vairale, Pallavi Anupallavi (Mani Ratnam - Kannada, 1983) Karthik & Revathi, Mouna Raagam (Mani Ratnam - Tamil, 1986) Chunky Pandey & Neelam, Kasak (K. Bapaiah - Hindi, 1992) Shiva Rajkumar & Prema, Chandrodaya (S. Mahendar - Kannada, 1999)

Profilbild von Adman
Admanvor 2 Jahren

The genius of Raja is that the same music moves from pathos to joy

Profilbild von Karthik 🇮🇳
Karthik 🇮🇳vor 2 Jahren

Indeed. Mouna Raagam is an absolute masterclass when it comes musical cues in the background.

Profilbild von JamesBond
JamesBondvor 2 Jahren

No disrespect here, except Karthik in Mouna Ragam Tamil , why the other two actors act like mentally unstable fellows. No emotions at all.

Profilbild von A.K.I
A.K.Ivor 2 Jahren

Chunkey Pandey's is a mockery of the excellence of Maniratnam and Karthik supported aptly by the genius of Ilayaraja. They have made a spoof of a classic... I just can't unsee it.. 😰

Profilbild von Cinema Updatez
Cinema Updatezvor 2 Jahren

Apart from all actors and actress and musics. Revathy standalone with her expressions. She is damn cute 😍🤌😍🤌.

Profilbild von kuldip suri
kuldip surivor 2 Jahren

You made so much efforts to put all in one place...😊💕

Profilbild von Karthik 🇮🇳
Karthik 🇮🇳vor 2 Jahren

I was so curious myself to see them back to back, and then, after watching, thought a few other people may be as interested too :)

Profilbild von juxtaposyd
juxtaposydvor 2 Jahren

Without Raja's music the other 2 Hero's act like they got hit in head.

Profilbild von Dabang Trader / దబంగ్ ట్రేడర్ / दबंग ट्रेडर
Dabang Trader / దబంగ్ ట్రేడర్ / दबंग ट्रेडरvor 2 Jahren

Thanks for sharing this. Revathi is unparalleled.

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Tejasvi Surya

71,999 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

🚨The HIMARS at the Foot of Fuji Was Not a Drill. It Was a Message. Three signals from three cities. One target. One 24-hour window. Beijing was always going to hear it. Just after 2 p.m. Tokyo time on Wednesday, a platoon of about fifty U.S. Marines from the 3rd Battalion, 12th Marine Regiment — Okinawa-based, ordinarily stationed within sight of the Taiwan Strait — rolled two HIMARS launchers onto the East Fuji Maneuver Area and fired two salvos. Six rockets. Pause. Six more. The launchers then did what they were built to do: pulled back from the firing line and disappeared. The Marines call this "shoot and scoot." In the age of cheap drones and counter-battery radar, it is no longer a clever tactic — it is the difference between a launcher that fights tomorrow and a launcher that is a smoking ruin within ninety seconds. The Pentagon framed the exercise in routine terms. Live-fire training. Readiness. Allied interoperability. "Reinforcing our commitment to regional security and the defense of Japan," the division spokesman wrote in his April briefing email. Many legacy media outlets reported it as a drill. Second consecutive year at this location. Nothing to see. That framing is technically correct and strategically blind. Because of what else happened on May 20. In Taipei, Lai Ching-te marked his second anniversary in office, halfway through his term, with a press conference reaffirming that Taiwan's future will not be decided by external forces and that arms procurement from the United States is essential to peace. In Washington, president Donald Trump walked onto the tarmac at Joint Base Andrews and told reporters he would speak with Lai personally — the first sitting U.S. president-to-sitting Taiwanese president call since the United States switched recognition to Beijing in 1979. And in Shizuoka Prefecture, on a maneuver area visible to local farmers and a 72-year-old former Japanese soldier watching from a hilltop in Gotemba, twelve American rockets arced into the foothills of Japan's most photographed mountain. Three events. Three cities. Same calendar day. You can call that coincidence if you want. The people who plan exercises eighteen months in advance, coordinate them with Japan's Ministry of Defense by formal email in April, and clear them with three different theater command headquarters do not believe in that kind of coincidence. Here is what the HIMARS at Fuji actually means in the wider picture. The system, as configured for Wednesday's drill, is short-range. But HIMARS is a platform, not a weapon. Swap the standard pod for the Precision Strike Missile and the same truck can put a warhead 500 kilometers downrange — from Yonaguni, from the Senkakus, from the Batanes islands the U.S. Army has been quietly deploying to since last year, that arc covers the Taiwan Strait and a meaningful portion of the southern Chinese coast. Beijing has spent two decades and several hundred billion dollars building an Anti-Access/Area Denial system designed around one assumption: that American power projection in the Western Pacific depends on a handful of large, fixed, exquisite platforms — carrier groups, Kadena, Guam. The DF-26 is called the "Guam Killer" for a reason. The entire bet is that if you can credibly threaten those platforms, the United States will not show up. A truck that fires twelve rockets and disappears into the tree line breaks that bet. There is no "Guam Killer" for a HIMARS battery that moves every forty minutes across an archipelago of forty-six inhabited islands the U.S. and Japan jointly operate. You cannot pre-target what you cannot find. This was the message Beijing received on Wednesday afternoon. Trump's announcement told them the political ceiling has been raised. Lai's anniversary speech told them Taipei is not negotiating its sovereignty. The rockets at Fuji told them the military floor has been raised too — and that the floor is mobile, distributed, and very difficult to break. The bell that has been ringing all week did not stop at the phone call. It rang again at 2 p.m. in the shadow of Mount Fuji. And the next time it rings, it may not be a training round. Original post by me Aric Chen. Views are my own — welcome to discuss!

Aric Chen

109,283 Aufrufe • vor 3 Monaten

In this conversation with Trevor Noah, Simon Sinek pretends capitalism was all rainbows and sunshine until that bad man Milton Friedman ruined it in 1970. As if the origins of capitalism were not based on pillaging Madeira Island, slavery, imperialism and colonialism across the entire planet. Listening to Sinek, you’d swear the Dutch East India Company was a charity organisation before Friedman came along and “bastardised” capitalism. In reality, capitalism was so bad in the US that they started calling capitalists “robber barons” in the 1800s, because that’s the natural state of capitalism. Influencers like Sinek like to paint a mythical “golden era” where Adam Smith’s vision was flourishing, right up until Milton Friedman published his essay in a newspaper declaring that a corporation’s sole responsibility is to maximise shareholder profit. In truth, long before Friedman wrote a single word, the late 19th-century American “Gilded Age” displayed unchecked corporate power at its peak. John D. Rockefeller and Andrew Carnegie actively crushed competition, fixed prices and built trusts. These Robber Barons used their obscene wealth to buy politicians, secure state bailouts/subsidies and crush labour strikes using government troops. This was not Adam Smith’s vision of fair competition among many small players. Sinek references the famous 1776 line from The Wealth of Nations about the butcher, the baker, and the brewer acting out of self-interest to provide goods. However, Smith was writing about economic theory rather than the actual economy of the 18th century, which was already deeply tied to colonial monopolies, state-sponsored corporate charters such as the East India Companies, and, of course, transatlantic slavery. In fact, when you look at what Sinek says Adam Smith was describing, you realise it’s really just trade and commerce. Smith never even used the word “capitalism”. When he wrote The Wealth of Nations, the term didn’t even exist. Instead, he described what he called a “commercial society”. The markets, commerce, specialisation, and trade, which Sinek alludes to, have existed for thousands of years across almost every human civilisation. So, Smith was observing localised market interactions where small producers exchanged goods directly with their neighbours, and NOT capitalism. We know Adam Smith wasn’t thinking about capitalism because “capitalism” as a distinct socioeconomic framework defined by private ownership of the means of production, large-scale industrial capital, wage labour, and financial markets was only named and analysed decades later by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Karl Marx and others. Most importantly, people who quote Smith to defend capitalism often ignore how intensely critical he was of merchants, business owners, and corporate monopolies. He warned about how people of the same trade rarely meet together without the conversation ending in a “conspiracy against the public, or in some contrivance to raise prices.” Smith was also deeply sceptical of large corporations like the Dutch East India Company, considered the first capitalist organisation in human history, arguing that managers handling other people’s money would inevitably succumb to “negligence and profusion” compared to owners managing their own affairs. So, by using Smith’s butcher/baker example to represent “good capitalism” vs. Friedman’s “bad capitalism,” Sinek conflates normal trade with capitalism and treats the former as some type of awesome, traditional capitalism. In summation, contrary to what Sinek and others like him say, when a local baker makes good bread to beat the baker down the street, that’s normal market trade and commerce, but when a private equity firm buys the bakery, slashes employee benefits, uses cheap ingredients, buys back stock to boost executive bonuses, and goes bankrupt, *that* is capitalism.

Sizwe SikaMusi

23,819 Aufrufe • vor 19 Tagen

📖SEEDANCE 2.0 JUST MADE EVERY FILM SCHOOL IRRELEVANT FOR SOLO CREATORS Solo creators with the right workflow are closing clients that used to require a full production studio. Seedance 2.0 inside Dreamina holds character consistency across scenes in a way no other tool at this price point comes close to. Same face, same costume, same lighting logic — frame after frame after frame. That's the feature that turns a single prompt session into a short film. The lava demon materializing inside a gothic cathedral. The girl in black holding her ground while everything burns around her. Two characters with completely different visual languages sharing the same atmospheric world — and Seedance holds both of them consistent across every cut. That's not a generation. That's a production. Here's the 7-step workflow that produced this: • Step 1 — Define the character before you define the scene. Write a complete physical description — face structure, hair, clothing, skin, posture. This becomes the anchor every future generation references. • Step 2 — Build the world separately from the character. Gothic cathedral, candlelight, fog, cracked stone, scattered bodies. Define the atmosphere as its own entity before you place anyone inside it. • Step 3 — Generate the reference frame. One image that establishes the visual language, the color grade, the lighting temperature. Lock this as your style reference before generating any video. • Step 4 — Feed the reference into Seedance's image-to-video pipeline with a motion prompt. Camera behavior only — slow push, hold, circle. The image handles the subject. The prompt handles the direction. • Step 5 — Generate four variations per scene. Delete the two that look generated. Keep the one where the character's face holds and the atmosphere feels physical rather than rendered. • Step 6 — Edit in CapCut or Premiere Pro. Add music that matches the emotional temperature of the grade — the visual already tells you what the sound should feel like. Dark orchestral, slow tempo, single instrument carrying the melody. • Step 7 — Save the character description and reference frame as a template. The next episode starts from the same character in the same world. Series content becomes a system, not a restart. How a freelancer sells this: Dark fantasy content for game studios, music artists, and fantasy brands is a real market with real budgets. A musician dropping an album needs a visual world. A game studio needs promotional cinematics. A fantasy brand needs a story. Where to find clients: • Music artists on SoundCloud and Spotify releasing dark, gothic, or cinematic albums — search by genre, find artists with 1k–50k listeners who have no visual content. They have the audience and the need but no production budget for traditional video. • Indie game studios on Itch and Steam launching fantasy or horror titles — they need promotional cinematics and trailers but can't afford a production company. A single free scene built from their game's character art opens every conversation. • Dark fantasy and gothic brands on Instagram and TikTok with strong photo content but zero video presence — jewelry brands, clothing labels, occult lifestyle brands. They have the aesthetic already built. You just add motion to it. • Fantasy and horror fiction authors on Instagram and Substack launching new books — they need visual teasers, trailers, and world-building content to build pre-launch audiences. Most have no idea this kind of production is accessible at this price point. • Tabletop RPG creators and Dungeon Masters on Patreon and Kickstarter — they build entire fantasy universes and need cinematic content for campaigns, promotional videos, and subscriber rewards. The niche is underserved and the creators inside it spend consistently on content tools and services. 📥Tomorrow I'll show you what's sitting right next to this opportunity. 🔖Save this if you are looking for practical AI methods that actually pay.

Zentrix⌚️

50,098 Aufrufe • vor 2 Monaten

Many remember Vito Corleone's final conversation with Michael as the moment a father passes his empire to his son. But if that had truly been Francis Ford Coppola's central point, the scene would never have taken place in a garden. He would have set it in the office. That is where power is built. It is also where power is transferred. Instead, Coppola does the opposite. He removes Vito from every symbol that has defined him throughout the film. The dark office is gone. The desk where life-and-death decisions were made is gone. The men waiting for his orders are gone. Even Don Corleone's black suit is gone. What remains is an elderly man in a simple cardigan, sitting among trees, speaking with his son in the soft light of late afternoon. At first glance, it seems like nothing more than a change of location. In cinematic terms, however, it is the most important choice in the entire sequence. For nearly three hours, Coppola carefully builds Vito through the language of power. In this scene, he deliberately strips those layers away. Not to make the character appear weaker. But to stop us from seeing Don Corleone—and allow us to see Vito. Just as importantly, Michael is never framed as a subordinate receiving instructions. The two men sit at eye level. The camera refuses to establish dominance. There is no composition of command and obedience. Because this is not staged as a transfer of authority. It is staged as a meeting. One man has almost reached the end of his journey. The other is about to begin its most difficult chapter. What Vito offers is not a collection of strategies for victory. Strategy belongs to its own time and circumstance. What he passes on is something deeper—a sense of direction that can endure even when circumstances inevitably change. That is why the rhythm of the scene becomes remarkably quiet. There is no conflict. No dramatic climax. No speech designed to astonish the audience. Coppola lets everything settle. Because some truths can only be heard after the noise has faded. That is also why he chooses the garden. Throughout The Godfather, it is the place closest to nature. A garden is where human beings care for life, but never create it. A gardener cannot force a seed to grow. He can only cultivate the conditions in which the life already within the seed may flourish. In a deeper sense, Vito is doing the same. He cannot live Michael's life for him. He cannot make the choices Michael will one day face. The only thing he can do is preserve what time has already proven to be enduring, and entrust it to the next generation. This is no longer instruction. It is continuity. Perhaps that is why Coppola refuses to place the conversation inside a room. He places it among trees. Because nature has always followed a simple law. A tree does not keep its fruit for itself. The fruit bears seeds. The seeds become new trees. Life does not continue through possession. Life continues through what is given away. And it is here that Coppola completes Vito Corleone's journey. For most of the film, Vito is a Don. He commands. He judges. He protects his family. He carries an entire order upon his shoulders. But in the garden, every one of those roles quietly falls away. What remains is not a crime boss. It is a man. A man no longer concerned with how much power he can hold. Only with what is worthy of living on after he is gone. Perhaps that is why this sequence leaves such a lasting impression. It does not ask us to admire Vito Corleone. It invites us to examine ourselves. One day our work will end. Our status will end. Our reputation will end. Even the roles life has entrusted to us will come to an end. When that day arrives, what will remain? Francis Ford Coppola never answers that question with dialogue. He answers it with images. He quietly removes a man from every symbol of power, returns him to the natural world, and lets life speak for itself. Perhaps that is why, more than half a century later, the garden scene still leaves audiences in silence. Not because it is about a Mafia family. But because it reminds us of something every human heart instinctively recognizes. A life is not ultimately measured by what we keep for ourselves, but by what is most true within us that continues to live on in the lives of others. Name movie: The Godfather (1972)

Love Classical Music and Movies 🎺🎻💖🎥🎬

32,970 Aufrufe • vor 1 Monat

You are confusing cause and effect, and in doing so, you are missing the deeper structural reality that is the central point of the argument. Migration in Africa does not happen in a vacuum. People do not wake up and casually decide to leave their homes, families, and countries for no apparent reason. Movement of people across colonial borders is driven by economic collapse, political instability, conflict, and governance failures, yes, but also by powerful historical forces that shaped those very conditions in the first place. Not everyone has the third eye to see those historical forces at play unless they read, comprehend and follow ideas and not populist demagoguery. Apartheid was not just a South African policy that ended in 1994. Its effects still live with South Africans to this very day. It was part of a wider political and more importantly economic system of racial capitalism that structured the region’s economy. What you fixed in 1994 was only the political and not the economic side of it. South Africa was designed as the industrial hub, while neighbouring countries were deliberately underdeveloped and turned into labour reserves for South Africa’s economy. Migrant labour from countries like Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and Lesotho was not an accident at all, it was built into the system. It was designed that way and remains so to this very day. The owners of the means of production then remain the owners of the means of production today. Black people are largely still workers. You have a few token black individuals at the top, but the majority remain little more than exploited labour. So when people move from their countries today, they are often moving along routes that were created decades ago. The inequality between South Africa and its neighbours did not emerge overnight, and it is not simply the result of “African leaders” in isolation of other key factors. It is the continuation of a historical economic design that concentrated wealth in one place and poverty in others. That does not absolve African governments of responsibility. Many have failed their citizens through corruption, mismanagement, and repression. I write about this daily, and I have gone to prison three times in my lifetime for doing so. I have had to leave my country to save my life for doing so. But to reduce a complex, multi-layered issue to “it is African leaders” is intellectually lazy and historically dishonest. It ignores history, economics, and global power dynamics. As for Malema, whether you agree with him or not, his political skill lies in identifying how political and economic narratives are shaped and who benefits from them. He is pointing out that anger is often redirected away from the very systems of inequality and towards vulnerable people, migrants, who did not create those conditions. If you want a serious conversation, then deal with the full picture. Migration is about history, economics, governance, and global inequality. Blaming one factor while ignoring the rest is not analysis at all, it is deceitful propaganda. The economically and intellectually illiterate are often the easiest targets of political propaganda, precisely because they are fed simple, emotionally satisfying explanations for complex structural problems. They are told who to blame for their suffering, migrants, neighbouring countries, or vague notions of “outsiders”, while the real drivers, historical dispossession, entrenched economic inequality, and elite collusion, are deliberately obscured. In Southern Africa, and particularly in South Africa, this manifests in xenophobic narratives that blame Zimbabweans or Mozambicans for unemployment and poverty, when in reality those conditions are rooted in a long standing economic architecture that concentrated wealth and ownership in very few hands. It is easier to turn the poor against the poor than to confront systems that benefit those in power. What is often forgotten in this debate is that the political elites of colonial South Africa and Rhodesia worked in concert to sustain a repressive regional system that enriched a minority while extracting labour and resources from the rest. Your former apartheid Prime Minister John Vorster says it in this video in a very tactful manner. That logic has not disappeared at all, it has merely changed form. Today, segments of the political elite in both South Africa and Zimbabwe continue to operate in ways that protect entrenched economic interests while the majority remain economically marginalised. South Africa was the only true white settler “home”, where wealth, infrastructure, and industry were concentrated, while territories like Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), Northern Rhodesia (Zambia), and Nyasaland (Malawi) functioned largely as economic outposts, feeding capital, labour, and raw materials into that system. The Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland was presented as a project of regional integration, but in practice it reinforced patterns of extraction, with mining in Zambia, agriculture in Zimbabwe, and labour flows from Malawi all tied into a broader economic network dominated by South African capital. The same remains to this very day. The tragedy of focusing on Julius as the messenger rather than the message is something I speak about regularly, the need to focus on ideas and not personalities. You do not have to like Julius Malema. You do not have to agree with everything he says. All you need to do is focus on his message and interrogate it critically. I am not enslaved to Julius Malema’s ideas. I pick and choose what I agree with, and I am able to articulate a reasoned argument for both what I support and what I reject. You should do the same. One of the most powerful weapons of colonialism was the deliberate fragmentation of black people into small Bantustans, into isolated villages where communities were conditioned to view the next village with suspicion. In Rhodesia we had “reserves” and “keeps.” People from other Bantustans were treated as outsiders. That mentality was never dismantled, it still exists today. The idea of seeing others with suspicion simply because of an arbitrary line, a colonial border, remains deeply entrenched. Many do not fully appreciate how powerful and enduring that mentality and conditioning is. Yet when you look at the descendants of colonialists, they do not view each other through those same lenses. White Zimbabweans move into South Africa without attracting the same hostility because of the economic architecture that allows them to stay away from the so called lumpen. White people from across the world come and settle with ease in South Africa. In fact, one of the most visible figures advocating for the secession of the Western Cape is a British citizen, yet there is no comparable outrage from black South Africans. The same energy of protests and marches that is directed at fellow Africans is rarely directed there. That is not accidental at all, it is well designed that way. It speaks to the protection afforded by entrenched economic power and privilege, but also to a deeper psychological conditioning in how black people are taught to see each other and to see whiteness. This will not disappear overnight. It may not even disappear in my lifetime. But the task is to keep planting the seeds of awareness and unity. As Bob Marley said, you give your more to get your little. What you do today may seem small, but in time it contributes to something much larger, especially if there is collective effort to confront and resolve these divisions. One of the most important things colonialists understood was that education is the key to discernment, to the ability to interrogate and understand issues such as those I raised in this essay. That is precisely why they restricted access to it. Only a few black people were allowed meaningful education, and the consequences of that exclusion remain with us today, not only in South Africa but across much of the continent. We did not dismantle the systems that underpinned colonialism. We largely inherited them, changed the faces at the top, and continued to operate within the same structures. So I will end by saying this, if anyone truly wants change on the issues being debated, you must fix the foundation. You cannot repair window panes when the foundation itself is cracking. Immigration, whether legal or illegal, will always exist, but it is sustained not by foreigners alone, but by the system itself. When Zimbabweans cross the border without passports, they are often enabled by South Africans within a broken system. When documents are obtained illegally, it is again the system that enables it. When Zimbabwe’s political crisis persists without free and fair elections, regional dynamics, including South Africa’s political and economic interests, often play a role in sustaining that status quo. There is a web of political and economic interests that mirrors, in some respects, the relationships that existed during the colonial and apartheid eras. As long as those interests remain, there is little incentive for those in power to confront injustice decisively. The corruption and governance failures in Zimbabwe are real and significant, but they are part of a broader structural problem. The real issue is the foundation. If black South Africans were living well, with access to quality education, meaningful employment, and economic security, they would not be marching in the streets. The anger you see today is not simply about immigration. It is a reflection of an economic structure that has remained fundamentally unchanged, even after 1994. Repression underpinned by racism in Rhodesia effectively came to an end when South Africa shifted its position and recognised that the system was no longer sustainable. The same principle applies today. Repression underpinned by political corruption in Zimbabwe will begin to end the day South Africa, the regional power whether one accepts it or not, decides that the current situation is no longer acceptable. Zimbabwe’s crisis has, over time, been treated as a largely domestic issue rather than a regional one, yet the political and economic realities of Southern Africa make that distinction artificial. What happens in Zimbabwe does not exist in isolation, it is shaped, sustained, and, at times, enabled by regional dynamics, particularly South Africa’s stance. This may be an uncomfortable truth, but history consistently shows that regional power centres play a decisive role in determining outcomes. Ignoring that reality does not change it, it only delays the moment when it must be confronted. It was convenient then for John Vorster and successive apartheid regimes to continue using illegal migrants as a source of cheap labour in South Africa for menial jobs. It remains the same today. As I have said, the political and economic architecture of the apartheid era largely remains in place. What has changed are the political faces, the white faces that held power then and the black faces that hold office today, often operating within and alongside the same entrenched economic structures. Whether one accepts it or not, that is the reality of our politics in the region and of the economic architecture that continues to shape it. There is a reason why certain political actors avoid critically engaging with the structural drivers of immigration, particularly those that sustain flows of cheap labour. There is also a reason why figures like Helen Zille often emphasise the need to document illegal immigrants in South Africa, that position can be understood within the broader context of preserving an economic order that has long depended on controlling and managing labour rather than fundamentally transforming the conditions that produce it. That economic order is rooted in historical structures of concentrated power that shaped not only South Africa, but the wider region more than a century ago. How black Africans view themselves is often reflected in how they respond to political messages. It is why some are quick to criticise Julius Malema for positions that are, in substance, not fundamentally different from those expressed by Helen Zille. On immigration, there is significant overlap in what has been said across the political spectrum, including by the DA and the EFF. Yet the EFF is frequently viewed through a lens of hostility, in part because it is a black-led party, and that perception shapes the reaction it receives. As a result, some black citizens, influenced by long-standing narratives, direct harsher and more emotive criticism towards it. When similar points are made by figures like Helen Zille, the response is often markedly different. That contrast speaks to deeper historical conditioning and the psychological legacy of colonialism. It has not disappeared, and changing it will take time. The fundamental difference, however, lies in the intent and framing of their messages. Malema’s position on immigration is part of a broader effort to confront and address the structural inequalities created by colonial rule. Zille’s position, by contrast, can be seen as operating within and reinforcing an existing economic framework that has its roots in that same colonial architecture which feeds off cheap migrant labour. However, you can't fix the broken system by chasing away immigrants, legal or illegal, you can only empower black South Africans by allowing them to own the means of production and not fighting in the streets for crumbs. Have a lovely weekend.

Hopewell Chin’ono

21,194 Aufrufe • vor 3 Monaten

The Lord of the Rings: The Fellowship of the Ring – Prologue: How Peter Jackson Turned a Legend into a Cinematic Experience Before Frodo’s journey begins, Middle-earth already carries a history that stretches back thousands of years. The greatest challenge of The Fellowship of the Ring was not simply introducing a fantasy world, but making audiences feel that this world had a long and meaningful past: with kingdoms that had risen and fallen, wars that had already been fought, and tragedies that continued to leave their marks. In just under seven minutes, the Prologue transforms an enormous amount of history into a concise cinematic experience, allowing viewers to enter Middle-earth as a world that had existed long before the main story began. What makes this opening remarkable is that it does not feel like a simple explanation of a fictional universe. Instead, it feels like a legend being retold from the perspective of someone who belongs to an age that witnessed the great changes of Middle-earth. This is the greatest achievement of the Prologue. In only a few minutes, Peter Jackson, Fran Walsh, Philippa Boyens, and Howard Shore transform Tolkien’s historical background into an accessible cinematic experience, allowing audiences to understand that Frodo’s story is not the beginning of a new world, but another chapter in a history that has already lasted for thousands of years. A Masterclass in Opening an Epic Film An epic film must answer three fundamental questions within its opening moments: What is at stake? How dangerous is the enemy? Why should the audience care? The Fellowship of the Ring’s Prologue answers all three with remarkable efficiency. Middle-earth does not appear as a newly created fantasy setting, but as a world shaped by countless ages, civilizations, and different races: Elves, Dwarves, and Men. This vast history is compressed into a continuous flow, allowing viewers to understand the scale of the story without becoming overwhelmed by excessive information. At the center of this entire history stands the One Ring. The film does not introduce it as merely a magical object, but as a vessel containing power, will, and Sauron’s desire for domination. From that moment, the audience understands that the wars and tragedies to come will revolve around something that appears deceptively small. Galadriel Does Not Simply Tell a Story — She Speaks as Someone Who Belongs to That Age One of Peter Jackson’s most important decisions was choosing Galadriel as the narrator. From the first Elvish words in the film version — “I amar prestar aen... The world is changed...” — the audience is immediately drawn into an atmosphere that feels ancient and filled with memory. Galadriel does not narrate like someone explaining history. She narrates like someone who belongs to an age that has witnessed the great transformations of Middle-earth. Her calm and measured voice, carrying a sense of memory and reflection, makes the audience feel that what they are seeing is not merely a conventional introduction, but a story being recalled from a distant era. This choice gives Middle-earth the depth of a civilization that existed long before Frodo entered the story. Howard Shore Transforms the History of Middle-earth into a Musical Language The music in the Prologue does more than simply accompany the images. It tells the story alongside the film. In the scenes connected with the Elves, the music carries a sense of elegance and mystery, suggesting an ancient culture and an era that is gradually changing. But when Sauron appears, the entire soundscape changes. Heavy drums, metallic textures, and tense rhythms create the feeling of a force threatening the balance of Middle-earth. Howard Shore does not simply create musical themes for individual characters or factions. He builds a complete leitmotif system, where music becomes a way for audiences to recognize different cultures, characters, and powers within Tolkien’s world. A Battle That Feels Real Because Technology Serves the Story The Battle of Dagorlad remains impressive even more than two decades after its creation. One important reason is the MASSIVE system, a software developed by Weta Digital to create large-scale CGI armies. Instead of moving like identical copies of one another, digital soldiers were designed with different behaviors through a simulation system, creating the impression of a vast and chaotic battlefield. What audiences remember is not the technology itself. What they remember is the feeling of a battle with a genuine sense of scale. It is a moment when technology supports the story rather than drawing attention to itself. Isildur Shows That the Ring Can Defeat Even a Hero The most important character in the Prologue is not Sauron. It is Isildur. He enters the story as the man who helped defeat the Dark Lord. Yet that victory immediately turns into tragedy when he cannot let go of the Ring. In the film version, Peter Jackson condenses this moment by showing Isildur rejecting Elrond’s advice and carrying the Ring away from Mount Doom. In Tolkien’s original work, this decision carries even greater complexity. Isildur initially keeps the Ring as compensation for the deaths of his father Elendil and his brother Anárion. However, although he does not fully understand the Ring’s true nature at first, its power gradually reveals its ability to influence his will. What makes Isildur’s story significant is that he is not portrayed as an evil person. His tragedy lies in the fact that even a hero can fail when faced with the temptation of power. The Ring does not create evil from nothing. It exploits and amplifies the ambitions, fears, and desires that already exist within individuals, allowing even a noble person to be overcome by its influence. A Transition That Tells Nearly Three Thousand Years of History After Isildur is killed at the Gladden Fields, the Ring falls into the River Anduin and disappears from history for many centuries. With a single transition, the film carries the audience across nearly three thousand years without lengthy explanation. During this period, the Ring is forgotten before being discovered by Sméagol. It then remains with him for nearly five hundred years, gradually consuming both his body and spirit, transforming a creature of Hobbit-kind into Gollum. When Bilbo accidentally finds the Ring, the film completely changes its rhythm. The lighting becomes warmer. The music becomes gentler. The epic world of kings and massive battles gives way to the peaceful world of the Shire and the Hobbits. This is not only a transition in time. It is a transition in the entire story. The fate of Middle-earth is no longer placed in the hands of powerful warriors, but into the hands of the smallest and most unexpected creatures. Conclusion The Prologue of The Fellowship of the Ring is a masterclass in opening an epic film. In only a few minutes, it builds an entire world, establishes the central threat, introduces the antagonist, and lays the foundation for the journey that follows. However, the greatest achievement of this sequence does not lie only in its scale or visual effects. It lies in the way Peter Jackson transforms a vast amount of historical background into an accessible cinematic experience. The audience does not understand Middle-earth only through information, but also through the feeling that this is a world with a real past — a world that has experienced ages of greatness, conflict, and decline long before Frodo’s journey begins.

🎼🌺Music Love♥️

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We’re often told Western societies are experiencing conditions reminiscent of the German Weimar Republic. But what exactly was the German Weimar Republic? I’d like to explain the republic…and its incredible levels of debauchery, meaninglessness, sex, drugs, and—of course—Jews. “The decay of moral values in all areas of life—the period of deepest German degradation—coincided exactly with the height of Jewish power in Germany.” -Karl Wiehe Background The Weimar Republic is the unofficial name—that was popularized by Adolf Hitler—of the German nation-state that existed from November of 1918 to March of 1933. It was named for the city of Weimar, Germany where the constitutional assembly that established the new German republic met. The official name of the republic was the German Reich. The Weimar Republic was established after Germany’s loss in WWI. Germany was forced under the Treaty of Versailles to accept “full responsibility” for the war and pay the debts of all the allied countries. Being forced to pay these massive debts devastated the German economy and skyrocketed inflation, unemployment, and suicide within Germany. At one point 40% of Germans were unemployed and many were homeless. In 1932, the German suicide rate was more than three times that of Great Britain and in one two-year period, Germany had more suicides than there had been deaths of American soldiers in all of WWI. The German currency became the most worthless currency in Europe. A loaf of bread in Berlin that cost around 160 German Marks at the end of 1922, cost 200,000,000,000 German Marks by late 1923. The German peoples’ life savings and purchasing power had melted away over the course of a few months. With a single US dollar being worth 4,210,500,000,000 German Marks by November of 1923, foreign currencies had much greater buying power in Germany. So naturally, foreigners flocked to Germany to take advantage of the cheap prices. With these foreigners arriving en masse, Germans desperate for work turned to one of primary industries the foreigners flocked to Germany for: the sex industry. Sex and Drugs Germans began flocking to urban hubs in search of work, and no urban hub was more popular than Berlin. Prostitution in Berlin wasn’t explicitly legal but existed in a kind of legal gray area where certain aspects of the sex trade were regulated while others remained unregulated. However, enforcement of any laws restricting prostitution was lax to non-existent. On any given night up to 100,000 prostitutes would line the streets of Berlin. Every type of prostitute was available: midgets, pregnant prostitutes who lined up on the street according to how pregnant they were, prostitutes that purposefully tried to be ugly, prostitutes with acid-scarred faces, prostitutes with missing limbs, mother and daughter prostitute pairs, dominatrixes, even hunchback prostitutes. Interracial, inter-generational, forced or abusive sex acts were all available for the right price. There was also a large male prostitution industry and homosexual men from across Europe came to Germany to pay for homosexual sex. And unlike most cities, Berlin boasted having not a single red-light district—but multiple. Child prostitutes were bought and sold in Weimar Berlin in a booming industry. Advertisements for child prostitutes were even placed in German magazines and newspapers. A person could order a child, or any other type of prostitute for that matter, over the phone and have them a few short minutes later. British historian Sir Arthur Bryant describes throngs of child prostitutes outside the doors of the great Berlin hotels and restaurants. Bryant adds, “most of them—the night clubs and vice resorts—were owned and managed by Jews. And it was the Jews among the promoters of this trade who were remembered in after years.” There were homosexual, lesbian, and even transsexual bars where, occasionally, public masturbation and orgies took place. These homosexual bars weren’t isolated or rare one-off outliers either, there were over 50 lesbian bars in Berlin and around 100 homosexual bars total. Drag shows and cross dressing were commonplace in these bars. Sexual acts involving torture or acts bringing a victim close to death, or even—in some instances—to death were performed in Weimar Germany (called Lustmord). As often happens when violent sexual perversions arise, so too do serial killers playing out their fetishes in reality. I refuse to name serial killers in my writings because I think it glorifies them, but you can look them up yourself. German Newspapers devoted entire sections to the violent sexual crimes of these serial killers and fictional accounts of murders sold very well on German book stands. Serial Killers had a romanticized lore around them, similar to what we see in western society today. Alongside prostitution and homosexual clubs, porn also enjoyed a golden age during the Weimar Republic. Like prostitution, porn existed in a kind of legal gray area where enforcement of any regulations on it were lax to non-existent. Images could be purchased under-the-counter at most street media kiosks. According to one report there were as many as 30 homosexual publications on any given Berlin media kiosk. Above all, pornography featuring models who bore a resemblance to the biggest movie stars of the day, such as Marlene Dietrich or Greta Garbo, were in the highest demand. Fashion began to blur the lines between masculine and feminine. The female image began to experiment with a more strong-willed independent tone and some women began to dress in masculine clothing. Similarly, male fashion began to experiment with feminization and cross-dressing amongst men began to rise. Berlin’s women began to question the need for a man in their lives at all and many Berlin women had no desire to start or raise a family. Drug use in the Weimar Republic also ran rampant and Berlin gained a reputation as a drug dealing hub around Germany and Europe. Cocaine was the most popular drug in the Weimar Republic and only required a simple prescription from a doctor. That said, opium (a predecessor to heroin), morphine and amphetamines were all readily available and extensively used as well. The drug usage was so pervasive there was even experimentation with using drugs for “scientific” sexual purposes. One of the chief “scientists” behind this experimentation with sex was a man named Magnus Hirshfeld. Magnus Hirschfeld was a homosexual Jew and one of the thought leaders behind the sexual debauchery overtaking Berlin. Hirschfeld had founded political organizations that fought for the rights of homosexuals in Germany well before the Weimar era and as far back as 1896. He led the campaign to overturn a statue of German Law called Paragraph 175 which forbid homosexuality in Germany. Hirschfeld would later go on to write a 1914 book called The Homosexuality of Men and Women in which he attempted to prove homosexuality occurred in every society around the world. Hirschfeld’s crowning achievement of debauchery, however, occurred in July of 1919 when he opened The Institute of Sexual Research (Institut für Sexualwissenschaft) in Berlin. The institute’s stated purpose was to establish the sexual sciences…and establish the sexual sciences the institute did. It was at the Institute of Sexual Research where the initial rubric for the innumerable genders we see in leftism today originated. At the institute, Hirschfeld developed a system which categorized 64 possible types of sexual intermediary (aka genders) and it was Hirschfeld who coined the term transvestite in 1910 and the term transsexual in 1923. The institute even performed sex re-assignment surgery. The Institute of Sexual Research also housed a large library for any and all homosexual, transsexual, and erotic literature. The institute had places for homosexuals to stay overnight as well as some of the first counseling services specifically tailored to homosexuals. Homosexual-specific medical services were provided in the institute as well. The institute also housed the Museum of Sex, an educational resource for the public, which was reported to have been visited by school classes. I think the writer Luigi Barzini most succinctly summarized the rampant debauchery that was Weimar Berlin when he said: “I saw pimps offering anything to anybody: little boys, little girls, robust young men, libidinous women, animals. The story went the rounds that a male goose whose neck you cut at just the right ecstatic moment would give you the most delicious frisson of all—as it allowed you to enjoy sod*my, bestiality, homosexuality, necrophilia, and sadism at one stroke.” A debaucherous infestation had overtaken Berlin and nowhere was that more evident than in the arts. Art, Music, and Film Art, music, and film in Berlin were overtaken by the sexual revolution and a move toward a Jewish-influenced anti-authoritarianism as well. The Berlin film industry started releasing risqué and homosexual films. The world’s first known homosexual film—Anders als die Andern (1919)—came out in Berlin during the Weimar era and is the story a man falling in love with one of his male violin students. This film was written by and featured none other than Magnus Hirschfeld himself. Another film called Mädchen in Uniform (1931) is about a schoolgirl who falls in love with her female teacher. The two commence a forbidden love and eventually even share an on-screen lesbian kiss on the mouth. The film ends when this lesbian love is exposed and the protagonist attempts suicide. German expressionist cinema also came to prominence in the Weimar Republic. This form of cinema emphasized depicting the artist's inner emotions (no matter how crude those emotions may be) rather than attempting to replicate reality. Two of the three key figures for the German expressionist movement were the Jews Fritz Lang and Robert Wiene. The expressionist film Metropolis was one of the biggest films of the Weimar era. Metropolis’ content is emblematic of the anti-authoritarian and communist messages of German expressionist cinema. The film takes place in a futuristic city where a beautiful and cultured utopia exists above a bleak underworld populated by mistreated workers. When a privileged young man discovers the grim scene under the city, he becomes intent on helping the workers. He befriends a rebellious teacher which puts him at odds with his authoritative father. The film was directed the Jew Fritz Lang and produced by the Jew Erich Pommer. The credits of the films of the Berlin movie industry were also littered with Jews. In fact, in 1931, over 60 percent of German films were produced by Jews and 82 percent of film scripts were written by Jews. In the art scene, a thoroughly anti-authoritarian and communist movement called Dada arose. The Dadaist movement was comprised of artists who rejected the logic, reason, and aestheticism of modern capitalist society, instead expressing nonsense, irrationality, and anti-bourgeois protest in their works. Dadaist works opposed any type of authority and made fun of far-right figures, including Hitler himself. According to Wikipedia, some sources claim the Dadaist movement was founded by a group of Jewish modernist artists. In music, one of the most popular singers of the day was a woman who was largely regarded as “the first official lesbian of Berlin” named Claire Waldoff. Waldoff dressed masculine and made no secret of her sexuality while actively trying to convert other culturally important women to become lesbian. One culturally important woman Waldoff succeeded in converting to bisexuality was one of the biggest movie stars in the world, Marlene Dietrich. Marlene was famous for pushing social norms and sometimes wore a tuxedo, helping to erode the image of traditionally masculine and traditionally feminine roles. Marlene credits Clarie Waldoff as “introducing her to lesbian love”. Marlene Deitrich was openly bisexual and an icon for homosexual women around the world when no other homosexual icons existed. One newspaper dubbed Dietrich “perhaps the busiest and most passionate bisexual in theatrical Berlin.” Anita Berber was one of the most popular nude dancers of the Weimar Republic and danced to songs with titles like, suicide, morphiem, and mad house. One of her husbands was also openly homosexual. In one famous story about Anita, she was being ignored by one of the tables she was dancing for, so she went over to the table, stood on top of it, and started peeing on the table while drinking their champagne. What a gal… Architecture One aesthetic element that I think tends to be overlooked in most writings on social decay is architecture. It should come as no surprise that the principal architecture movement of the Weimar Republic—called expressionist architecture—also took a turn from an aesthetic focused on beauty and perfection toward an aesthetic that focused on “distortion of form to create an emotional effect”. This is architecture that’s generally perceived as hideous or repulsive. I’d also argue there’s a larger psychological component to this expressionist architecture. This ugly architecture contributes to social decay by glorifying the more disgusting elements of society and humanity. It subconsciously undermines the idea that society should strive for perfection and instead is a call to accept society’s more heinous elements. This repulsive architecture is, in my view, anti-authoritarian and destructive to social norms. Two of the key architects of the expressionist architecture movement were the Jews Bruno Taut and Erich Mendelsohn. Jews One of the key factors in Hitler’s rise to power was his opposition of the Jewish influence inside Berlin. As such, this article would be incomplete without looking at the Jewish influence that existed inside Berlin or—possibly more importantly—the German public’s perception of the Jewish influence inside Berlin. Here are some of the figures I think best illustrate the Jewish over-representation in the Weimar Republic. All these figures should be viewed in consideration of this fact: Jews made up less than 1% (.09%) of the German population in the years of the Weimar Republic. In my opinion, these figures are staggering primarily because of the Jews’ immense over-representation in major positions of power within German society. Politics • The author of the 1919 German constitution was the Jew Hugo Preuss. • One quarter of the members of the 8-person Council of the People's Deputies that established the Weimar Republic were Jews (Otto Landesberg and Hugo Haase). • The main competing faction against the official Weimar government was headed by the Jew Kurt Eisner. • The SPD (Social Democratic Party of Germany) was the political party that primarily ran the Weimar Republic. 22% of the entirety of the SPD were Jews. • The SPD’s main political theorist was a Jew: Eduard Bernstein • Two of the political thinkers most respected by the SPD were Jews: Ferdinand Lassalle, Leopold Sonnemann. • SPD's “foremost theoretician of this century” was the Jew Rudolf Hilferding. • SPD Key Figure, industrialist, and political thinker Walther Rathenau was a Jew. • The Vice President of the Berlin Police was the jew Bernhard Weiss. • In the first Weimar administration Vice Chancellor Eugen Schiffer was Jewish as was Weimar Interior Minister Erich Koch-Weser. • 15% of the members of the Reichstag (German Parliament) were Jewish. • A large number of the members of the political elite of the Weimar Republic were Jews: Rosa Luxemburg, Paul Levi, Ernst Toller, Erich Muhsam, Gustav Landauer, Eugen Levine, and Karl Radek. The Press • The Ullstein Press was the publisher of many of the largest German newspapers and was owned by the Jew Leopold Ullstein. • The Berliner Iliustrirte Zeitung was one of the largest German newspapers. It was Published by the Ullstein Press and its chief editor was the Jew Kurt Korff. • The Vossische Zeitung was another of the largest German newspapers and was published by the Ullstein Press. Its chief editor was the Jew Georg Bernhard. • Another of the othe r largest newspaper publishers was the Jew Rudolf Mosse. • The Berliner Tageblatt was the largest of Rudolf Mosse’s newspapers and its chief editor was the Jew Theodor Wolff • Editor-in-chief of the SPD’s party paper Vorwärts was the Jew Friedrich Stampfer The Arts • The Jew Erich Pommer was a German-born film producer and executive. According to Wikipedia, “Pommer was perhaps the most powerful person in the German and European film industries in the 1920s and early 1930s.” • In 1931, over 60 percent of German films were produced by Jews and 82 percent of film scripts were written by Jewish writers. • Two of the three key figures for the largest film movement of the Weimar era—the German expressionist movement—were the Jews Fritz Lang and Robert Wiene. • Two of the key Architects of the expressionist architecture movement were the Jews Bruno Taut and Erich Mendelsohn. • Some of the most influential producers, directors, & actors in Weimar cinema were Jews as well to name a few: Paul Davidson, Joseph Mandel, Jules Greenbaum, Max Reinhardt, Josef Von Sternberg, Fritz Kohn, Otto Wallburg, Peter Lowenstein. • To conclude the arts, some claim the anti-authoritarian and thoroughly communist Dadaist movement was founded by a group of Jewish modernist artists. Sex • Magnus Hirschfeld was Jewish. He was dubbed "the Einstein of Sex". He was president of World League of Sexual Reform and of course, founder of the Institute for Sexual Research. • Ivan Bloch was Jewish and is often called the "first Sexologist". • As quoted by Sir Arthur Bryant earlier, “most of them—the night clubs and vice resorts—were owned and managed by Jews. And it was the Jews among the promoters of this trade who were remembered in after years.” Other notable Jewish over-representations: (**Please Note** these next five bullet points are not official numbers and are from a NSDAP piece that was distributed in Weimar Germany. I'm including them because although I can't be completely sure of their accuracy, I think they most likely do generally represent the amalgamations of Jewish power in Weimar society. And, at the very least, these numbers represent the German public’s perception of Jewish amalgamations of power in Weimar society): • 56% of notaries were Jews. • 52% of doctors were Jews. • 45% of Hospital Directors were Jews. • 48% of lawyers were Jews. • 35% of dentists were Jews. One last note on the Jews of the Weimar Republic. I included a link with more detail below, but many Weimar Jews actively tried to conceal their Jewish identity and even went so far as bragging to other Jews when gentiles were unable to identify them. This is one of the reasons that, to this day, it’s somewhat difficult to identify who the Jews of the Weimar Republic were. What this means is that, although the identity of every Jew I list is verified, there are undoubtedly other prominent and non-prominent Jews I was unable to identify. The provided list should not be viewed as wholly representative of the Jewish influence within Weimar Germany. But even just considering the provided list, you can see the Jewish influence was substantial for a race of people comprising less than 1% of the total German population. This Jewish over-representation is even more substantial when you consider that many of these Jewish amalgamations of over-representation occurred within many of Germany’s most important social, political, and economic institutions. The Weimar Republic was often referred to as the "Juden Republic" (Jew's Republic) by Germans. I think it's easy to see why... Enter the National Socialists After Hitler’s rise to power in 1933, Goebbels and the Brownshirts began shutting down the homosexual dive bars that had risen to prominence during the Weimar Republic. They made one of the most popular homosexual bars in Berlin their headquarters after shutting it down. They pillaged Magnus Hirschfeld’s Institute for Sexual Research and Hirschfeld’s books on transsexual ideology were some of the first books the National Socialists burned. From Wikipedia itself, the books the National Socialists burned were: • Writings on sexuality and sexual education which serve the egocentric pleasure of the individual and thus, destroy the principles of race and Volk. • Pornography and explicit literature. • Pacifist literature. • All books degrading German purity. • Literature by Jewish authors, regardless of the field. • Popular entertainment literature that depicts life and life's goals in a superficial, unrealistic and sickly sweet manner, based on a bourgeois or upper class view of life. • The works of traitors, emigrants and authors from foreign countries who believe they can attack and denigrate the new Germany. • The literature of Marxism, Communism and Bolshevism. • Literature with liberal, democratic tendencies and attitudes, and writings supporting the Weimar Republic. • Books that advocate "art" which is decadent, bloodless, or purely constructivist. • The decadent, destructive and Volk-damaging writings of "Asphalt and Civilization" literati • Patriotic kitsch in literature. • All historical writings whose purpose is to denigrate the origin, the spirit and the culture of the German Volk, or to dissolve the racial and structural order of the Volk, or that denies the force and importance of leading historical figures in favor of egalitarianism and the masses, and which seeks to drag them through the mud. Very quickly after Hitler’s rise to power in 1933, the chief purveyors of the degeneracy that had overtaken Berlin would leave the city and National Socialist Germany would rise from its ashes. The rest—as they say—is history. (Sources and further reading in the comments below)

Bobby Thorne

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