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This freaking Prosperity Party has done their pre-elections PR already ልማት ላይ ያተኮረችው አ.አ ሌላ ታሪክ ላይ ናት! አያችሁ አቅም ያለው የሰለጠነ መሪ እንዲህ ነው::

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MayaD🇺🇸✝️

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13,957 Aufrufe • vor 7 Monaten •via X (Twitter)

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14 Kommentare

Profilbild von Natnael N
Natnael Nvor 7 Monaten

😁😁 you stupid brage for 6km road re-building? It's not a development

Profilbild von paradoxically
paradoxicallyvor 7 Monaten

Broke Ethiopia obviously won't. Your prostitute leader sold out Ethiopia in exchange of bidding UAE proxy. Ethiopia is the reason for Sudan war...those few projects are built by Blood Money. Prostitute Abiy sow Blood and will reap Blood. It is not looking pretty. Enjoy for now

Profilbild von Mayanen
Mayanenvor 7 Monaten

የድሀ ሀገር መገለጫ ብልጭልጭ እንደሆነ ታውቂያለሽ? ውስጡን ለለቄስ ብሎ ከላይ ማሳመር ዋናው የድህነት መገለጫ ነው። የአረብ ተላላኪ የመሆን ውጤት።

Profilbild von Eritrean Perspective
Eritrean Perspectivevor 7 Monaten

Facts on ground are:

Profilbild von behaylu
behayluvor 7 Monaten

አንድን አሮጌ ቤት ጥቅም የማይሰጥ ቀለም ቀብተሽ ብታብለጨልጭው ምን ይጠቅማል።

Profilbild von Love All
Love Allvor 7 Monaten

ህዝብ ኑሮውን አያውቀውም እያልሽ ነው? ወይንስ ምርጫው ላይ ድምፅ የለውም እንዳለ ተቆጥሮም ስለማይታወቅ

Profilbild von TY Ne
TY Nevor 7 Monaten

The PM worked his butt off by proving he can deliver far better than what he's done. He's educated, hard working, and capable. As a neutral diaspora with no strings attached to Ethiopian politics, I'm surprised and surrendering without any resistance!

Profilbild von alemayehu zewdie
alemayehu zewdievor 7 Monaten

NORMALLY NO NEED OF PR FOR PP. THEY ARE DOING THEIR BEST FOR OUR COUNTRY.

Profilbild von MimiEnaMamush
MimiEnaMamushvor 7 Monaten

Haha - if they did, they would open up the freedom of expression space so that political parties can engage freely … እንደዚህ አይነት ደሀ ጠል መንግሥት በታሪክ ኖሮን አያውቅም

Profilbild von ዐውደ-ቀለም
ዐውደ-ቀለምvor 7 Monaten

መሸጥ የለመደ …

Profilbild von Tsegaye Hordofa
Tsegaye Hordofavor 7 Monaten

Our Addis Ababa taking on a new face

Profilbild von Samson Ermias
Samson Ermiasvor 7 Monaten

Over 40 % of the population are on food assistance programs and 4 of the country 9 regions are outside the federal government control and millions of people are in refugee camps PP ain’t deceiving no one

Profilbild von Samiel Mehary
Samiel Meharyvor 7 Monaten

All what you show us belongs to UAE 🇦🇪 not to Ethiopia 🇪🇹.

Profilbild von FSH
FSHvor 7 Monaten

አንዱን አፍርሶ አንዱን መስራት አንዱን አድኖ ሌውን መግደል አንዱን አፈናቅሎ ሌላውን ማስፈር እዚያ ት/ቤት ማፍረስ እዚህ መዝናኛ መገንባት አዚያ መተኮስ አዚህ ሰላም መስበክ እዚያ ማደህየት እዚህ መዝናናት የpp እድገት አሻንጉሊቶችና መዝናኛዎች

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የአዲስ አበባ ህዝብ የሚሻለውን መርጧል። መቼስ ዘንድሮ ሳንፈልግ ነው የሚያስቁን። ገዢው ፓርቲን እንቃወማለን የሚሉት የ “ጎምዢው ፓርቲ” አባላት ወደተለያዩ አለማት ሸሽተውና ዘር ማንዘራቸውን አሽሽተው ፈፅሞ የማያውቁትን የአዲስ አበባን ሰው "ተነስ!" እያሉ ሲማፀኑት ቆይተው ዛሬ ህዝቡ ጎርፍ ሆኖ ወጥቶ በግድቡ መገባደድ ደስታውን ሲገልፅ በብስጭት የአዲስ አበባን ሰው እየወረፉት ይገኛሉ። አንድ ፖለቲከኛ እኮ ህዝቡ አልሰማም ካለው ወይ አቋሙን ማስተካከል አሊያም ፊልድ መቀየር ነው ያለበት። የኛዎቹ ህዝቡን "ፈሪ" እያሉ መሳደብ ጀመሩ 😄 የአዲስ አበባ ሰው ጥያቄ ሰፊ የስራ እድል፣ ልማት፣ ምናምን ነው። የጎምዢው ፓርቲ ስብስቦች ደሞ ውጣና ሙትልን። መሰረተ ልማቶችህን አፍርስ፣ እኛ ተባራሪ ስልጣን እንድንይዝ አንተ የመስዋእት በግ ሁን ነው ሚሉት። ህዝቡ ያለው ሌላ ታሪክ ውስጥ እነሱ ምራቃቸውን የሚውጡት በኔፓል ግርግር 🫣 በአለም ታሪክ ፈርጥጦ ሸሽቶ በሪሞት ኮንትሮል ህዝብ እያታገለ ያሸነፈ የለም። በጦርነትና በግርግር አሸንፋለሁ ያለ ሐገሩ ገብቶ ከፊት ሆኖ ትግሉን መምራት ነው። የሚያሳዝነው ግን የጎምዢው ፓርቲ ስብስቦች እንኳን ወኔ ኖሯቸው ሐገራቸው ገብተው ሊያታግሉ ባሉበት ሐገር ላይ ራሱ ሰልፍ ሲጠራ አይወጡም። ቢወጡ እንኳን ከኋላ ነው ሚሰለፉት 😄 አሁን ቦንቡ ፍቅርሽ (መሳይ መኮንን) ቢጃማ ለብሶ ከመኝታ ቤት በዩቲዩብ በሚያደርገው ቅስቀሳ እንኳን ህዝቡ አብረውት የሚኖሩትን ሰዎች ራሱ ከእንቅልፍ ይቀሰቅሳል? በየሄደበት እንደዶሮ እንቅልፍ የሚጥለው ሰው በምን አቅም ነው ህዝብ የሚያነቃው ጃል? 😄 ለማንኛውም የአዲስ አበባ ህዝብ አሁን እህትና ወንድሞቹን መንግስት ምግብ እያቀረበ ዩኒፎርምና ደብተር ገዝቶ በነፃ እያስተማረለት ነው። ወጣ ሲል አብይ የሰራው እንጦጦ ፓርክ አለለት። ትንሽ ደብሮት ራመድ ሲል አንድነት ፓርክ ሄዶ አእምሮውን ያድሳል። ፖለቲካ መስማት ሲፈልግ ራሱ አብይ አሳምሮ ያሰራው መስቀል አደባባይ ሄዶ ወይም ከዱባይ የማይተናነሱ የውሃ ፋውንቴኖችን እያየ ነው ሚሰማው። ራሱን መገንባት ሲፈልግ ደግሞ አብይ ያሰራለት የአብርሆት ቤተመፅሀፍት ሄዶ ሶፋ ላይ ተቀምጦ መፅሐፍ ያነባል። አሁን አዲስ አበቤ ሰባኪ አያስፈልገውም አዲስ አበባ ራሷ የመንግስትን ስራ ትሰብካለች። የጎምዢው ፓርቲ አባላት ሆይ። ያዲሳባ ሰው ታዝቧችሁ ወጥቶለታል። ንቋችኋል። መስቀል አደባባይ ሲሰራ "መንግስት ቅርስህን ሊያወድምብህ ነው" አላችሁት። መስቀል አደባባይ የበለጠ ተውቦ ለህዝብ ክፍት ሆነ። ቤተመንግስቱ ሲታደስ የሚኒሊክ ቤተመንግስት ወደመ አላችሁት። ቤተመንግስቱ በአስገራሚ ሆኔታ ተውቦ ራሳቸው አፄ ሚኒሊክ መሀል ላይ ተቀምጠውበት ለጉብኝት ክፍት ሆነ። በፒያሳ በካዛንቺስ ወዘተ የኮሪደር ልማቱ ሲጀመር ድሆች ተፈናቀሉ ኡኡ አላችሁ። ራሳቸው ተፈናቀሉ የተባሉት ሰዎች በተዋቡና ለነዋሪ ምቹ በሆኑ የጋራ ህንፃዎች ላይ ሆነው አብይና ከንቲባዋን ሲመርቁ ታዩ። ዛሬ አብይ ዝም ቢል የአብይ ስራዎች ለአብይ ይመሰክራሉ። ትናንት ትንሽ አቧራ ያስነሳችሁት ልማቶቹ ስላልተገባደዱ ህዝብን ግራ የማጋባት እድል አግኝታችሁ ነው። ዛሬ ህዝብ አብይ ጭንቅላት ውስጥ ያለችውን ውብ ሐገር መሬት ላይ ማየት ጀመረ። ለዚህ ነው እናንተ ተነስ ብላችሁ 24/7 ስታላዝኑ ዝም ብሎ በአንድ ፊሽካ ለግድቡ ደስታውን ለመግለፅ ማእበል ሆኖ የወጣው። ውሸት መጨረሻዋ ውርደት ነው። ፖለቲካዊ ሞት ሞታችኋል። መሳቂያና የሜመሮች መደበሪያ ሆናችኋል። አሁን በየሆቴሉ እየዞራችሁ መንግስት ሊወድቅ ነው በማለት እርስበርስ ተሟሙቃችሁና ምግብ ፈጅታችሁ ትበተናላችሁ። ስነልቦናችሁ ተሸንፎ የቀረችው አስር ግራም ምላሳችሁ ብቻ ነች። ስለዚህ ህዝቡ ፊት ቢነሳችሁ ህዝቡን አትስደቡ። ከህዝቡ አናት ውረዱ። ህዝብ የሚፈልገውን ያውቃል። ወይም ኔፓል ሄዳችሁ ኑሩ 😄 ሃሰት በእውነት ወንጭፍ ተገንድሳለች። ለአመታት ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ላይ የሰነዘራችሁት የጭቃ ጅራፍ እናንተኑ እየገረፈ ነው። ምንም ማድረግ አይቻልም። ሽንፈትም ይለመዳል። አይዟችሁ። 🫣
4:10

የአዲስ አበባ ህዝብ የሚሻለውን መርጧል። መቼስ ዘንድሮ ሳንፈልግ ነው የሚያስቁን። ገዢው ፓርቲን እንቃወማለን የሚሉት የ “ጎምዢው ፓርቲ” አባላት ወደተለያዩ አለማት ሸሽተውና ዘር ማንዘራቸውን አሽሽተው ፈፅሞ የማያውቁትን የአዲስ አበባን ሰው "ተነስ!" እያሉ ሲማፀኑት ቆይተው ዛሬ ህዝቡ ጎርፍ ሆኖ ወጥቶ በግድቡ መገባደድ ደስታውን ሲገልፅ በብስጭት የአዲስ አበባን ሰው እየወረፉት ይገኛሉ። አንድ ፖለቲከኛ እኮ ህዝቡ አልሰማም ካለው ወይ አቋሙን ማስተካከል አሊያም ፊልድ መቀየር ነው ያለበት። የኛዎቹ ህዝቡን "ፈሪ" እያሉ መሳደብ ጀመሩ 😄 የአዲስ አበባ ሰው ጥያቄ ሰፊ የስራ እድል፣ ልማት፣ ምናምን ነው። የጎምዢው ፓርቲ ስብስቦች ደሞ ውጣና ሙትልን። መሰረተ ልማቶችህን አፍርስ፣ እኛ ተባራሪ ስልጣን እንድንይዝ አንተ የመስዋእት በግ ሁን ነው ሚሉት። ህዝቡ ያለው ሌላ ታሪክ ውስጥ እነሱ ምራቃቸውን የሚውጡት በኔፓል ግርግር 🫣 በአለም ታሪክ ፈርጥጦ ሸሽቶ በሪሞት ኮንትሮል ህዝብ እያታገለ ያሸነፈ የለም። በጦርነትና በግርግር አሸንፋለሁ ያለ ሐገሩ ገብቶ ከፊት ሆኖ ትግሉን መምራት ነው። የሚያሳዝነው ግን የጎምዢው ፓርቲ ስብስቦች እንኳን ወኔ ኖሯቸው ሐገራቸው ገብተው ሊያታግሉ ባሉበት ሐገር ላይ ራሱ ሰልፍ ሲጠራ አይወጡም። ቢወጡ እንኳን ከኋላ ነው ሚሰለፉት 😄 አሁን ቦንቡ ፍቅርሽ (መሳይ መኮንን) ቢጃማ ለብሶ ከመኝታ ቤት በዩቲዩብ በሚያደርገው ቅስቀሳ እንኳን ህዝቡ አብረውት የሚኖሩትን ሰዎች ራሱ ከእንቅልፍ ይቀሰቅሳል? በየሄደበት እንደዶሮ እንቅልፍ የሚጥለው ሰው በምን አቅም ነው ህዝብ የሚያነቃው ጃል? 😄 ለማንኛውም የአዲስ አበባ ህዝብ አሁን እህትና ወንድሞቹን መንግስት ምግብ እያቀረበ ዩኒፎርምና ደብተር ገዝቶ በነፃ እያስተማረለት ነው። ወጣ ሲል አብይ የሰራው እንጦጦ ፓርክ አለለት። ትንሽ ደብሮት ራመድ ሲል አንድነት ፓርክ ሄዶ አእምሮውን ያድሳል። ፖለቲካ መስማት ሲፈልግ ራሱ አብይ አሳምሮ ያሰራው መስቀል አደባባይ ሄዶ ወይም ከዱባይ የማይተናነሱ የውሃ ፋውንቴኖችን እያየ ነው ሚሰማው። ራሱን መገንባት ሲፈልግ ደግሞ አብይ ያሰራለት የአብርሆት ቤተመፅሀፍት ሄዶ ሶፋ ላይ ተቀምጦ መፅሐፍ ያነባል። አሁን አዲስ አበቤ ሰባኪ አያስፈልገውም አዲስ አበባ ራሷ የመንግስትን ስራ ትሰብካለች። የጎምዢው ፓርቲ አባላት ሆይ። ያዲሳባ ሰው ታዝቧችሁ ወጥቶለታል። ንቋችኋል። መስቀል አደባባይ ሲሰራ "መንግስት ቅርስህን ሊያወድምብህ ነው" አላችሁት። መስቀል አደባባይ የበለጠ ተውቦ ለህዝብ ክፍት ሆነ። ቤተመንግስቱ ሲታደስ የሚኒሊክ ቤተመንግስት ወደመ አላችሁት። ቤተመንግስቱ በአስገራሚ ሆኔታ ተውቦ ራሳቸው አፄ ሚኒሊክ መሀል ላይ ተቀምጠውበት ለጉብኝት ክፍት ሆነ። በፒያሳ በካዛንቺስ ወዘተ የኮሪደር ልማቱ ሲጀመር ድሆች ተፈናቀሉ ኡኡ አላችሁ። ራሳቸው ተፈናቀሉ የተባሉት ሰዎች በተዋቡና ለነዋሪ ምቹ በሆኑ የጋራ ህንፃዎች ላይ ሆነው አብይና ከንቲባዋን ሲመርቁ ታዩ። ዛሬ አብይ ዝም ቢል የአብይ ስራዎች ለአብይ ይመሰክራሉ። ትናንት ትንሽ አቧራ ያስነሳችሁት ልማቶቹ ስላልተገባደዱ ህዝብን ግራ የማጋባት እድል አግኝታችሁ ነው። ዛሬ ህዝብ አብይ ጭንቅላት ውስጥ ያለችውን ውብ ሐገር መሬት ላይ ማየት ጀመረ። ለዚህ ነው እናንተ ተነስ ብላችሁ 24/7 ስታላዝኑ ዝም ብሎ በአንድ ፊሽካ ለግድቡ ደስታውን ለመግለፅ ማእበል ሆኖ የወጣው። ውሸት መጨረሻዋ ውርደት ነው። ፖለቲካዊ ሞት ሞታችኋል። መሳቂያና የሜመሮች መደበሪያ ሆናችኋል። አሁን በየሆቴሉ እየዞራችሁ መንግስት ሊወድቅ ነው በማለት እርስበርስ ተሟሙቃችሁና ምግብ ፈጅታችሁ ትበተናላችሁ። ስነልቦናችሁ ተሸንፎ የቀረችው አስር ግራም ምላሳችሁ ብቻ ነች። ስለዚህ ህዝቡ ፊት ቢነሳችሁ ህዝቡን አትስደቡ። ከህዝቡ አናት ውረዱ። ህዝብ የሚፈልገውን ያውቃል። ወይም ኔፓል ሄዳችሁ ኑሩ 😄 ሃሰት በእውነት ወንጭፍ ተገንድሳለች። ለአመታት ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ላይ የሰነዘራችሁት የጭቃ ጅራፍ እናንተኑ እየገረፈ ነው። ምንም ማድረግ አይቻልም። ሽንፈትም ይለመዳል። አይዟችሁ። 🫣

Natnael Mekonnen

12,236 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

የመሪ ስነ-ልቦነናና ዶክተር አብይ! Abiy Ahmed Ali 🇪🇹 ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አብይ በዚህ 8 አመት የተፈተኑትን ያህል ባለፉት መቶ አመታት የነበሩ የኢትዮጵያ መሪዎች እንዳልተፈተኑ እርግጠኛ ነኝ። ሶማሌ ክልል ከነበረው አመፅ ጀምሮ በየቦታው ሁን ተብልው የተለኮሱ የብሔር ግጭትና ጥቃቶች፣ በየቅያሱ የፈላው አማፂ ብዛት፣ ሰፋ ላለ ግዜ የተደረገው የትግራዩ ጦርነት፣ ጂኦፖለቲካው፣ የሶማሊያና የሱዳን አለመረጋጋት፣ የውጪ ሃይል ጣልቃ ገብነት፣ ወዘተ ተቆጥሮ አያልቅም። እውነተኛ መሪ የሚለካው በፈተናው ልክ ነው። ኖርዌይን የሚመራም ኢትዮጵያን የሚመራም በእኩል አይን መታየት የለበትም። ኢትዮጵያን መምራት አምስት የተረጋጉ ሐገራትን ከመመምራት ይበልጣል። አንድ መሪ በተቻለ መጠን ወታደራዊ ባክግራወንድ ቢኖረው ጥሩ ነው ይባላል። ሐገር በፈተና ስትናጥ ተረጋግቶ ውሳኔ መስጠት እንዲችል ወታደራዊ ስነልቦና የግድ ይላል። ኢትዮጵያን ከዩኒቨርስቲ እስክሪብቶ ብቻ ይዘህ ወጥተህ በቀላሉ የምትመራት ሐገር አይደለችም። ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አብይ ባይሆኑ ኖሮ ሐገራችን አስቸጋሪ ሁኔታ ውስጥ በገባች ግዜ ተረጋግቶ ሐገርን ማስቀጠል ለብዙ ሰው የሚቻል ነገር አይመስለኝም። የማርቆሱ የአውሮፕላን ማረፊያ የሚነግረን ይሄንን ነው። የጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ባቡር አይቆምም። ጠላት እፏልልበታለሁ የሚልበት ምድር ሄደው ትልቅ ፕሮጀክት ተክለው መርቀው ይመለሳሉ። ሰላም በራቀበት ቦታ ሰላሙን ማስጠበቅ አንድ ነገር ሆኖ እዚያው ቦታ ላይ ፕሮጀክት ጨርሶ ሄዶ መመረቅ ሌላ አቅም ይጠይቃል። በሌሎች አካባቢዎችም፥ በተለይ የፀጥታ ችግር አለባቸው በሚባሉባቸው አካባቢዎች ልማቱ አልተቋረጠም፣ ፕሮጀክቶች ተቀርፀው መሬት ላይ ይወርዳሉ፣ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ምላሽ ሚሰጡት በስራ ይመስላል። loud minority ዎች ድምፃቸው ጎልቶ ስለተሰማ በጫጫታ ሐገሩን የተቆጣጠሩ ይመስላሉ። ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ መሃላቸው ሄደው አይናቸው እያየ ግዙፍ ፕሮጀክቶችን ፈፅመው በስራ ምላሽ ይሰጣሉ። ይሄን ለማድረግ “መሪ” መሆን ይጠይቃል። አሜሪካ በታሪኳ የከፋውና አገርን ለሁለት የከፈለ የእርስ በርስ ጦርነት (American Civil War) ውስጥ በነበረችበት፣ በሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ ዜጎች በሚያልቁበት አስቸጋሪ ወቅት። በግዜው መሪ የነበረው አብርሃም ሊንከን ጦሩን እየመራ የአሜሪካን ምሥራቅና ምዕራብ ጫፎችን የሚያገናኝ፣ በሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ ማይሎችንና አስቸጋሪ ተራሮችን የሚያቋርጥ ግዙፍ አህጉር አቋራጭ የባቡር መስመር (Transcontinental Railroad) እንዲጀመር አዘዘ። በግዜው ብዙዎች “አበደ” ብለውት ነበር። ሰላሙ ይቅደም ያሉም ነበሩ። እንዴት አሜሪካ ትሰንብት አትሰንብት ሳያውቅ እንዲህ አይነት እቅድ ያወጣል ያሉትም እልፍ ናቸው። ሊንከን ግን ጦርነቱን እየመራ በነበረበት በዚያ አስጨናቂ ወቅት፣ የባቡር መስመሩ የወደፊትዋን የተባበረች አሜሪካ ለመገንባት ወሳኝ መሆኑን ተገንዝቦ ነበርና ከአቋሙ ዝንፍ አላለም። በ1862 (ጦርነቱ በሃይል በተፋፋመበት ወቅት) ህጉን አጽድቆ፣ በገንዘብ እጥረትና በጦርነት ግርግር ሳይበገር ፕሮጀክቱ እንዲቀጥል ማድረግና አሜሪካን ማስተሳሰር ችሏል። ትክክለኛ መሪ በአስቸጋሪ ሁኔታዎች ውስጥ ሁሉ ነገውን ይሰራል። ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አብይ አህመድም እንዲሁ ዛሬን ሳይሆን ነገን ማየት የሚችሉ መሪ ናቸው። እንደውም አንድ ግዜ ውሃዋን በብርጭቆ ይዞ አካባቢው ባለው ነገር Diatracted ሳይሆንና ውሃዋን ሳያጎድል ከግቡ ያደረሰውን ሰው ታሪክ ተናግረው ነበር። ያ ሰው እራሳቸው ዶክተር አብይ ይመስሉኛል። ለማንኛውም እኔና ቤቴ ነውጥ በሚመስል ግርግር ውስጥ ለማይናወጡት መሪ እጅ እንነሳለን!
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የመሪ ስነ-ልቦነናና ዶክተር አብይ! Abiy Ahmed Ali 🇪🇹 ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አብይ በዚህ 8 አመት የተፈተኑትን ያህል ባለፉት መቶ አመታት የነበሩ የኢትዮጵያ መሪዎች እንዳልተፈተኑ እርግጠኛ ነኝ። ሶማሌ ክልል ከነበረው አመፅ ጀምሮ በየቦታው ሁን ተብልው የተለኮሱ የብሔር ግጭትና ጥቃቶች፣ በየቅያሱ የፈላው አማፂ ብዛት፣ ሰፋ ላለ ግዜ የተደረገው የትግራዩ ጦርነት፣ ጂኦፖለቲካው፣ የሶማሊያና የሱዳን አለመረጋጋት፣ የውጪ ሃይል ጣልቃ ገብነት፣ ወዘተ ተቆጥሮ አያልቅም። እውነተኛ መሪ የሚለካው በፈተናው ልክ ነው። ኖርዌይን የሚመራም ኢትዮጵያን የሚመራም በእኩል አይን መታየት የለበትም። ኢትዮጵያን መምራት አምስት የተረጋጉ ሐገራትን ከመመምራት ይበልጣል። አንድ መሪ በተቻለ መጠን ወታደራዊ ባክግራወንድ ቢኖረው ጥሩ ነው ይባላል። ሐገር በፈተና ስትናጥ ተረጋግቶ ውሳኔ መስጠት እንዲችል ወታደራዊ ስነልቦና የግድ ይላል። ኢትዮጵያን ከዩኒቨርስቲ እስክሪብቶ ብቻ ይዘህ ወጥተህ በቀላሉ የምትመራት ሐገር አይደለችም። ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አብይ ባይሆኑ ኖሮ ሐገራችን አስቸጋሪ ሁኔታ ውስጥ በገባች ግዜ ተረጋግቶ ሐገርን ማስቀጠል ለብዙ ሰው የሚቻል ነገር አይመስለኝም። የማርቆሱ የአውሮፕላን ማረፊያ የሚነግረን ይሄንን ነው። የጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ባቡር አይቆምም። ጠላት እፏልልበታለሁ የሚልበት ምድር ሄደው ትልቅ ፕሮጀክት ተክለው መርቀው ይመለሳሉ። ሰላም በራቀበት ቦታ ሰላሙን ማስጠበቅ አንድ ነገር ሆኖ እዚያው ቦታ ላይ ፕሮጀክት ጨርሶ ሄዶ መመረቅ ሌላ አቅም ይጠይቃል። በሌሎች አካባቢዎችም፥ በተለይ የፀጥታ ችግር አለባቸው በሚባሉባቸው አካባቢዎች ልማቱ አልተቋረጠም፣ ፕሮጀክቶች ተቀርፀው መሬት ላይ ይወርዳሉ፣ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ምላሽ ሚሰጡት በስራ ይመስላል። loud minority ዎች ድምፃቸው ጎልቶ ስለተሰማ በጫጫታ ሐገሩን የተቆጣጠሩ ይመስላሉ። ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ መሃላቸው ሄደው አይናቸው እያየ ግዙፍ ፕሮጀክቶችን ፈፅመው በስራ ምላሽ ይሰጣሉ። ይሄን ለማድረግ “መሪ” መሆን ይጠይቃል። አሜሪካ በታሪኳ የከፋውና አገርን ለሁለት የከፈለ የእርስ በርስ ጦርነት (American Civil War) ውስጥ በነበረችበት፣ በሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ ዜጎች በሚያልቁበት አስቸጋሪ ወቅት። በግዜው መሪ የነበረው አብርሃም ሊንከን ጦሩን እየመራ የአሜሪካን ምሥራቅና ምዕራብ ጫፎችን የሚያገናኝ፣ በሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ ማይሎችንና አስቸጋሪ ተራሮችን የሚያቋርጥ ግዙፍ አህጉር አቋራጭ የባቡር መስመር (Transcontinental Railroad) እንዲጀመር አዘዘ። በግዜው ብዙዎች “አበደ” ብለውት ነበር። ሰላሙ ይቅደም ያሉም ነበሩ። እንዴት አሜሪካ ትሰንብት አትሰንብት ሳያውቅ እንዲህ አይነት እቅድ ያወጣል ያሉትም እልፍ ናቸው። ሊንከን ግን ጦርነቱን እየመራ በነበረበት በዚያ አስጨናቂ ወቅት፣ የባቡር መስመሩ የወደፊትዋን የተባበረች አሜሪካ ለመገንባት ወሳኝ መሆኑን ተገንዝቦ ነበርና ከአቋሙ ዝንፍ አላለም። በ1862 (ጦርነቱ በሃይል በተፋፋመበት ወቅት) ህጉን አጽድቆ፣ በገንዘብ እጥረትና በጦርነት ግርግር ሳይበገር ፕሮጀክቱ እንዲቀጥል ማድረግና አሜሪካን ማስተሳሰር ችሏል። ትክክለኛ መሪ በአስቸጋሪ ሁኔታዎች ውስጥ ሁሉ ነገውን ይሰራል። ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አብይ አህመድም እንዲሁ ዛሬን ሳይሆን ነገን ማየት የሚችሉ መሪ ናቸው። እንደውም አንድ ግዜ ውሃዋን በብርጭቆ ይዞ አካባቢው ባለው ነገር Diatracted ሳይሆንና ውሃዋን ሳያጎድል ከግቡ ያደረሰውን ሰው ታሪክ ተናግረው ነበር። ያ ሰው እራሳቸው ዶክተር አብይ ይመስሉኛል። ለማንኛውም እኔና ቤቴ ነውጥ በሚመስል ግርግር ውስጥ ለማይናወጡት መሪ እጅ እንነሳለን!

Natnael Mekonnen

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ነሃሴ 2016 አብይ አህመድ በገዛ ወሬው የስከረ መሪ። የሚገርም ዘመን፣ ከዋናው የሃገር መሪ እስከ ተራው ካድሬ ምንም አይነት የሞራል ኮምፓስ የሌላቸው፤ የሞራል ልጓማቸው የተበጠሰባቸው ሆነዋል። የኢትዮጵያ ጉዶች ። እንዳንዴ ለእነዚህ ሰዎች አጓጉል ንግግር መልስ መስጠት እንደነሱ መሆን ነው በሚል ስጋት ዝምታ መምረጣችን የራሳቸውን ቅጥፈት እንደእውነት በመውሰድ በእብደት ህዲድ እንዲነጉዱ ከማድረጉ በላይ የእነሱን መበጥረቅ (ከኮሜዲያን እሸቱ መለስ የተማርኩት ዘመኑን የዋጀ ቃል) ጥቂቶችንም ቢሆን ማወናበዱ ስለማይቀር፣ ሁሌም ባይሆን አልፎ አልፎ የተመዘነና በቅጡ የታሰበበት ምላሽ መስጠት ተገቢ ሆኖ አግኝቸዋለሁ። ለዚህ ነው እየታከተኝም ቢሆን አልፎ አልፎ ብእሬን የማነሳው። 1. ሀተታ ላለማብዛት አጠቃላይ ከሆነው የሃገር ሁኔታ ልጀመር፤ “ኢትዮጵያ ብሄራዊ ደህንነቷን እና ጥቅሟን የሚያስጠብቅላት መንግስት የላትም። መንግስቷ በአንድ በራሱ ምስል በስከረና ባበደ አደገኛ ግለሰብ እጅ ወድቋል። ይህ በራስ ምስል አምልኮት የአእምሮ በሽታ የተጠቃ ግለሰብ ከኢትዮጵያ ጫንቃ ላይ ካልተነሳ ኢትዮጵያና ህዝቧ ብሄራዊ ደህንነታቸው፣ ጥቅማቸው፣ ሰላማቸው ብልጽግናቸው አይረጋገጥም ስንል ዝም ብለን እንደ አብይ አህመድ፣ እየተበጠረቅን አይደለም። ኢትዮጵያ መሬት ላይ ያለውን ሃቅ መሰረት አድርገን ነው። አብይ አህመድና ደንገጡሮቹ ግን ይህ ማየት ከማይችሉበት የተዘጋ የአእምሮ ውቅር ወይም ህሊና ገንብተው ተቀምጠዋል። መስማት ብቻ የሚፈልጉትን እየሰሙ፣ ማየት ብቻ የሚፈልጉትን እያዩ፣ ማመን ብቻ የሚፈልጉትን እያጠለሉ እያመኑ እንዲኖሩ ያደረገ፣ እውነታን በካደ የቅዥተ አዙሪት ውስጥ ወድቀዋል። እንደማይሰሙን ብናውቅም እስኪ ጥቂት እንበላቸው። ዝምታችን ለእብደታቸው የራሱን አስተዋጽኦ እንዲያደርግ መፍቀዱ እኛንም ተባባሪ ያደርገናልና። የአንድ ሃገር ብሄራዊ ደህንነት ጥቅም የሚከበረው በመከላከያ ሰራዊቱ ነው። የኢትዮጵያ የመከላከያ ሰራዊት ሰራው ዳር ድንበርና ሉአላዊነት ማስከበር መሆኑ ቀርቶ የአንድ ግለሰብ ስልጣን ለማስጠበቅ ሲል ከመላው የሃገሪቱ ህዝብ ጋር ተራ በተራ ወይም በአንድ ጊዜ ሲዋጋ መኖር፤ የገዛ የሃገሩን ልጆች መግደልና በነሱም መገደል እጣው ከሆነ ሰነበተ። ኢትዮጵያ በሁሉም አቅጣጫ ዳር ድንበሯ ተደፍሮ፣ መሬቷ በውጭ ሃሎች እጅ ተይዞ ይህን ማስቆም የሚገባው የመከላከያ ተቋም መሳሪያውን፣ የሰው ሃይሉንና መሉ ጉልበቱን በኢትዮጵያውያን ፍጅት የአንድን ግለሰብ የስልጣን ሱስ ለማርካት በስራ ላይ እንዲያውል ተደርጓል። የሰራዊቱ ጄነራሎች ለዚህ ታማኝነታቸው ቢሸጡት እስከ 500 ሚሊዮን ብር የሚያወጣ መሬት ታደሏቸዋል፣ የሃገር ወርቅ ከየክልሉ መሪዎች ጋር በመሻረክ እያስቆፈሩ ከሃገር ውጭ ያወጣሉ፣ መሳሪያና መረጃ ለአልሸባብ ሳይቀር ይሸጣሉ፣ የግንባታ የንገድ ድርጅቶች፣ ከህንዶችና ከቻይኖች ጋር አቁመው ከሪል እስቴት አለፈው መለስተኛ ግድቦች ይገነባሉ። ለመከላከያ ከተመደበው ግዙፍ ባጀት የሚዘርፉትን እዚህ ላይ ማከል ነው። ሌላው የአንድ ሃገር የብሄራዊ ደህንነትና ጥቅም አስከባሪ ተቋም፣ የመረጃ የደህንነት ተቋሙ ነው። የኢትዮጵያ ብሄራዊ ደህንነት ተቋም እንደተቋም መስራት ካቆመ ሰንብቷል። በሃሰት የትወልድ፣ የትምህርትና የማነንት መታወቂያ ማስረጃ፣ በዘመድ አዝማድ፣ በምልጃና በጉቦ የሚቀጥራቸውን ሰዎች እውነተኛ ማንነት መስሪያ ቤቱ ከማያውቅበት ደረጃ ላያ ደርሷል። ግለሰቦች በጠላት ሃገራት መንግስታትና ድርጅቶች ተመልምለው፣ በተቋሙ ውስጥ መተከላቸውን ወይም ከሰራተኞቹ መሃል ለጠላት ተመልምለው የሚሰሩ ከሃዲዎች እንዳይኖሩ የሚከታተል፣ በደህንነቱ መስሪያ ቤት ላይ የስለላ ስራ የሚሰራ ጸረ መረጃ የተባለው ክፍል ከደህነነት ተቋሙ ከጠፋ ስንብቷል። በዚህም የተነሳ አልሸባብ ወኪሎቹን በኢትዮጵያ የመረጃ መስሪያ ቤት አስቀጥሮ መረጃ መዝረፍ የቻለበት ሁኔታ ተከስቷል። ከመስሪያ ቤቱ ሰራተኞች መሃል ምን ያህሉ አሁንም ለኢትዮጵያ ጠላቶችና መረጃ ለሚፈለጉ ሌሎች ተቋማት እንደሚሰሩ፣ መረጃ እንደሚሸጡ አይታወቅም። የመረጃ መስሪያ ቤቱ ከሱማሌው አልሸባብ እስከ ናይጀሪያው ቦኮ ሃራም አባላት የኢትዮጵያን ፓስፖርት በማደል በሃሰተኛ ስምና መረጃ በኢትዮጵያ ፓስፖርት በአለም ላይ መንቀሳሰ የሚችሉበትን ሁኔታ ፈጥሯል። ቀደም ብሎ ይደረግ የነበረው ሳምንታዊ፣ ወርሃዊ፣ የግማሽ መንፈቅ የመረጃ መስሪያ ቤቱ ግምገማዎች አይደረጉም። እቅዶችም የሉም። የሃገር አደጋ ትነተና አይቀርብም። የመረጃ ስራ የ24 ሰአታት ስራ መሆኑ ቀርቶ እንደማንኛውም መስሪያ ቤት ከሰአት በኋላ የስራ ሰአት 11 አንድና 12 ሰአት ላይ ሲያበቃ አብሮ ይቆማል። ከተማውና ሃገሪቱ በምሽት ያለደህንነት መስሪያ ቤቱ ክትትልና ቁጥጥር አድረው ይነጋላቸዋል። ሲመሸ የደህንነት መስሪያ ቤቱ የስራ ድርሻ በየጭፈራ ቤቱ እየዞሩ ባለቤቶቹን እያስፈራሩ መጠጣትና እንደማፍያ አለቆች የከለላ ክፍያ (protection fee) መሰብሰብ ሆኗል። የመስሪያ ቤቱ አለቆች በከፍተኛ ደረጃ የሚናናቁ፣ እርስ በርሳቸው የማይነጋገሩ፣ ሁሉም በግልና በቀጥታ ለእብዱ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስቴር ወሬ አቀባዮች ሆነዋል። የመስሪያ ቤቱ ሃላፊዎች ሙሉ ጊዚያቸውን እንደ መከላከያ ጀነራሎች በግል ሃብት ማካበቺያነት፣ የሃገርና የህዝብ ሃብት ዘረፋ ላይ የሚያወሉ ሆነዋል። ይህን የሚያደርጉት ደግሞ ልክ እንደ ወታደራዊ ጀኔራሎች በአለቃቸው በአብይ አህመድ እየታወቀ ነው። ታማኝ እስከሆኑ በየትኛውም የዘረፋ ስራ እንዲሰማሩ ፈቃድ ሰጥቷቸዋል። በርካታ ማስረጃዎች አሉን። ሌላው የሃገር ደህንነት ጠባቂ ተቋም የፌደራል ፖሊስ ተቋም ነው። ይህ የፌደራል ፖሊስ ተቋም እየከረረ በሄደ የዘር ክፍፍል የተወጠረ፣ ተቋማዊ አንድነቱ የተናጋ ነው። በዚህም የተነሳ ከፍተኛ ቁጥር ያላቸው በተለይ የአማራ ተወላጅ አባላቱ (የትግራይ ሰዎች ከመስሪያ ቤቱ ውስጥ ከጠፉ ቆይቷል) መሳሪያቸውን እንደያዙ የሚከዱበት ሁኔታ የተስፋፋበት ተቋም ነው። መሪዎቹ ከአደገኛ እጽ አንስቶ እስከ ከፍተኛ የኮንትሮባንድ ንግድ ውስጥ የተደፈቁ መሆናቸው ተደጋግሞ የተገለጸ ጉዳይ ነው። ባለፈው ሳምንት አብይ አህመድ ኮማንደር ፍቅሩ አለማየሁ ለሚባል የአዳነች አበቤ አጃቢ ለነበረ ግለሰብ በቀጥታ በምክትል ኮሚሽነርነት ማእረግ የአዲስ አበባ የወንጀል መከላከል ሃላፊ እንዲሆን የስጠው ሹመት “የዘር ኮታ ምደባውን የተጻረረ፣ የአማራን ቦታ ለኦሮሞ የሰጠ ነው” በሚል በተቀሰቀሰ ቁጣ 16 ዝቅተኛ መኮንኖችና ፖሊሶች እኛን አማሮችን በእዚህ ተቋም ውስጥ የሚወከለን የለም በሚል ምሬት መሳሪያቸውን ይዘው መሰወራቸው ታውቋል። የፌደራል ፖሊሲ ሃላፊዎች ዋናው ስራቸው በአብይ አገዛዝ ላይ ህዝብ እንዳያማጽ ከመጠበቅ ውጭ በሃገር ብሄራዊ ጥቅምና ደህነት ዙሪያ ከታዬ ዋናዎቹ የሃገር ጠንቆች ከሆኑ ሰነባብቷል። ሌላው የሃገር ጥቅምና ደህነነት ማስጠበቂያ ተቋም የውጭ ጉዳይ መስሪያ ቤቱና የዲፕሎማሲ ስራው ነው። ይህን መስሪያ ቤት በአብይ ተላላኪዎች ከመሞላት አልፎ የአብይ አህመድ የግል ፍላጎት ማስፈጸሚያ ከሆነ ቆይቷል። ከውጭ ጉዳይ ሚኒስትሩ ከታዬ አጽቀስላሴ በላይ ተሰሚነት ያላት ምክትሉ ብርቱካን አያና ናት። አምባሳደሮች የሚያደገድጉት፣ የተሻለ ምደባ እንዲያገኙ ጉቦና ስጦታ የሚሰጡት ለዚች የአብይ አህመድ የቅርብ ሴት ነው። የአብይ አህመድ እብደት በሚገባ የተገለጸበት፣ የሃገርና የህዝብ ደህንነትና ጥቅም ከፍተኛ አደጋ ላይ የወደቀበት የመንግስት እንቅስቃሴ ቢኖር የውጭ ግንኙነት እንቅስቃሴ ነው። በተሳሳተ የአብይ አህመድ የውጭ ጉዳይ እንቅስቃሴዎች ኢትዮጵያ ከሁሉም ጎረቤቶቿ ጋር ተጣልታለች። ማንም በበጎ አይን የሚያያት የለም። ምንም ደሃ ብትሆን በቀጠናውና በአለም አቀፍ ደረጃ በዲፕሎምሲ መስኩ ትታይበት የነበረው የላቀ ስፍራዋ ላይ ዛሬ የለችም። ኢትዮጵያ ለደረሰባት ጉዳት ብዙ ምሳሌ ማቅረብ ቢቻልም ከሱማሌላንድ ጋር አብይ ገባሁ ያለው በቅጥፈት የተሞላ፣ ገና ከመጀመሪያ የትም እንደማይደርስ የተነበይነው የመግባቢያ ሰንድ ፊርማ ትልቁ ምሳሌ ነው። ሰነዱ በተፈረመበት ወቅት “ለሃገር ደህንነት አደገኛ ውሳኔ ነው” ብለን የተቃወምነው ግለሰቦች፣ አብይና አሽቃባጮቹ እንዳሉት ሃገር ሲያልፍላት አይናችን የሚቀላ ባናዳዎች ስለሆን አልነበረም። ይህን የሚሉት የባንዳነት ታሪክ በዘር ማንዘራችን እንደሌለ አጥተውት አይደለም። የሱማሌን ሉአዋላዊ ሃገርነት የሚጻረር ድርጊት በኢትዮጵያ ላይ ብዙ መዘዞች ያስከትላል ከሚል ተጨባጭ ስጋት በመነሳት ነበር ስምምነቱን ያወገዝነው። ለአንድ ሰሞን ህዝብን የማወናበድና የማፋዘዝ ፕሮጀክት ሲባል የተፈጸመ ድርጊት ኢትዮጵያ ሰራዊቷን ከሱማሌያ የምታስወጣበትን፣ አልሸባብ ኢትዮጵያ ድንበር ላይ ካምፕ የመሰረተበትን፣ ግብጽ በኢትዮጵያ ድንበር ሱማሌ ውስጥ ወታደሮቿን ማስፈር፣ የሱማሌን ሰራዊት ማሰልጠን የምትችልበትን፣ ቱርክ የሱማሌን የባህር ዳርቻዎች ደህንነት የምትጠብቅበትን ውሎች ከሶማሊያ ጋር መዋዋል የቻሉበትን ሁኔታ መፍጠር ችሏል። ህዝብ ለህዝብ መቀራረብ ጀመሮ በነበረው የኢትዮጵያና የሱማሌ ህዝብ ግንኙነት ላይ ያደረሰው ጉዳት ቀላል አይደለም። የመከላከያ የደህንነት ተቋማቷን አፍርሳ የተቀመጠችው ኢትዮጵያ በዲፕሎማሲ መስኩ የሃገሪቱን ጥቅም ተጻረው ለሚቆሙ ሃገራትና መንግስታት፣ እድሜ ለአብይ አህመድ፣ የተመቻቸ ሁኔታ ፈጥራ አርፋዋለች። ሌላው የአንድ ሃገር ሉአላዊነት፣ደህነነትና ጥቅም ማስከበር የሚችለው ሃይል ከህዝብ አንድነትና በህዝብና በመንግስት መቀራረብ የሚገኘው ጉልበት ነው። የአብይ አህመድ አገዛዝ ሆን ብሎ የሃገሪቱ ህዝቦች እርስ በርስ በጎሪጥ እንዲተያዩ፣ ከዛም አልፈው እንዲጨፋጨፉ የሚሰራ መንግስት ሆኗል። በአብዛኛው የሃገሪቱ ህዝብ ላይ ጦርነት ከፍቶ ተጋጭቷል። አሁንም እየተጋጨ ነው። ከጦርነት በተረፈው ህዝብ ላይ የኢኮኖሚ ማሻሻያ በሚል ስም የኢኮኖሚ ጦርነት ከፍቶ፣ ከጥቂት ባላሃብቶችና የመንግስት ባላስልጣናት በቀር የእያንዳንዱን ዜጋ ህይወት የምድር ሲኦል አድርጎት አርፏል። አብይ በፈጸማቸው ዘርፈ ብዙ ጸረ ህዝብ ድርጊቶቹ ከህዝብ ጋር ሆድና ጀርባ ሆኗል። ከሃገሪቱ የቆዳ ስፋት የሚቆጣጠረው እየጠበበ ሄዶ አገዛዙ እንደለቡ ያሻወን መፈጸም የሚችልበት ቦታ አዲስ አበባ ላይ ብቻ ሆኗል። አብይ አህመድ ህዝብንም ከሃገር ደህንነትና ጥቅም ማስጠበቅ ስራ አግሎታል። ኢትዮጵያ አደገኛ ሁኔታ ውስጥ ናት የምንለው ይህን ሁሉ ጉድ አይተን ነው። 2. ወደ ውቅታዊ ጉዳይ ስመለስ አብይ አህመድ የጫካ ቤተመንግስት፣ የኮሪደር ልማት፣ አዲስ ቱሞሮ (ጥራዝ ነጠቅ ስትሆን የሚመጣ የእንግሊዝኛ አጠቃቀም) እያለ የአልሞትኩም ብዬ አልዋሽም ፕሮፓጋንዳውን እራሱ እየሰራ፣ እራሱ እየተጋተ ሰከሮና ደንዝዞ መኖርን መርጧል። ይህን ድርጊቱን አያዋጣም የምንለውን በወሬ የምንኖር እራሱን በስራ የሚኖር አድርጎ መግለጽ ደግሞ የሰሞኑ የፐሮፕጋንዳ አቅጣጫው ሆኗል። ከዚህ ቀጥሎ የምላቸው ጥቂት ቃላቶች የአብይ አህመድ የሰሞኑ ጭኸቶች የቁራ ጭኸቶች እንደሆኑ የሚያሳዩ ናቸው። ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ያልገባው እሱ የያዘው ስልጣን በአንዳንዶቻችን እጅ ቢገባ ለጫካ ቤተመንግስቱ አዲስ አበባ ላይ የሚያጠፋውን ከ10 እስከ 15 ቢሊዮን የሚደርስ ዶላር ከሱ በተሻለ ሃገርና ህዝብን ወደከፈተኛ ብልጽግና መውሰድ የሚያስችል ስራ ማዋል የሚችሉ ልጆች ኢትዮጵያ እንዳሏት ነው። አብይና አሽቃባጮቹን በምክን ያት ተከራክሮ ማሳመን እንደማይቻል በገባንም በህዝብ ፊት ማሳፈር ስለሚቻል 10 ቢሊዮን ዶላሩን እንዴት እንደምናጠፋው ቀጥሎ እናቀርባለን። 10 ቢልዮን ዶላሩን ምን እናደርገው እንደነበር ስንነግራችሁ የጫካው ቤተመንግስት፣ በግንባታ ወቅት የሚቀጥረውንና ከተገነባ በኋላ ስራ የሚፈጥርለትን የሰው ብዛት፣ ግንባታው ሲያልቅ የሚያስገኘውን የኢኮኖሚ ጥቅምና ሃገራዊ ፋይዳ በሚገባ ተመልክተን ነው።ዝርዝሩን ማቀረብ ያለበት አብይና ኩባንያው ነው። እኛ ማድረግ የምንችለው እንዲህ አይነቱ የጫካ ቤተመንግስት ኢንቨስትመንት ቱሩፋቶቹ ምን ይሆናሉ ብለን በመገመት ብቻ ነው። በተለይ ይህን ያህል ዶላር የፈሰሰበት ቤተመንግስት ሰላምና መረጋጋት በሌለበት ሃገር ቀርቶ ሰላም ቢኖርም ክወጭ የሚስበው ጎብኝ ይሁን በዚህ ቤተመንግስት ዙሪያ የሚገነቡ ህንጻዎች የሚስቡት የውጭ ኢንቨስትመንት እዚህ ግባ የሚባል የኢኮኖሚ ፋይዳ እንደማይኖር የታወቀ ነው። በግንባታ ስራውም ሆነ ካለቀ በኋላ የሚፈጥረው የስራ እድል ውሱን ነው። እንግዲህ ይህን አይነቱን በሃገራችን ከሚሰሩ ስራዎች ቅደም ተከተሉ እጅግ የተዛናፈን የዛሬ መቶ አመት እንኳን ሊሰራ የማይገባውን ስራውን እያመላከተ ነው አብይ አህመድ የስራ ሰው መሆኑን ሊነግረን የሚዳዳድው። እኛ ደግሞ ይህን በጫካ ቤተመንግስት ላይ አብይ አህመድ የሚያወጣውን ከ10 እስከ 15 ቢሊዮን ዶላር፣ በ10 ቢሊዮን ዶላር ገድበን ይህን ገንዘብ በሀሃገራችን ውስጥ ቅድሚያ ማግኘት አለባቸው ከምንላቸው ስራዎች አንዱ በሆነው የማዳበሪያ ኢንደስትሪ ምስረታ ላይ እንዴት እንደሚውልና ምን ሃገራዊ የኢኮኖሚ እርባና እንደሚኖረው በማሳየት አብይ የወሬ እንጂ የስራ ሰው አለመሆኑን ማሳየት እንችላለን። የማዳበሪያ ኢንደስትሪ ራሳችንን በምግብ ለመቻል፣ ከዛም አልፎ ግብርናውን መሰረት ያደረገ የኢንዱስትሪ አብዮት ለማስጀመር፣ በግብርና ምርታቸን ላይ የተመሰረተ የውጭ ምንዛሪ ችግራችንን መቅረፍ የምንችልበት እድል ለመፍጠር፣ በግንባታው ወቅትና ከተገነባ በኋላ የሚቀጥረውን የቋሚ ሰራተኛ ብዛት፣ ኢንዱስትሪው ራሱ የሚያመርተው ምርት ከሀገር ውስጥ ፍጆታ ተርፎ ወደ ውጭ ከሚላከው ምርት የሚገኘውን የውጪ ምንዛሪ ገቢ በአንድ ላይ ግምት ወስጥ አስገብተን የአብይን 10 ቢሊዮን ዶላር በማዳበሪያ እንዱስትሪ ምስረታ ላይ ብናውለው ምን ውጤት እናገኝ ነበር የሚለውን ጉዳይ ለአብይ አህመድና በዙሪያው ላሉ አሽቃባጮቹና በቅርቡ አዲስ አበባ ከተማን እናስውባለን በሚልፕሮፓጋንዳቸው ሊያደነዝዙት የፈለጉትን ህዝብ የሚከተሉትን ሃቆች እንንገራቸው። አብይ አህመድ ጫካ ቤተመንግስት የሚገነባባትን ገንዘብ ወደ ማዳበሪያ ኢንደስትሪ አዙሮት ቢሆን። 1. ለማዳበሪያ መስሪያ አስፈላጊ የሆነወን አሞኒያ የተባለ ኬሚካል በአመት በብዙ ሚሊዮኖች ሜትሪክ ቶን ማምረት ይቻል ነበር። 2. ለማዳበሪያ መስሪያ አስፈላጊ የሆኑትን ፎስፌትና ፖታሸ 1 እስከ 2 ሚሊየን ሚትሪክ ቶን በአመት ማምረት ይቻል ነበር። 3. ይህ የማዳብሪያ ኢንደስትሪ ኢትዮጵያ በአመት ለማዳበሪያ የምታወጣውን ከ800 ሚሊዮን እስከ 1 ቢሊዮን ዶላር ወጪ ያሰቀር ነበር። 4. በውጭ የማዳበሪያ ኩባንያዎችና መጓጓዣዎች እንዲሁም በየጊዜው ከሚዋዥቅ የማዳባሪያ ዋጋ ራሷን ነጻ ማድረግ ትችል ነበር። 5. ዘመኑ የሚፈቅደውን የተራቀቀ ቴክኖሎጂ በማደበሪያ ማምርቻ ስራ ላይ ማዋል ትችል ነበር። 6. ይህ ዶላር በጥናትና ምርምር ላይ የተመስረተ ከማዳበሪያ ጋር የተያያዘ በአለም አቀፍ ደረጃ ተወዳዳሪ የሆነ የጥናትና የምርምር ተቋም እንዲኖረን ያስችል ነበር። 7. ለተፈጥሮ እና ለአካባቢ ጥበቃ እንብካቤ የሚያደርግ ኢንደስትሪ መገንባት የሚያስችል አቅም ይሰጠን ነበር። 8. በአስር ሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ ሰራተኞች፣ ኤንጂኔሮች፣ ኬሚስቶችም የፋብሪካ ማሽነሪ አንቀሳቃሾች፣ የማእድን ሰራተኞች፣ የድጋፍ ስራ የሚሰሩ ሌሎችንም በመቶ ሸዎች ለሚቆጠሩ ዜጎች ስራ ያስገኝ ነበር። 9. የማዳበሪያው ኢንደስትሪ ትልቅነት የአለምን የማዳበሪያ ገበያ ከ5 እስከ 15 በመቶ የመቆጣጠር ትልቅ አቅም ሰለሚኖረው ኢንቨስትመንቱ ከኢትዮጵያ ውጭ በሌሎች ሃገሮች ሳይቀር መስሪያ ቤቶች የሚኖሩትና ሰራተኞችም የሚቀጥር ይሆን ነበር። 10. ኢትዮጵያ ለማደባሪያ መስሪያ የሚሆን ትልቅ የፖታሽ ክምችት ቢኖራትም፣ ለፖታሽና ለሌሎችም ለማዳበሪያ መስሪያ የሚሆኑ ወሳኝ ግብአቶችን ሩቅ ሳትሄድ ከጎረቤቶቿ ማግኘት የምትችልበትን የኢኮኖሚ ትብብር እድል የሚከፈት ይሆን ነበር። ከኤርትራና ከጅቡቲ ጋር ፎስፌትና ፖታሽ በማውጣት፣ ከደቡብ ሱዳን እና ከሱዳን ናይትሮጂን ለሚያስፈለገው የአሞኒያ ማዳበሪያ ለመስሪያ የሚሆነው የተፈጠሮ ጋዝ በመግዛት የሚፈጠረው የኢኮኖሚ መደጋገፍ ለቀጠናው ትልቅ ትርጉም ይኖረው ነበር። 11. ጥናቶች የሚያሳዩት በ10 ቢሊዮን ብር ኢንቨስትመንት የሚጀመር የማዳበሪያ ኢንደስትሪ ስራው ተጠናቆ በሙሉ አቅሙ ማምርት ሲጀመር ከ 5 ቢሊዮን እስከ 15 ቢሊዮን ዶላር የሚደርስ አመታዊ ገቢ ሊኖረው የሚችል ይሆናል፣ ከዚህ ውስጥ ትርፉ በየትኛውም ኢንደስትሪ ከሚገኝ ትርፍ የላቀ እንደሚሆን ይገመታል። 12. ይህ ስራ ለማስጀመር • የአሰሳና የአዋጭነት ጥናት ለማጥናት ከ50 እስከ 100 ሚሊዮን ዶላር፤ • የመስረተ ልማት ስራ ትልቁ ነው። የማእድን ማውጫ መሳሪያዎች፣ የማጓጓዣ ስራ፣ የኤነርጂ አቅርቦት፣ የውሃ አቅርቦት ስራ ከ500 ሚሊዮን እስከ 1 ቢሊዮን ዶላር ወጪ እንደሚኖረው ይገመታል። • ማእድን ማውጣትና ማጣራት ማምረት ፋብሪካዎችን ማቆም ከ 1 ቢሊዮን እስከ 2 ቢሊዮን ዶላር እንደሚፈጅ ይገመታል። • ለሎጂስትክ ለሃገር ውስጥና ወደ ውጭ ማጓጓዣ ከ300 ሚሊዮን እስከ 500 ሚሊዮን ዶላር፤ • አመታዊ የሰራተኛ ደሞዝ፣ የጥገና የመለዋወጫና ሌሎችም ፋብሪካው በሙሉ አቅሙ መንቀስቃሰ እሰክሚችል ድረስ የሚያፈልገው ወጪ ከ 200 እስከ 500 ሚሊዮን ዶላር ይሆናል። አጠቃላይ የአንድ ትልቅ የማዳበሪያ ፋብሪካ የኢንቭስትመንት ወጪ ከ2 ቢሊዮን ዶላር እስከ 4 ቢሊዮን ዶላር እንደሚደርስ ይገመታል። ስራው አድካሚ ነው። በትንሹ አምስት አመታት ጊዜ ይወስዳል። እንደ ኮሪደር ልማት፣ እንደ ጫካ ፕሮጀክት በአዲስ አበባ ቤተመንግስቱ አካባቢ ለአብይ አይን ማረፊያነት የሚሰራ አይሆንም። አብይ ጠዋትና ማታ የሚጎበኘው፣ ውጤቱም በሚብለጨጩ ህንጻዎች በቀላሉ የማይታይ ስራ ነው። እንግዲህ ይህ ቁልፍና መሰረታዊ የሆነ የሃገርና የህዝብ ትልቅ ችግር ለመቅረፍ የሚያስፈለግ፣ ከዛም አልፎ በየአመቱ ከፍተኛ የውጭ ምንዛሪ ማስገኘትና ከፍተኛ ቁጠር ያለውን ቋሚ ሰራተኛ ለመቅጠር የሚያስችል አንድ የማዳበሪያ ፋብሪካ ለመገንባት ከ 2 እስከ 4 ቢሊዮን ዶላር የሚጠይቅ ከሆነ፣ የጫካው ቤተመንግስት በሚሰራበት በ 10 ቢሊዮን ዶላር በአማካይ 3 ትልልቅ የማዳበሪያ ኢንዱስትሪዎች መገንባት ይቻል ነበር ማለት ነው። ይህን ኢንደስትሪ ለጫካው ከሚወጣው ወጪና የጫካው ፕሮጀክት ለሃገርና ለህዝብ ከሚሰጠው ፋይዳ ጋር ማነጻጸሩና የፋይዳወን ልዩነት የመገመቱ ስራ ለብልሁ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ እንተወዋለን። የአብይ አህመድ አገዛዝ የሀገር ጠንቅ ነው። ብልጭልጭ ፕሮጀክቶቹም የግለሰቡን ብኩን ስብእና የሚያሳዩ ናቸው የምንለው፣ በበልጽግና ዙሪያ አብይ እንደሰበሰባቸው የፓርቲው ደናቁርትና እነሱን እንዲያጅቡ አብይ ስልጣን ያጋራቸው እንደብርሃኑ ነጋ እንደ ግርማ ሰይፉ እንደነ በለጠ ሞላ ከአብይ እግር ስር እየወደቀን ጭራችንን የማንቆላው፣ በዘራችሁ አይድረስ ከሚል የመዋረድ እርግማንም ራሳችንን የምናድነው ጌታቸውና ፈጣሪያቸው አብይ እንደሚለው በወሬ ስለምኖር ሳይሆን፣ ለግል ስማችን፣ ክብራችንና ሆዳችን ሳይሆን ሃገርን የሚጠቅምና የሚጎዳ ተግባር ምን እንደሆነ ስለምናውቅ ነው። ይች በድህነት የተጨማደደች ሃገራችን እና በመቶ ሚሊዮኖች የሚቆጠረው ደሃ ህዝባችን ወደ ብልጽግና የሚያመራው ጥቂት ከተሜዎችና ዳያስፖራዎች፣ አብይ እንዳለው ፎቶ መነሳት የሚችሉባቸውን ቦታዎች አዲስ አበባ ላይ ለመፍጠር ሲባል ብዙ ቢሊዮን ዶላሮችን በከንቱ በማባከን እንዳልሆነ ስለምናውቅ ነው። የከተማወን ህዝብ ረሃብ ለማስታገስ ማዳበሪያ ያለውን ትርጉም ስለምናውቅ ነው። ልኡላዊነትን አሳልፎ የሸጠ የኢኮኖሚ ፖሊሲ ስራ ላይ እንዳናውል የሚያደርገንን፣ ከፍተኛ የሆነ የወጭ ምንዛሪ ፍላጎታችንን የሚቀንስ፣ ኢንደስትሪው ተጨማሪ የውጭ ምንዛሪ የሚያስገኝልን እንደሆነ ስለምናውቅ ነው። ግብርናን መሰረት ያደረገ የኢንደስትሪ አብዮት በማካሄድ አስተማማኝ ልማት ለህዝባችን ማጎናጸፍ እንደሚችል ስለሚገባን ነው። የአብይ አገዛዝ ያለበት ችግር በእውነት፣ በሃቅ፣ በእውቀት ላይ ተመስርተው ስካርና እብደቱን ከሚያመላክቱት ሰዎች ይልቅ እሱ የሚለውን እንደገደል ማሚቱ የሚያስተጋቡ፣ ወይም ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ ከወንድ ጓደኛዋ ጋር እንደተዋወቀች አይና አፋር ለጃገረድ የሚሽኮረሞሙ ወራዶችን ማቅረቡ ነው። ከእነዚህ ሰዎች መሃል እኔ በግሌ የማውቃቸው በአንድ ወቅት ትልቅ ክብርና ግምት የሰጠኋቸው ሰዎች መገኘታቸው ነው፤ “እንዲህ አይነት ውርደት በዘራችሁ አይድረስ” እንድል ያሰኘኝ። አንዳርጋቸው ጽጌ Abiy Ahmed Ali 🇪🇹 FDRE Government Communication Service Mustafe M. Omer Al Ain Amharic አል ዐይን አማርኛ Ethiopian Reporter Sahle-Work Zewde Reuters Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice #Ezema FDRE Ministry of Justice ኢ.ፌ.ዴ.ሪ ፍትህ ሚኒስቴር Al Jazeera English Billene ቢልለኔ Aster Seyoum Neamin Zeleke Office of the Prime Minister - Ethiopia BBC News (UK) DW Amharic Redwan Hussien Daniel Kibret Taye Atske Selassie Ethiopian National Dialogue Commission VOA Amharic Fana Media Corporation S.C. (FMC) @walta_info EBC WORLD እስከዳር እምሻው 🇪🇹አስካለ ማርያም Dawit
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ነሃሴ 2016 አብይ አህመድ በገዛ ወሬው የስከረ መሪ። የሚገርም ዘመን፣ ከዋናው የሃገር መሪ እስከ ተራው ካድሬ ምንም አይነት የሞራል ኮምፓስ የሌላቸው፤ የሞራል ልጓማቸው የተበጠሰባቸው ሆነዋል። የኢትዮጵያ ጉዶች ። እንዳንዴ ለእነዚህ ሰዎች አጓጉል ንግግር መልስ መስጠት እንደነሱ መሆን ነው በሚል ስጋት ዝምታ መምረጣችን የራሳቸውን ቅጥፈት እንደእውነት በመውሰድ በእብደት ህዲድ እንዲነጉዱ ከማድረጉ በላይ የእነሱን መበጥረቅ (ከኮሜዲያን እሸቱ መለስ የተማርኩት ዘመኑን የዋጀ ቃል) ጥቂቶችንም ቢሆን ማወናበዱ ስለማይቀር፣ ሁሌም ባይሆን አልፎ አልፎ የተመዘነና በቅጡ የታሰበበት ምላሽ መስጠት ተገቢ ሆኖ አግኝቸዋለሁ። ለዚህ ነው እየታከተኝም ቢሆን አልፎ አልፎ ብእሬን የማነሳው። 1. ሀተታ ላለማብዛት አጠቃላይ ከሆነው የሃገር ሁኔታ ልጀመር፤ “ኢትዮጵያ ብሄራዊ ደህንነቷን እና ጥቅሟን የሚያስጠብቅላት መንግስት የላትም። መንግስቷ በአንድ በራሱ ምስል በስከረና ባበደ አደገኛ ግለሰብ እጅ ወድቋል። ይህ በራስ ምስል አምልኮት የአእምሮ በሽታ የተጠቃ ግለሰብ ከኢትዮጵያ ጫንቃ ላይ ካልተነሳ ኢትዮጵያና ህዝቧ ብሄራዊ ደህንነታቸው፣ ጥቅማቸው፣ ሰላማቸው ብልጽግናቸው አይረጋገጥም ስንል ዝም ብለን እንደ አብይ አህመድ፣ እየተበጠረቅን አይደለም። ኢትዮጵያ መሬት ላይ ያለውን ሃቅ መሰረት አድርገን ነው። አብይ አህመድና ደንገጡሮቹ ግን ይህ ማየት ከማይችሉበት የተዘጋ የአእምሮ ውቅር ወይም ህሊና ገንብተው ተቀምጠዋል። መስማት ብቻ የሚፈልጉትን እየሰሙ፣ ማየት ብቻ የሚፈልጉትን እያዩ፣ ማመን ብቻ የሚፈልጉትን እያጠለሉ እያመኑ እንዲኖሩ ያደረገ፣ እውነታን በካደ የቅዥተ አዙሪት ውስጥ ወድቀዋል። እንደማይሰሙን ብናውቅም እስኪ ጥቂት እንበላቸው። ዝምታችን ለእብደታቸው የራሱን አስተዋጽኦ እንዲያደርግ መፍቀዱ እኛንም ተባባሪ ያደርገናልና። የአንድ ሃገር ብሄራዊ ደህንነት ጥቅም የሚከበረው በመከላከያ ሰራዊቱ ነው። የኢትዮጵያ የመከላከያ ሰራዊት ሰራው ዳር ድንበርና ሉአላዊነት ማስከበር መሆኑ ቀርቶ የአንድ ግለሰብ ስልጣን ለማስጠበቅ ሲል ከመላው የሃገሪቱ ህዝብ ጋር ተራ በተራ ወይም በአንድ ጊዜ ሲዋጋ መኖር፤ የገዛ የሃገሩን ልጆች መግደልና በነሱም መገደል እጣው ከሆነ ሰነበተ። ኢትዮጵያ በሁሉም አቅጣጫ ዳር ድንበሯ ተደፍሮ፣ መሬቷ በውጭ ሃሎች እጅ ተይዞ ይህን ማስቆም የሚገባው የመከላከያ ተቋም መሳሪያውን፣ የሰው ሃይሉንና መሉ ጉልበቱን በኢትዮጵያውያን ፍጅት የአንድን ግለሰብ የስልጣን ሱስ ለማርካት በስራ ላይ እንዲያውል ተደርጓል። የሰራዊቱ ጄነራሎች ለዚህ ታማኝነታቸው ቢሸጡት እስከ 500 ሚሊዮን ብር የሚያወጣ መሬት ታደሏቸዋል፣ የሃገር ወርቅ ከየክልሉ መሪዎች ጋር በመሻረክ እያስቆፈሩ ከሃገር ውጭ ያወጣሉ፣ መሳሪያና መረጃ ለአልሸባብ ሳይቀር ይሸጣሉ፣ የግንባታ የንገድ ድርጅቶች፣ ከህንዶችና ከቻይኖች ጋር አቁመው ከሪል እስቴት አለፈው መለስተኛ ግድቦች ይገነባሉ። ለመከላከያ ከተመደበው ግዙፍ ባጀት የሚዘርፉትን እዚህ ላይ ማከል ነው። ሌላው የአንድ ሃገር የብሄራዊ ደህንነትና ጥቅም አስከባሪ ተቋም፣ የመረጃ የደህንነት ተቋሙ ነው። የኢትዮጵያ ብሄራዊ ደህንነት ተቋም እንደተቋም መስራት ካቆመ ሰንብቷል። በሃሰት የትወልድ፣ የትምህርትና የማነንት መታወቂያ ማስረጃ፣ በዘመድ አዝማድ፣ በምልጃና በጉቦ የሚቀጥራቸውን ሰዎች እውነተኛ ማንነት መስሪያ ቤቱ ከማያውቅበት ደረጃ ላያ ደርሷል። ግለሰቦች በጠላት ሃገራት መንግስታትና ድርጅቶች ተመልምለው፣ በተቋሙ ውስጥ መተከላቸውን ወይም ከሰራተኞቹ መሃል ለጠላት ተመልምለው የሚሰሩ ከሃዲዎች እንዳይኖሩ የሚከታተል፣ በደህንነቱ መስሪያ ቤት ላይ የስለላ ስራ የሚሰራ ጸረ መረጃ የተባለው ክፍል ከደህነነት ተቋሙ ከጠፋ ስንብቷል። በዚህም የተነሳ አልሸባብ ወኪሎቹን በኢትዮጵያ የመረጃ መስሪያ ቤት አስቀጥሮ መረጃ መዝረፍ የቻለበት ሁኔታ ተከስቷል። ከመስሪያ ቤቱ ሰራተኞች መሃል ምን ያህሉ አሁንም ለኢትዮጵያ ጠላቶችና መረጃ ለሚፈለጉ ሌሎች ተቋማት እንደሚሰሩ፣ መረጃ እንደሚሸጡ አይታወቅም። የመረጃ መስሪያ ቤቱ ከሱማሌው አልሸባብ እስከ ናይጀሪያው ቦኮ ሃራም አባላት የኢትዮጵያን ፓስፖርት በማደል በሃሰተኛ ስምና መረጃ በኢትዮጵያ ፓስፖርት በአለም ላይ መንቀሳሰ የሚችሉበትን ሁኔታ ፈጥሯል። ቀደም ብሎ ይደረግ የነበረው ሳምንታዊ፣ ወርሃዊ፣ የግማሽ መንፈቅ የመረጃ መስሪያ ቤቱ ግምገማዎች አይደረጉም። እቅዶችም የሉም። የሃገር አደጋ ትነተና አይቀርብም። የመረጃ ስራ የ24 ሰአታት ስራ መሆኑ ቀርቶ እንደማንኛውም መስሪያ ቤት ከሰአት በኋላ የስራ ሰአት 11 አንድና 12 ሰአት ላይ ሲያበቃ አብሮ ይቆማል። ከተማውና ሃገሪቱ በምሽት ያለደህንነት መስሪያ ቤቱ ክትትልና ቁጥጥር አድረው ይነጋላቸዋል። ሲመሸ የደህንነት መስሪያ ቤቱ የስራ ድርሻ በየጭፈራ ቤቱ እየዞሩ ባለቤቶቹን እያስፈራሩ መጠጣትና እንደማፍያ አለቆች የከለላ ክፍያ (protection fee) መሰብሰብ ሆኗል። የመስሪያ ቤቱ አለቆች በከፍተኛ ደረጃ የሚናናቁ፣ እርስ በርሳቸው የማይነጋገሩ፣ ሁሉም በግልና በቀጥታ ለእብዱ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስቴር ወሬ አቀባዮች ሆነዋል። የመስሪያ ቤቱ ሃላፊዎች ሙሉ ጊዚያቸውን እንደ መከላከያ ጀነራሎች በግል ሃብት ማካበቺያነት፣ የሃገርና የህዝብ ሃብት ዘረፋ ላይ የሚያወሉ ሆነዋል። ይህን የሚያደርጉት ደግሞ ልክ እንደ ወታደራዊ ጀኔራሎች በአለቃቸው በአብይ አህመድ እየታወቀ ነው። ታማኝ እስከሆኑ በየትኛውም የዘረፋ ስራ እንዲሰማሩ ፈቃድ ሰጥቷቸዋል። በርካታ ማስረጃዎች አሉን። ሌላው የሃገር ደህንነት ጠባቂ ተቋም የፌደራል ፖሊስ ተቋም ነው። ይህ የፌደራል ፖሊስ ተቋም እየከረረ በሄደ የዘር ክፍፍል የተወጠረ፣ ተቋማዊ አንድነቱ የተናጋ ነው። በዚህም የተነሳ ከፍተኛ ቁጥር ያላቸው በተለይ የአማራ ተወላጅ አባላቱ (የትግራይ ሰዎች ከመስሪያ ቤቱ ውስጥ ከጠፉ ቆይቷል) መሳሪያቸውን እንደያዙ የሚከዱበት ሁኔታ የተስፋፋበት ተቋም ነው። መሪዎቹ ከአደገኛ እጽ አንስቶ እስከ ከፍተኛ የኮንትሮባንድ ንግድ ውስጥ የተደፈቁ መሆናቸው ተደጋግሞ የተገለጸ ጉዳይ ነው። ባለፈው ሳምንት አብይ አህመድ ኮማንደር ፍቅሩ አለማየሁ ለሚባል የአዳነች አበቤ አጃቢ ለነበረ ግለሰብ በቀጥታ በምክትል ኮሚሽነርነት ማእረግ የአዲስ አበባ የወንጀል መከላከል ሃላፊ እንዲሆን የስጠው ሹመት “የዘር ኮታ ምደባውን የተጻረረ፣ የአማራን ቦታ ለኦሮሞ የሰጠ ነው” በሚል በተቀሰቀሰ ቁጣ 16 ዝቅተኛ መኮንኖችና ፖሊሶች እኛን አማሮችን በእዚህ ተቋም ውስጥ የሚወከለን የለም በሚል ምሬት መሳሪያቸውን ይዘው መሰወራቸው ታውቋል። የፌደራል ፖሊሲ ሃላፊዎች ዋናው ስራቸው በአብይ አገዛዝ ላይ ህዝብ እንዳያማጽ ከመጠበቅ ውጭ በሃገር ብሄራዊ ጥቅምና ደህነት ዙሪያ ከታዬ ዋናዎቹ የሃገር ጠንቆች ከሆኑ ሰነባብቷል። ሌላው የሃገር ጥቅምና ደህነነት ማስጠበቂያ ተቋም የውጭ ጉዳይ መስሪያ ቤቱና የዲፕሎማሲ ስራው ነው። ይህን መስሪያ ቤት በአብይ ተላላኪዎች ከመሞላት አልፎ የአብይ አህመድ የግል ፍላጎት ማስፈጸሚያ ከሆነ ቆይቷል። ከውጭ ጉዳይ ሚኒስትሩ ከታዬ አጽቀስላሴ በላይ ተሰሚነት ያላት ምክትሉ ብርቱካን አያና ናት። አምባሳደሮች የሚያደገድጉት፣ የተሻለ ምደባ እንዲያገኙ ጉቦና ስጦታ የሚሰጡት ለዚች የአብይ አህመድ የቅርብ ሴት ነው። የአብይ አህመድ እብደት በሚገባ የተገለጸበት፣ የሃገርና የህዝብ ደህንነትና ጥቅም ከፍተኛ አደጋ ላይ የወደቀበት የመንግስት እንቅስቃሴ ቢኖር የውጭ ግንኙነት እንቅስቃሴ ነው። በተሳሳተ የአብይ አህመድ የውጭ ጉዳይ እንቅስቃሴዎች ኢትዮጵያ ከሁሉም ጎረቤቶቿ ጋር ተጣልታለች። ማንም በበጎ አይን የሚያያት የለም። ምንም ደሃ ብትሆን በቀጠናውና በአለም አቀፍ ደረጃ በዲፕሎምሲ መስኩ ትታይበት የነበረው የላቀ ስፍራዋ ላይ ዛሬ የለችም። ኢትዮጵያ ለደረሰባት ጉዳት ብዙ ምሳሌ ማቅረብ ቢቻልም ከሱማሌላንድ ጋር አብይ ገባሁ ያለው በቅጥፈት የተሞላ፣ ገና ከመጀመሪያ የትም እንደማይደርስ የተነበይነው የመግባቢያ ሰንድ ፊርማ ትልቁ ምሳሌ ነው። ሰነዱ በተፈረመበት ወቅት “ለሃገር ደህንነት አደገኛ ውሳኔ ነው” ብለን የተቃወምነው ግለሰቦች፣ አብይና አሽቃባጮቹ እንዳሉት ሃገር ሲያልፍላት አይናችን የሚቀላ ባናዳዎች ስለሆን አልነበረም። ይህን የሚሉት የባንዳነት ታሪክ በዘር ማንዘራችን እንደሌለ አጥተውት አይደለም። የሱማሌን ሉአዋላዊ ሃገርነት የሚጻረር ድርጊት በኢትዮጵያ ላይ ብዙ መዘዞች ያስከትላል ከሚል ተጨባጭ ስጋት በመነሳት ነበር ስምምነቱን ያወገዝነው። ለአንድ ሰሞን ህዝብን የማወናበድና የማፋዘዝ ፕሮጀክት ሲባል የተፈጸመ ድርጊት ኢትዮጵያ ሰራዊቷን ከሱማሌያ የምታስወጣበትን፣ አልሸባብ ኢትዮጵያ ድንበር ላይ ካምፕ የመሰረተበትን፣ ግብጽ በኢትዮጵያ ድንበር ሱማሌ ውስጥ ወታደሮቿን ማስፈር፣ የሱማሌን ሰራዊት ማሰልጠን የምትችልበትን፣ ቱርክ የሱማሌን የባህር ዳርቻዎች ደህንነት የምትጠብቅበትን ውሎች ከሶማሊያ ጋር መዋዋል የቻሉበትን ሁኔታ መፍጠር ችሏል። ህዝብ ለህዝብ መቀራረብ ጀመሮ በነበረው የኢትዮጵያና የሱማሌ ህዝብ ግንኙነት ላይ ያደረሰው ጉዳት ቀላል አይደለም። የመከላከያ የደህንነት ተቋማቷን አፍርሳ የተቀመጠችው ኢትዮጵያ በዲፕሎማሲ መስኩ የሃገሪቱን ጥቅም ተጻረው ለሚቆሙ ሃገራትና መንግስታት፣ እድሜ ለአብይ አህመድ፣ የተመቻቸ ሁኔታ ፈጥራ አርፋዋለች። ሌላው የአንድ ሃገር ሉአላዊነት፣ደህነነትና ጥቅም ማስከበር የሚችለው ሃይል ከህዝብ አንድነትና በህዝብና በመንግስት መቀራረብ የሚገኘው ጉልበት ነው። የአብይ አህመድ አገዛዝ ሆን ብሎ የሃገሪቱ ህዝቦች እርስ በርስ በጎሪጥ እንዲተያዩ፣ ከዛም አልፈው እንዲጨፋጨፉ የሚሰራ መንግስት ሆኗል። በአብዛኛው የሃገሪቱ ህዝብ ላይ ጦርነት ከፍቶ ተጋጭቷል። አሁንም እየተጋጨ ነው። ከጦርነት በተረፈው ህዝብ ላይ የኢኮኖሚ ማሻሻያ በሚል ስም የኢኮኖሚ ጦርነት ከፍቶ፣ ከጥቂት ባላሃብቶችና የመንግስት ባላስልጣናት በቀር የእያንዳንዱን ዜጋ ህይወት የምድር ሲኦል አድርጎት አርፏል። አብይ በፈጸማቸው ዘርፈ ብዙ ጸረ ህዝብ ድርጊቶቹ ከህዝብ ጋር ሆድና ጀርባ ሆኗል። ከሃገሪቱ የቆዳ ስፋት የሚቆጣጠረው እየጠበበ ሄዶ አገዛዙ እንደለቡ ያሻወን መፈጸም የሚችልበት ቦታ አዲስ አበባ ላይ ብቻ ሆኗል። አብይ አህመድ ህዝብንም ከሃገር ደህንነትና ጥቅም ማስጠበቅ ስራ አግሎታል። ኢትዮጵያ አደገኛ ሁኔታ ውስጥ ናት የምንለው ይህን ሁሉ ጉድ አይተን ነው። 2. ወደ ውቅታዊ ጉዳይ ስመለስ አብይ አህመድ የጫካ ቤተመንግስት፣ የኮሪደር ልማት፣ አዲስ ቱሞሮ (ጥራዝ ነጠቅ ስትሆን የሚመጣ የእንግሊዝኛ አጠቃቀም) እያለ የአልሞትኩም ብዬ አልዋሽም ፕሮፓጋንዳውን እራሱ እየሰራ፣ እራሱ እየተጋተ ሰከሮና ደንዝዞ መኖርን መርጧል። ይህን ድርጊቱን አያዋጣም የምንለውን በወሬ የምንኖር እራሱን በስራ የሚኖር አድርጎ መግለጽ ደግሞ የሰሞኑ የፐሮፕጋንዳ አቅጣጫው ሆኗል። ከዚህ ቀጥሎ የምላቸው ጥቂት ቃላቶች የአብይ አህመድ የሰሞኑ ጭኸቶች የቁራ ጭኸቶች እንደሆኑ የሚያሳዩ ናቸው። ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ያልገባው እሱ የያዘው ስልጣን በአንዳንዶቻችን እጅ ቢገባ ለጫካ ቤተመንግስቱ አዲስ አበባ ላይ የሚያጠፋውን ከ10 እስከ 15 ቢሊዮን የሚደርስ ዶላር ከሱ በተሻለ ሃገርና ህዝብን ወደከፈተኛ ብልጽግና መውሰድ የሚያስችል ስራ ማዋል የሚችሉ ልጆች ኢትዮጵያ እንዳሏት ነው። አብይና አሽቃባጮቹን በምክን ያት ተከራክሮ ማሳመን እንደማይቻል በገባንም በህዝብ ፊት ማሳፈር ስለሚቻል 10 ቢሊዮን ዶላሩን እንዴት እንደምናጠፋው ቀጥሎ እናቀርባለን። 10 ቢልዮን ዶላሩን ምን እናደርገው እንደነበር ስንነግራችሁ የጫካው ቤተመንግስት፣ በግንባታ ወቅት የሚቀጥረውንና ከተገነባ በኋላ ስራ የሚፈጥርለትን የሰው ብዛት፣ ግንባታው ሲያልቅ የሚያስገኘውን የኢኮኖሚ ጥቅምና ሃገራዊ ፋይዳ በሚገባ ተመልክተን ነው።ዝርዝሩን ማቀረብ ያለበት አብይና ኩባንያው ነው። እኛ ማድረግ የምንችለው እንዲህ አይነቱ የጫካ ቤተመንግስት ኢንቨስትመንት ቱሩፋቶቹ ምን ይሆናሉ ብለን በመገመት ብቻ ነው። በተለይ ይህን ያህል ዶላር የፈሰሰበት ቤተመንግስት ሰላምና መረጋጋት በሌለበት ሃገር ቀርቶ ሰላም ቢኖርም ክወጭ የሚስበው ጎብኝ ይሁን በዚህ ቤተመንግስት ዙሪያ የሚገነቡ ህንጻዎች የሚስቡት የውጭ ኢንቨስትመንት እዚህ ግባ የሚባል የኢኮኖሚ ፋይዳ እንደማይኖር የታወቀ ነው። በግንባታ ስራውም ሆነ ካለቀ በኋላ የሚፈጥረው የስራ እድል ውሱን ነው። እንግዲህ ይህን አይነቱን በሃገራችን ከሚሰሩ ስራዎች ቅደም ተከተሉ እጅግ የተዛናፈን የዛሬ መቶ አመት እንኳን ሊሰራ የማይገባውን ስራውን እያመላከተ ነው አብይ አህመድ የስራ ሰው መሆኑን ሊነግረን የሚዳዳድው። እኛ ደግሞ ይህን በጫካ ቤተመንግስት ላይ አብይ አህመድ የሚያወጣውን ከ10 እስከ 15 ቢሊዮን ዶላር፣ በ10 ቢሊዮን ዶላር ገድበን ይህን ገንዘብ በሀሃገራችን ውስጥ ቅድሚያ ማግኘት አለባቸው ከምንላቸው ስራዎች አንዱ በሆነው የማዳበሪያ ኢንደስትሪ ምስረታ ላይ እንዴት እንደሚውልና ምን ሃገራዊ የኢኮኖሚ እርባና እንደሚኖረው በማሳየት አብይ የወሬ እንጂ የስራ ሰው አለመሆኑን ማሳየት እንችላለን። የማዳበሪያ ኢንደስትሪ ራሳችንን በምግብ ለመቻል፣ ከዛም አልፎ ግብርናውን መሰረት ያደረገ የኢንዱስትሪ አብዮት ለማስጀመር፣ በግብርና ምርታቸን ላይ የተመሰረተ የውጭ ምንዛሪ ችግራችንን መቅረፍ የምንችልበት እድል ለመፍጠር፣ በግንባታው ወቅትና ከተገነባ በኋላ የሚቀጥረውን የቋሚ ሰራተኛ ብዛት፣ ኢንዱስትሪው ራሱ የሚያመርተው ምርት ከሀገር ውስጥ ፍጆታ ተርፎ ወደ ውጭ ከሚላከው ምርት የሚገኘውን የውጪ ምንዛሪ ገቢ በአንድ ላይ ግምት ወስጥ አስገብተን የአብይን 10 ቢሊዮን ዶላር በማዳበሪያ እንዱስትሪ ምስረታ ላይ ብናውለው ምን ውጤት እናገኝ ነበር የሚለውን ጉዳይ ለአብይ አህመድና በዙሪያው ላሉ አሽቃባጮቹና በቅርቡ አዲስ አበባ ከተማን እናስውባለን በሚልፕሮፓጋንዳቸው ሊያደነዝዙት የፈለጉትን ህዝብ የሚከተሉትን ሃቆች እንንገራቸው። አብይ አህመድ ጫካ ቤተመንግስት የሚገነባባትን ገንዘብ ወደ ማዳበሪያ ኢንደስትሪ አዙሮት ቢሆን። 1. ለማዳበሪያ መስሪያ አስፈላጊ የሆነወን አሞኒያ የተባለ ኬሚካል በአመት በብዙ ሚሊዮኖች ሜትሪክ ቶን ማምረት ይቻል ነበር። 2. ለማዳበሪያ መስሪያ አስፈላጊ የሆኑትን ፎስፌትና ፖታሸ 1 እስከ 2 ሚሊየን ሚትሪክ ቶን በአመት ማምረት ይቻል ነበር። 3. ይህ የማዳብሪያ ኢንደስትሪ ኢትዮጵያ በአመት ለማዳበሪያ የምታወጣውን ከ800 ሚሊዮን እስከ 1 ቢሊዮን ዶላር ወጪ ያሰቀር ነበር። 4. በውጭ የማዳበሪያ ኩባንያዎችና መጓጓዣዎች እንዲሁም በየጊዜው ከሚዋዥቅ የማዳባሪያ ዋጋ ራሷን ነጻ ማድረግ ትችል ነበር። 5. ዘመኑ የሚፈቅደውን የተራቀቀ ቴክኖሎጂ በማደበሪያ ማምርቻ ስራ ላይ ማዋል ትችል ነበር። 6. ይህ ዶላር በጥናትና ምርምር ላይ የተመስረተ ከማዳበሪያ ጋር የተያያዘ በአለም አቀፍ ደረጃ ተወዳዳሪ የሆነ የጥናትና የምርምር ተቋም እንዲኖረን ያስችል ነበር። 7. ለተፈጥሮ እና ለአካባቢ ጥበቃ እንብካቤ የሚያደርግ ኢንደስትሪ መገንባት የሚያስችል አቅም ይሰጠን ነበር። 8. በአስር ሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ ሰራተኞች፣ ኤንጂኔሮች፣ ኬሚስቶችም የፋብሪካ ማሽነሪ አንቀሳቃሾች፣ የማእድን ሰራተኞች፣ የድጋፍ ስራ የሚሰሩ ሌሎችንም በመቶ ሸዎች ለሚቆጠሩ ዜጎች ስራ ያስገኝ ነበር። 9. የማዳበሪያው ኢንደስትሪ ትልቅነት የአለምን የማዳበሪያ ገበያ ከ5 እስከ 15 በመቶ የመቆጣጠር ትልቅ አቅም ሰለሚኖረው ኢንቨስትመንቱ ከኢትዮጵያ ውጭ በሌሎች ሃገሮች ሳይቀር መስሪያ ቤቶች የሚኖሩትና ሰራተኞችም የሚቀጥር ይሆን ነበር። 10. ኢትዮጵያ ለማደባሪያ መስሪያ የሚሆን ትልቅ የፖታሽ ክምችት ቢኖራትም፣ ለፖታሽና ለሌሎችም ለማዳበሪያ መስሪያ የሚሆኑ ወሳኝ ግብአቶችን ሩቅ ሳትሄድ ከጎረቤቶቿ ማግኘት የምትችልበትን የኢኮኖሚ ትብብር እድል የሚከፈት ይሆን ነበር። ከኤርትራና ከጅቡቲ ጋር ፎስፌትና ፖታሽ በማውጣት፣ ከደቡብ ሱዳን እና ከሱዳን ናይትሮጂን ለሚያስፈለገው የአሞኒያ ማዳበሪያ ለመስሪያ የሚሆነው የተፈጠሮ ጋዝ በመግዛት የሚፈጠረው የኢኮኖሚ መደጋገፍ ለቀጠናው ትልቅ ትርጉም ይኖረው ነበር። 11. ጥናቶች የሚያሳዩት በ10 ቢሊዮን ብር ኢንቨስትመንት የሚጀመር የማዳበሪያ ኢንደስትሪ ስራው ተጠናቆ በሙሉ አቅሙ ማምርት ሲጀመር ከ 5 ቢሊዮን እስከ 15 ቢሊዮን ዶላር የሚደርስ አመታዊ ገቢ ሊኖረው የሚችል ይሆናል፣ ከዚህ ውስጥ ትርፉ በየትኛውም ኢንደስትሪ ከሚገኝ ትርፍ የላቀ እንደሚሆን ይገመታል። 12. ይህ ስራ ለማስጀመር • የአሰሳና የአዋጭነት ጥናት ለማጥናት ከ50 እስከ 100 ሚሊዮን ዶላር፤ • የመስረተ ልማት ስራ ትልቁ ነው። የማእድን ማውጫ መሳሪያዎች፣ የማጓጓዣ ስራ፣ የኤነርጂ አቅርቦት፣ የውሃ አቅርቦት ስራ ከ500 ሚሊዮን እስከ 1 ቢሊዮን ዶላር ወጪ እንደሚኖረው ይገመታል። • ማእድን ማውጣትና ማጣራት ማምረት ፋብሪካዎችን ማቆም ከ 1 ቢሊዮን እስከ 2 ቢሊዮን ዶላር እንደሚፈጅ ይገመታል። • ለሎጂስትክ ለሃገር ውስጥና ወደ ውጭ ማጓጓዣ ከ300 ሚሊዮን እስከ 500 ሚሊዮን ዶላር፤ • አመታዊ የሰራተኛ ደሞዝ፣ የጥገና የመለዋወጫና ሌሎችም ፋብሪካው በሙሉ አቅሙ መንቀስቃሰ እሰክሚችል ድረስ የሚያፈልገው ወጪ ከ 200 እስከ 500 ሚሊዮን ዶላር ይሆናል። አጠቃላይ የአንድ ትልቅ የማዳበሪያ ፋብሪካ የኢንቭስትመንት ወጪ ከ2 ቢሊዮን ዶላር እስከ 4 ቢሊዮን ዶላር እንደሚደርስ ይገመታል። ስራው አድካሚ ነው። በትንሹ አምስት አመታት ጊዜ ይወስዳል። እንደ ኮሪደር ልማት፣ እንደ ጫካ ፕሮጀክት በአዲስ አበባ ቤተመንግስቱ አካባቢ ለአብይ አይን ማረፊያነት የሚሰራ አይሆንም። አብይ ጠዋትና ማታ የሚጎበኘው፣ ውጤቱም በሚብለጨጩ ህንጻዎች በቀላሉ የማይታይ ስራ ነው። እንግዲህ ይህ ቁልፍና መሰረታዊ የሆነ የሃገርና የህዝብ ትልቅ ችግር ለመቅረፍ የሚያስፈለግ፣ ከዛም አልፎ በየአመቱ ከፍተኛ የውጭ ምንዛሪ ማስገኘትና ከፍተኛ ቁጠር ያለውን ቋሚ ሰራተኛ ለመቅጠር የሚያስችል አንድ የማዳበሪያ ፋብሪካ ለመገንባት ከ 2 እስከ 4 ቢሊዮን ዶላር የሚጠይቅ ከሆነ፣ የጫካው ቤተመንግስት በሚሰራበት በ 10 ቢሊዮን ዶላር በአማካይ 3 ትልልቅ የማዳበሪያ ኢንዱስትሪዎች መገንባት ይቻል ነበር ማለት ነው። ይህን ኢንደስትሪ ለጫካው ከሚወጣው ወጪና የጫካው ፕሮጀክት ለሃገርና ለህዝብ ከሚሰጠው ፋይዳ ጋር ማነጻጸሩና የፋይዳወን ልዩነት የመገመቱ ስራ ለብልሁ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ እንተወዋለን። የአብይ አህመድ አገዛዝ የሀገር ጠንቅ ነው። ብልጭልጭ ፕሮጀክቶቹም የግለሰቡን ብኩን ስብእና የሚያሳዩ ናቸው የምንለው፣ በበልጽግና ዙሪያ አብይ እንደሰበሰባቸው የፓርቲው ደናቁርትና እነሱን እንዲያጅቡ አብይ ስልጣን ያጋራቸው እንደብርሃኑ ነጋ እንደ ግርማ ሰይፉ እንደነ በለጠ ሞላ ከአብይ እግር ስር እየወደቀን ጭራችንን የማንቆላው፣ በዘራችሁ አይድረስ ከሚል የመዋረድ እርግማንም ራሳችንን የምናድነው ጌታቸውና ፈጣሪያቸው አብይ እንደሚለው በወሬ ስለምኖር ሳይሆን፣ ለግል ስማችን፣ ክብራችንና ሆዳችን ሳይሆን ሃገርን የሚጠቅምና የሚጎዳ ተግባር ምን እንደሆነ ስለምናውቅ ነው። ይች በድህነት የተጨማደደች ሃገራችን እና በመቶ ሚሊዮኖች የሚቆጠረው ደሃ ህዝባችን ወደ ብልጽግና የሚያመራው ጥቂት ከተሜዎችና ዳያስፖራዎች፣ አብይ እንዳለው ፎቶ መነሳት የሚችሉባቸውን ቦታዎች አዲስ አበባ ላይ ለመፍጠር ሲባል ብዙ ቢሊዮን ዶላሮችን በከንቱ በማባከን እንዳልሆነ ስለምናውቅ ነው። የከተማወን ህዝብ ረሃብ ለማስታገስ ማዳበሪያ ያለውን ትርጉም ስለምናውቅ ነው። ልኡላዊነትን አሳልፎ የሸጠ የኢኮኖሚ ፖሊሲ ስራ ላይ እንዳናውል የሚያደርገንን፣ ከፍተኛ የሆነ የወጭ ምንዛሪ ፍላጎታችንን የሚቀንስ፣ ኢንደስትሪው ተጨማሪ የውጭ ምንዛሪ የሚያስገኝልን እንደሆነ ስለምናውቅ ነው። ግብርናን መሰረት ያደረገ የኢንደስትሪ አብዮት በማካሄድ አስተማማኝ ልማት ለህዝባችን ማጎናጸፍ እንደሚችል ስለሚገባን ነው። የአብይ አገዛዝ ያለበት ችግር በእውነት፣ በሃቅ፣ በእውቀት ላይ ተመስርተው ስካርና እብደቱን ከሚያመላክቱት ሰዎች ይልቅ እሱ የሚለውን እንደገደል ማሚቱ የሚያስተጋቡ፣ ወይም ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ ከወንድ ጓደኛዋ ጋር እንደተዋወቀች አይና አፋር ለጃገረድ የሚሽኮረሞሙ ወራዶችን ማቅረቡ ነው። ከእነዚህ ሰዎች መሃል እኔ በግሌ የማውቃቸው በአንድ ወቅት ትልቅ ክብርና ግምት የሰጠኋቸው ሰዎች መገኘታቸው ነው፤ “እንዲህ አይነት ውርደት በዘራችሁ አይድረስ” እንድል ያሰኘኝ። አንዳርጋቸው ጽጌ Abiy Ahmed Ali 🇪🇹 FDRE Government Communication Service Mustafe M. Omer Al Ain Amharic አል ዐይን አማርኛ Ethiopian Reporter Sahle-Work Zewde Reuters Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice #Ezema FDRE Ministry of Justice ኢ.ፌ.ዴ.ሪ ፍትህ ሚኒስቴር Al Jazeera English Billene ቢልለኔ Aster Seyoum Neamin Zeleke Office of the Prime Minister - Ethiopia BBC News (UK) DW Amharic Redwan Hussien Daniel Kibret Taye Atske Selassie Ethiopian National Dialogue Commission VOA Amharic Fana Media Corporation S.C. (FMC) @walta_info EBC WORLD እስከዳር እምሻው 🇪🇹አስካለ ማርያም Dawit

Andargachew Tsege

61,410 Aufrufe • vor 2 Jahren

አብይ አህመድ “ይሉሽን በሰማሽ ገበያ ባልወጣሽ” የሚለውን አባባል አያውቀውም መሰለኝ? አብይ አህመድ፣ የኢትዮጵያው ጠቅላይ ሚኒስቴር፣ እሮብ እለት ጥቅምት 18 2018 በኢትዮጵያ ተወካዮች ምክር ቤት ውስጥ፣ ለምክር ቤቱ አባላት ጥያቄዎች መልስ በመስጠት ሰበብ ካደረገው ዲስኩር መሃከል፣ ብዙ ትችትና ውግዘት ሊሰጡባቸው የሚችሉ በርካታ ጉዳዮች እንዳሉት ይታወቃል። በርካታ ሚድያዎች ብዙዎቹን ጉዳዮች እያነሱ እያፍተለተሏቸው ይገኛሉ። እዚህ ላይ እኔ ትኩረት ከማደርግባቸው ነጥቦች መሃል አንዱ አብይ አህመድ ስለባንዳነት ስለከሃዲነት ባደረገውና እጅግ ባስገረመኝ ዲስኩር ላይ። ይህ ብቻ አይደለም። የግል ጉዳይም አለኝ። ሌላው ደግሞ አብይ አህመድ በዚህ እለት ንግግሩ “ጉልበታቸው መዛሉን እድሜያቸው መግፋቱን ያልተገነዘቡ ካገር ወጥተው በለመዱት የመቃወምና የመላላክ መንገድ ቀጥለውበታል” ብሏል።፣ አብይ አህመድ ይህን ሲል ስሜን በቀጥታ አልጠቀሰም። ባይጠቅስም አብይ ግራዋ እንደጋቱት ሰው በዚህ መንገድ እየተንገፈገፈ ሊናገራቸው የሚችሉ በርካታ አዛውንቶች በውጭ እንደሌሉ አውቃለሁ። ይህ ብቻ ሳይሆን የጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ንግግር እንዳበቃ፣ ራሱ ያደራጀው የሚድያ ስራዊት፣ የአብይን ንግግር ሲያብራራ፣ በምሳሌነት እንዲያቀርብ የተነገረው እኔን መሆኑን ማወቅ ስለቻልኩ ንግግሩ እኔን የሚመለክት ለመሆኑ ጥርጣሬ እንዳይኖረኝ አድርጎታል። የዲጂታል ሚድያውም የተሰጠውን ተልእኮ ተቀብሎ የሚችለውን ሁሉ እየሰራ ነው። ለማንኛውም ይህ የአብይ እዲጂታል ሰራዊቱድርጊቶች ደህና አርፎ የነበረውን ብእሬን እንዳነሳ ያደረጉኝ ጉዳዮች እነዚህ ናቸው። አብይ አህመድ የሚባል አምባገነን፣ ለባንዳነትና ለክሀደት፣ የተመቻቸ የአእምሮ ውቅር፣ የማንነት ሃረግ፣ የታሪክ መስረት ያለው ሰው መሆኑ ይታወቃል። የእወቀትና የልምድ ውሱንነት ያለው መሆኑ ከራስ መተማመን ማነስ የሚመነጭ ለባንዳነትና ለተላላኪነት በቀላሉ የሚያጋልጠው ተፈጥሮ ያለው ሰው ያደርገዋል። በተግባርም፣ ደግሞ ዳጋግሞ ሃገርን፣ ህዝብን፣ ወዳጆቹን፣ ቅርቦቹን፣ እውቆችን የካደ ሰው ነው። ታዲያ እንዴት ሆኖ ነው እንደዚህ አይነት ፍጥረት በድፍረት ስለክህደት፣ ስለባንዳነትና ስለቃል ማጠፍ፤ የሞራልና የስብእና ልእልና ያለው ሰው ይመስል በእነዚህ ጉዳዮች ላይ ዲስኩር ለመስጠት የደፈረው። የሚመልስልኝ የለም ብሎ? ነገሩ ሁሉ አንቺው ታመጭው ስልሆነ እስኪ አናሩጠው። አብይ አህመድ የኤመሬቱ ገዥ የመሃመድ ቢንዛይድ ጀለቢያ ውተፍ ነቃይና ተላላኪ መሆኑ ይታወቃል። አብይ ከመሃመድ ቢንዛይድ መመሪያ ይቀበላል፣ ቀጠናው በመሃመድ ቢንዛይድ ትእዛዝ ይበጠብጣል። ኢትዮጵያን የመሃመድ ቢንዛይድ የፖለቲካ ሺሻ ማጨሻ እቃ ካደረጋት ስንብቷል። ከእርግዝና መከላከያ ጋር የተያያዘውን ሌላ ቃል ያልተጠቀምኩት፣ የአንባቢን ስሜት ላለመንካት ነው። አብይ “ለአሜሪካ ስሰልል ነበር፣ ዛሬም ቢሆን ለአሜሪካ ራሴን እሰዋለሁ” ብሎ በአደባባይ ለጋዜጠኛ ለመናገር የደፈረ የመጀመሪያው የአንድ ልኡዋላዊ የሆነ ሃገር መሪ ነው። የመጨረሻውም ሳይሆን አይቀርም። በተላላኪነትና በባንዳነት መሰለፍን፣ መለመንን ለምኖ ምጽዋት ማግኘትን ልዩ ጸጋ እና ችሎታአድርጎ የሚመለከት ሰው ነው። ራሱን አዋርዶ ኢትዮጵያን የሚያክል ትልቅ ሃገር ያዋረደ ግለሰብ ነው። ይህ ግለሰብ ሌሎችን በባንዳነት ሲከስ፣ በተላላኪነት ሲወነጅል ትንሽ አፉን ያዝ አያደርገውም። የሃገሬ ሰው “ተናግሮ ከሚያናግር ይሰውርህ” ይላል። ይህ ምርቃት ስላልደረሰኝ ለእዚህ አብይ አህመድ ለሚባል ደፋር፣ "ቃል መጠበቅ ፣ አለመክዳት፣ ባንዳና ተላላኪ አለመሆን" ማለት በተግባር ሲገለጥ ምን እንደሚመስል እሱ ራሱ ከሚያውቃቸው ሃቆች በመነሳት ትምህርት መስጠት ተገቢ ሆኖ አግኝቸዋለሁ። ከታች የምታይዋቸው የቪዲዮ ክሊፖች አንዱ፤ የመጀመሪያው አብይ አህመድ “ አንተ ካልተፈታህ ስራዬን እለቃለሁ ብዬ አስፈታሁ” ብሎ ቢሮው ጠርቶ ባነገረኝ (በኋላ ውሸት መሆኑን አረጋጫለሁ) እለት፣ ከአራት አመት እስራት በኋላ ከእስር በተለቀቅኩ ማግስት፣ ግንቦት 22 2010 ቀን የተናገርኩት ነው። ለአጃንስ ፍራንስ ፕሬስና የቻይና ሚድያ (CGTN) በእንግሊዝኛ ቋንቋ የሰጠሁት ቃለ መጠይቅ ነው። ትርጉሙ፤ “የጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ንግግር፣ ለመቀራረብና ለመደማመጥ የሚያበረታታ ነው። እውነተኛ ለሆነ የፖለቲካ መስተጋብር ግን በርካታ ነገሮች መስተካከል አለባቸው። ተጨባጭ የሆኑ ስራዎች መሬት ላይ መሰራት አለባቸው። የፖለቲካን እስረኞችን መፍታት ብቻ በቂ አይደለም። ጥሩ ንግግር ማድረግ ብቻ በቂ አይደለም። እዚህ ሃገር ውስጥ፣ በፖለቲካው፣ ተጨባጭ ከሆኑና መሰራት ካላባቸው ጉዳዮች ውስጥ የነጻና ገለልተኛ ተቋማት የመቆማቸው ጉዳይ ወሳኝ ነው። በሌሎች የማህበራዊና የኢኮኖሚ ዘርፎችም መቃለል የሚጠይቁ ችግሮች አሉ። እኛ የመቃወም ሱስ የለብንም። የምንቃወም ክሆነ፣ መቃወም የሚጠይቁ ጉዳዮች ስላሉ ብቻ ነው። ለመቃወም ብቻ ስንል አንቃወምም። አወንታዊ ጉዳዮች ካሉ የማናመሰግንበት/የማናደንቅበት ምክንያት የለም። በጎ ያልሆኑ ነገሮች ከተከሰቱ፣ አፋኝነት ከመጣ ከህዝብና ከሃገር ጥቅም ጋር የሚጻረሩ ስራዎች ከተሰሩ መቃወም ብቻ ሳይሆን አምረን የምንቃወም ይሆናል። ለሁሉም መልካም ጅማሮ ነው።” የሚል ነው። ከዛን እለት ጀመሮ በግሌ ለአብይ አህመድ በቀጥታ በዋትስአፕ ቻት፣ በሰነዶች፣ በአካል በተገናኘንባቸው በርካታ አጋጣሚዎች በጎና በጎ ያልሆኑ አመለካከቶቹን እና ድርጊቶቹን ያለምንም አድርባይነት ለመጠቆም ሞክሪያለሁ። ሁሌ አሉታዊ ትችቶችን ማቅረብ ብቻ አይደለም። በጎ ጅማሮች ተጠናክረው እንዲቀጥሉ ለማበራታት ሞክሬያለሁ። በድጋፍም ደረጃ ቢሆን አብይ አህመድ ቀጣፊ መሆኑን ሳልረዳ፣ እንደ ታዬ ደንዳ አይነቶቹ ስለስሜን እዝ መጠቃትና በጥቃቱ የአብይ ሴራ ምን እንደነበር ሳይነግሩን፣ ወያኔዎችን ሙሉ በሙሉ ወንጀለኛ አድርጌ በማየት፣ የአብይ መንግስት በወያኔ እንዳይሸነፍ ከጎኑ ቆሜ ድጋፍ ሰጥቸዋለሁ። በተኙበት ወያኔ ጨፈጨፋቸው ተብሎ ለተነገሩን የሰራዊቱ አባላት ቤተሰቦች መቋቋሚያ መጽሃፍ ሸጬ ካገኘሁት ገንዘብ ላይ 100 ሸህ ብር ለግሻለሁ። ይህ የአብይ አህመድ ሰራዊት ግን ዛሬ በአማራ ክልል የልጆቻችንን የእህቶቻችን ጡት ይቆርጣል። ይህ እንዳለ ሆኖም በበኩሌ በ2010 አ.ም “የመቃወም ሱስ የለብንም የሚለውን አባባሌን ከሚገባው በላይ በመለጠጥ ድጋፍ መስጠት ሊቋረጥ የሚገባበትን ወቅት ማየት እንዳልችል ባደረገ ሆደ ሰፊነት ለአብይ መንግስት ድጋፍ እንደሰጠሁ የሚያሳይ ነው። ቃል መጠበቅ ይህ ነው። በተለጠፈው ቪድዮ ላይ “መንግስት ማፈን ከጀመረ፣ የህዝብን እና የሃገርን ጥቅም ተጻሮ የሚቆም ከሆነ መቃወም ብቻ ሳይሆን አምረን እንቃወመዋለን” ብዬ ነበር። ነገሮች እየተበላሹ ሲመጡ፣ የደህነነት ቀውሱ እየጨመረ፣ አፈናው፣ እልቂቱ፣ መፈናቀሉ እየተበራከተ፤ ዘረፋው እየተስፋፋ፣ መንግስት ለማይፈጽማቸው ሃላፊነቶቹ የሚሰጣቸው ሰበቦችና ምክንያቶች አጠራጣሪ መሆን ሲጀመሩ፣ “ይህ መንግስት የከፋ አገዛዝ ወደመሆን እያኮበኮበ ነው” የሚል ስሜት ሲቀሰቅስብኝ፣ ምልከታዬን በውስጥ ማቅረብ ይሻላል” በሚል ብዙ ነገሮች እንዲታረሙ ተቃውሞዬን በቀጥታ ለአብይ አህመድ አቅርቤያለሁ። ሆኖም ግን ይህ በውስጥ የሚቀርብ ምልከታ ለአብይ አገዛዝ የተመቸው እንደሆነ፣ ሰውየው በአንድ ጆሮ ሰምቶ በሌላው የሚያፈሰው መሆንን መረዳት ስጀመር፣ በአደባባይ በበርካታ መድረኮች፣ የአገዛዙን አደገኛ አካሄድ በንግግር በጽሁፍ ተችቻያለሁ። ሁለተኛው ቪዲዮ 2013 አልቆ 2014ን ለመቀበል በተዘጋጀ በአል ላይ የተናገርኩትና በኢሳት ቴሌቪዥን ለህዝብ የተላለፈ ነው። ንግግሩ በቀጥታ የሚመለከተው፣ በኦሮሞ ብልጽግና ባለስልጣናትና የቅርብ ደጋፊዎቻቸው ዘንድ እየተስፋፋ የመጣውን የተረኛነት ስሜትና፣ የዘር የስልጣን እና የጥቅም ትስስር፣ በከተማው ውስጥ እየታየ ከመጣው አይን ያወጣ ዘረኛነት ጋር ተያይዞ ያደረግሁት ነው። የሙስናው ጉዳይም ከመቼው ዘመን በከፋ መልኩ ስር እየሰደደ እንደሆነ መረጃ በማሰባሰብ ላይ ተመስርቼ የተናገርኩት ነው። ሁሉንም ጽሁፌን ንግግሬን ከማንም አስቀድሜ ለአብይ አህመድ እንዲደርሰው ሳደርግ ነው የኖርኩት፤ አላየሁትም እንዳይል። አሁንም ይህ በሁለተኛው በቪዲዮ ያቀረብኩት ንግግር በ2010 ከእስር በተፈታሁበት ቀን ካቀረብኩት ንግግር ጋር ማነጻጸር ይቻላል። “የምንቃወመው ዝም ብለን ለመቃወም አይደለም፣ መቃወም የሚያስፈልጉ ጉዳዩች ሲኖሩ ነው” ላልኩት ማረጋገጫ ነው። ይህ ንግግር ትልቅ የተቃውሞ ንግግር አልነበረም። በወቅቱ ማንንም ሰው ይህን ንግግር፣ ዝቅተኛው በመንግስት ላይ ሊቀረበ የሚችለው ትችት እንደሆነ የሚገንዘብ ይመስለኛል። ከዚህ ንግግር ውጭ በርካታ በሚገባ የተጻፉ ትችቶቼን በፌስ ቡክ ገጾች በየጊዜው አደባባይ አውጥቻለሁ። የመጨረሻውና በተፈታሁ እለት የተናገርኩትን “አፋኝ እና ጸረ ህዝብና ጸረ ሃገር ተግባራት መንግስት ከፈጸመ አምረን እንታገለዋለን” ያልኩት ደረጃ የደረሰ ጉዳይ መምጣቱን የሚያሳየው ነጥብ ነሃሴ 17 2015 አ.ም. የአብይ አህመድ አገዛዝ የአማራን ክልል በወታደራዊ እዝ አገዛዝ ስር ያስገባበትን አዋጅ ተከትሎ የጻፍኩት ነው። በፌስ ቡክ “ መሆን የነበረበት ወያኔን ጠበቅ አማራን ለቀቅ ማድረግ ነበር” በሚል ርእስ ከጻፍኩት የተወሰደ ነው። “በአማራ ክልል እየሆነ ባለው እጅግ አሳዛኝ ሁኔታ ላይ የዛሬውን የግል ምልከታዬን ሳቀርብ ከላይ በአንቀጽ 5 እና 6 ገደብ የሌለው (በእለቱ የወጣውን የአስቸኳይ ጊዜ አዋጅ እያጣቀስኩ ነው) ስልጣን የተሰጣቸው አካላት በእኔም ይሁን ከእኔ ጋር ቅርበት ባላቸው አካላት ላይ ማንኛውንም እርምጃ ሊወስዱ እንደሚችሉ እያወቅሁ ነው። በሌሎች ግለሰቦች ላይ እንዲህ አይነቱ እርምጃ እየተወሰደ እንደሆነ መረጃው እየደረሰኝም ነው (እስራት፣ አፈና ድብደባ ማለቴ ነበር)። በእንዲህ አይነቱ ወቅት ዝምታን ያልመረጥኩት፣ በመንግስት ወንጀለኛ ሆኖ ከመታየት ይልቅ በራሴ ህሊና ወንጀለኛ ሆኖ መታየት የበለጠ የሚያስጨንቀኝ ሰው በመሆኔ ብቻ ነው። ከጥቂት ቀናት በፊት ጌታቸው ረዳ፣ ዴንቨር ኮለራዶ ላይ ከ200 ሽህ በላይ ለውጊያ የተዘጋጀ ሰራዊት እንዳለው ተናግሯል። በዚህ ሰራዊት የተማመነው ጄነራል ጻድቃን "የማእከላዊ መንግስቱ በፕሪቶሪያ የሰላም ስምምነት ቃል በገባልን መሰረት የትግራይን ግዛቶች ማለትም ወልቃይትን እና ራያን የማይመልስን ከሆነ በጉልበት እናስመልሳለን" ብሎ እዛው አሜሪካን ውስጥ በተዘጋጀ ስብሰባ ላይ ተናግሯል። ጻድቃን “ቃል ተገብቶልናል” ስለሚለው ጉዳይም ይሁን ስለጉልበት መጠቀሙ የሚናገራቸው ነገሮች ዝም ብሎ እንዳልሆነ ከህወሃት ከራሱ ስናገኛቸው የነበሩ በቂ መረጃዎች እንዳሉ የመንግስት ባለስልጣናት ያውቁታል። እነዚህ ሁለት ግለሰቦች ከየትኛውም የወያኔ አመራር በተለየ በጦርነቱ ወቅት “ከአማራ ህዝብ ጋር ሂሳብ እናወራርዳለን” በማለት በአደባባይ የተናገሩ ፣ የአማራ ህዝብ የተጨፈጨፈበትን፣ ሰው ብቻ ሳይሆን እንስሳቱ በጥይት የተቆሉበትን፣ ክልሉ ከስልጣኔ ርቆ ወደ ድንጋይ ዘመን እንዲመለስ ተደርጎ የመሰረተ ልማት ግንባታዎቹ፣ የህዝብ የአገልግሎት ተቋማቱ እንዲወድሙ የተደረገበትን፣ የፕሮፓጋንዳና የጦር እስትራተጂ የነደፉና ያስፈጸሙ ናቸው። (አንባቢ ይህን ሃቅ ዛሬ ጌታቸውና ጻድቃን የት እንዳሉ ራሱን እየጠየቀ እንዲያየው ያስፈልጋል) የሚገርመው ግን የታሪክ ቧልት የሚል ትርጓሜ ሊያሰጠው በሚችል ደረጃ፣ ጌታቸውና ጻድቃን፣ የአንደኛ ደረጃ የአውሮፕላን ቲኬት ተቆርጦላቸው፣ ሲኦል ድረስ ወርደንም ቢሆን እናወድመዋለን ባሉት የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት፣ የቪአይፒ እንክብካቤ ተደርጎላቸው ወደ አሜሪካ ተጉዘው፣ በከፍተኛ እብሪትና መንደላቀቅ ስለሰራዊታቸው አቅምና ስለቀጣይ ጦርነት፣ ስለትግራይ አሸናፊነት በአሜሪካን ከተሞች ሲደሰኩሩ፣ ሲዘፍኑ፣ እስክስታ ሲወርዱ፣ ከሀገር ያሸሹትን ሃብት (ይህ ጻድቃንን እንጂ ምሽኪኔታን ጌታቸውን አይመለከትም) ቦታ ቦታ ሲያስይዙ፣ ከአሜሪካን መንግስት ጌቶቻቸውና እመቤቶቻቸው (ከነሱዛን ራይስ ) ጋር ሴራ ሲሸርቡ ከርመው በክብር ወደ መቀሌ ተመልሰዋል። በሌላ በኩል እነዚህ ግለሰቦች በአሸናፊነት ስሜት መናገሻ ከተማቸው በገቡ በቀናት ልዩነት፣ የእነዚህን እብሪተኞች ሃገር የማፍረስ ተልእኮ በመመከት፣ በስልጣን ላይ ያለውን መንግስት መንበር በማጽናት፣ በተኛበት ለተጨፈጨፈው የሃገር መከላከያ ሰራዊት አለኝታ በመሆን፣ በንብረቱ፣ በደሙና በአጥንቱ በህይወቱ መስዋእትነት የከፈለው የአማራ ህዝብ በወታደራዊ አገዛዝ ስር እንዲወድቅ ተፈርዶበታል። ይህን ካልኩም በኋላ ጽሁፌን የደመደምኩት እንዲህ ብዬ ነበር። “አሁን በአማራ ክልል ከልዩ ሃይሉ መፍረሰ ጋር ተያይዞ የተፈጠረውን ችግር ፣ ወያኔዎች ሲያደርጉ እንደኖሩት፣ የክልሉን መሪዎች በስልጣን እና በጥቅም በመደለል፣ ህዝቡንም ሆነ አንዳንዶቹን ከህዝቡ ጎን ለመቆም የወሰኑትን የአስተዳደርና የጸጥታ አካላት በማስፈራራት፣ ወይም ከእውነታው ጋር በተጣላ የፕሮፓጋንዳ ውርጅብኝና (በወረዳ ሶስት ሽፍቶች የሚለውን የሰሞኑን የአብይ አባባል ልብ ይሏል) በሌሎችም ዘለቄታዊ መፍትሄ ማምጣት በማይችሉ መንገዶች ሄዶ ለማቃለል የሚደረግ ሙከራ የትም እንደማያደርስ መታወቅ ይኖርበታል።” በመጨረሻም የሚያዳምጥ ካለ፣ “እንዲህ አይነት ችግር በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ሲከሰት የመጀመሪያው አይደለም። የመጨረሻውም ላይሆን ይችላል። እንዲህ አይነት፣ በተለይ ከእውነተኛ የህዝብ ብሶት ጋር የተያያዙ ችግሮች ሲፈጠሩ፣ ችግሮቹን ለመፍታት በተለያዩ ዘመናት ያለፉ መንግስታት ከሄዱበትና ውጤት ካላመጡ አደገኛ አካሄዶች መማር ተሸናፊነትን ሳይሆን ብልህነትን የሚያሳይ ይሆናል።” እላለሁ። ይህ ጽሁፍ በተጻፈ በ15ኛው ቀን፣ ኢትዮጵያን ለቅቄ፣ ንብረትም መኖሪያ ቤትም ወደ አልነበረኝ እንግሊዝ ሃገር ጉዞየን ጀመርኩ። ለማጠቃለል አብይ እንደሚለው ሳይሆን፣ እኔ አቅሜ መዛሉንም፣ እድሜየ መግፋቱን የጠፋኝ ሰው አይደለሁም። ችግሩ እኔ አቅሜን ካላማወቄ ጋር የተሳሰረ ሳይሆን ከራሱ ከአብይ የአመለካከት ችግር ጋር የተይያዝ መሆኑን መረዳት አልቻለም። ማንም ሰው ሺ ጊዜ ጉልበቱ ቢዝል፣ እድሜው ቢገፋ በምርጫው ካልሆነ በቀር፣ ለአብይ ባሪያ ወይም ገረድ ሆኘ ከመቅረት የሚያድነው አቅም ሁሌም እንደሚኖረው አብይ ማየት አልቻለም። አብይ አህመድ፣ ሁሉም ሰው በየጊዜው ሰበብ እየፈጠረላቸው እንደሚስድባቸው እንደ ብርሃኑ ነጋ፣ እንደ አርጋዊ በርሄና እንደ ቀጀላ መርዳሳ ይመስለዋል። እብይ ነው በምሳሌነት የሚያነሳቸው እኔ አይደለሁም። “ጉልበቴ ዝሏል። እድሜ እየገፋ ነው። አብይ ለምን ሚሊዮኖችን አይገድልም፣ አያፈናቅልም፣ አያሳድድም፣ ለምን እስር ቤቶች በንጹሃን እስረኞች ሞልተው አይተርፉም። ለምን ሃገር እስከ አጥንቷ በዘራፊዎች አትጋጥም። ለምን መቶ ሺ እናትችና እህቶች አይደፈሩም። ለምን የሴቶች ጡት አይቆረጥም፣ ህጻናትና አረጋዋያን አይጨፈጭፍም። ምን አገባኝ።” ብለው የተስጣቸውን የስልጣን እና የጥቅም ፍርፋሪ እየለቀሙ መኖር የማይችሉ አዛውንቶች ሊኖሩ እንደሚችሉ አብይ ለመረዳት ስሪቱ ሊፈቅድለት አልቻለም። የአብይ አህመድ መሰረታዊ የፖለቲካ ፍልስፍና በጥቅምና በስልጣን የማይደለል ሰው አይኖርም ነው። “እርካብና መንበር” የሚል ርእስ የሰጠው መጽሃፉ፣ አብይ ዛሬ የሚያደርጋቸውን ድርጊቶቹን የቀረጹትን አስተሳሰቦቹን በሚገባ ዘርዝሮ ያስቀመጠበት ዋናው መጽሃፍ ነው። "መደመር" አይናችሁን ጨፍኑና ላሞኛችሁ በሚል ስሌት የተጻፈ ቅጥፈት ነው። "ስልጣን እና ጥቅም፣ የአንቱታ፣ የትልቅነትና የአዋቂ ነዎት ፉገራ የማያታልለው ሰው የለም" የሚል እምነቱን አብይ አህመድ በዚህ መጽሃፉ ውስጥ ደግሞ ደጋሞ ያቀረበው ጉዳይ ነው። አብይ ይህን እምነቱን አድማሳዊ እውነት አድረጎ የተቀበለ ሰው ነው። አብይ ይህን ሁሉንም ሰው “በሬ ሆይ እያልኩ ስልጣን እና ጥቅም እያሳየሁ ባሪያ አደርግሃለሁ” በሚል የያዘውን ጽኑ የፖለቲካ እምነት የሚጻረር የሰዎች አቋም ሲያጋጥመው እንደ ግራዋ ይመረዋል። “ማንጎ ነኝ ብለው የሚያስቡ ግን ግራዋ የሆኑ” በሚል ባላፈው እሮቡ በፓራማ ስብሰባው ወቅት ግራዋ እንደጋቱት ሰው ተንገፍግፎ የተናገረበት ምሬት ምንጩ ይህ ብቻ ነው። ይህን ስል እኔ ማንጎ ነኝ እያልኩ እንዳልሆነ ይታወቅልኝ። Abiy Ahmed Ali 🇪🇹 AA. PROSPERITY PARTY Neamin Zeleke Dawit እስከዳር እምሻው 🇪🇹አስካለ ማርያም Ephrem Madebo Elizabeth Altaye @yeabatuli
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አብይ አህመድ “ይሉሽን በሰማሽ ገበያ ባልወጣሽ” የሚለውን አባባል አያውቀውም መሰለኝ? አብይ አህመድ፣ የኢትዮጵያው ጠቅላይ ሚኒስቴር፣ እሮብ እለት ጥቅምት 18 2018 በኢትዮጵያ ተወካዮች ምክር ቤት ውስጥ፣ ለምክር ቤቱ አባላት ጥያቄዎች መልስ በመስጠት ሰበብ ካደረገው ዲስኩር መሃከል፣ ብዙ ትችትና ውግዘት ሊሰጡባቸው የሚችሉ በርካታ ጉዳዮች እንዳሉት ይታወቃል። በርካታ ሚድያዎች ብዙዎቹን ጉዳዮች እያነሱ እያፍተለተሏቸው ይገኛሉ። እዚህ ላይ እኔ ትኩረት ከማደርግባቸው ነጥቦች መሃል አንዱ አብይ አህመድ ስለባንዳነት ስለከሃዲነት ባደረገውና እጅግ ባስገረመኝ ዲስኩር ላይ። ይህ ብቻ አይደለም። የግል ጉዳይም አለኝ። ሌላው ደግሞ አብይ አህመድ በዚህ እለት ንግግሩ “ጉልበታቸው መዛሉን እድሜያቸው መግፋቱን ያልተገነዘቡ ካገር ወጥተው በለመዱት የመቃወምና የመላላክ መንገድ ቀጥለውበታል” ብሏል።፣ አብይ አህመድ ይህን ሲል ስሜን በቀጥታ አልጠቀሰም። ባይጠቅስም አብይ ግራዋ እንደጋቱት ሰው በዚህ መንገድ እየተንገፈገፈ ሊናገራቸው የሚችሉ በርካታ አዛውንቶች በውጭ እንደሌሉ አውቃለሁ። ይህ ብቻ ሳይሆን የጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ንግግር እንዳበቃ፣ ራሱ ያደራጀው የሚድያ ስራዊት፣ የአብይን ንግግር ሲያብራራ፣ በምሳሌነት እንዲያቀርብ የተነገረው እኔን መሆኑን ማወቅ ስለቻልኩ ንግግሩ እኔን የሚመለክት ለመሆኑ ጥርጣሬ እንዳይኖረኝ አድርጎታል። የዲጂታል ሚድያውም የተሰጠውን ተልእኮ ተቀብሎ የሚችለውን ሁሉ እየሰራ ነው። ለማንኛውም ይህ የአብይ እዲጂታል ሰራዊቱድርጊቶች ደህና አርፎ የነበረውን ብእሬን እንዳነሳ ያደረጉኝ ጉዳዮች እነዚህ ናቸው። አብይ አህመድ የሚባል አምባገነን፣ ለባንዳነትና ለክሀደት፣ የተመቻቸ የአእምሮ ውቅር፣ የማንነት ሃረግ፣ የታሪክ መስረት ያለው ሰው መሆኑ ይታወቃል። የእወቀትና የልምድ ውሱንነት ያለው መሆኑ ከራስ መተማመን ማነስ የሚመነጭ ለባንዳነትና ለተላላኪነት በቀላሉ የሚያጋልጠው ተፈጥሮ ያለው ሰው ያደርገዋል። በተግባርም፣ ደግሞ ዳጋግሞ ሃገርን፣ ህዝብን፣ ወዳጆቹን፣ ቅርቦቹን፣ እውቆችን የካደ ሰው ነው። ታዲያ እንዴት ሆኖ ነው እንደዚህ አይነት ፍጥረት በድፍረት ስለክህደት፣ ስለባንዳነትና ስለቃል ማጠፍ፤ የሞራልና የስብእና ልእልና ያለው ሰው ይመስል በእነዚህ ጉዳዮች ላይ ዲስኩር ለመስጠት የደፈረው። የሚመልስልኝ የለም ብሎ? ነገሩ ሁሉ አንቺው ታመጭው ስልሆነ እስኪ አናሩጠው። አብይ አህመድ የኤመሬቱ ገዥ የመሃመድ ቢንዛይድ ጀለቢያ ውተፍ ነቃይና ተላላኪ መሆኑ ይታወቃል። አብይ ከመሃመድ ቢንዛይድ መመሪያ ይቀበላል፣ ቀጠናው በመሃመድ ቢንዛይድ ትእዛዝ ይበጠብጣል። ኢትዮጵያን የመሃመድ ቢንዛይድ የፖለቲካ ሺሻ ማጨሻ እቃ ካደረጋት ስንብቷል። ከእርግዝና መከላከያ ጋር የተያያዘውን ሌላ ቃል ያልተጠቀምኩት፣ የአንባቢን ስሜት ላለመንካት ነው። አብይ “ለአሜሪካ ስሰልል ነበር፣ ዛሬም ቢሆን ለአሜሪካ ራሴን እሰዋለሁ” ብሎ በአደባባይ ለጋዜጠኛ ለመናገር የደፈረ የመጀመሪያው የአንድ ልኡዋላዊ የሆነ ሃገር መሪ ነው። የመጨረሻውም ሳይሆን አይቀርም። በተላላኪነትና በባንዳነት መሰለፍን፣ መለመንን ለምኖ ምጽዋት ማግኘትን ልዩ ጸጋ እና ችሎታአድርጎ የሚመለከት ሰው ነው። ራሱን አዋርዶ ኢትዮጵያን የሚያክል ትልቅ ሃገር ያዋረደ ግለሰብ ነው። ይህ ግለሰብ ሌሎችን በባንዳነት ሲከስ፣ በተላላኪነት ሲወነጅል ትንሽ አፉን ያዝ አያደርገውም። የሃገሬ ሰው “ተናግሮ ከሚያናግር ይሰውርህ” ይላል። ይህ ምርቃት ስላልደረሰኝ ለእዚህ አብይ አህመድ ለሚባል ደፋር፣ "ቃል መጠበቅ ፣ አለመክዳት፣ ባንዳና ተላላኪ አለመሆን" ማለት በተግባር ሲገለጥ ምን እንደሚመስል እሱ ራሱ ከሚያውቃቸው ሃቆች በመነሳት ትምህርት መስጠት ተገቢ ሆኖ አግኝቸዋለሁ። ከታች የምታይዋቸው የቪዲዮ ክሊፖች አንዱ፤ የመጀመሪያው አብይ አህመድ “ አንተ ካልተፈታህ ስራዬን እለቃለሁ ብዬ አስፈታሁ” ብሎ ቢሮው ጠርቶ ባነገረኝ (በኋላ ውሸት መሆኑን አረጋጫለሁ) እለት፣ ከአራት አመት እስራት በኋላ ከእስር በተለቀቅኩ ማግስት፣ ግንቦት 22 2010 ቀን የተናገርኩት ነው። ለአጃንስ ፍራንስ ፕሬስና የቻይና ሚድያ (CGTN) በእንግሊዝኛ ቋንቋ የሰጠሁት ቃለ መጠይቅ ነው። ትርጉሙ፤ “የጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ንግግር፣ ለመቀራረብና ለመደማመጥ የሚያበረታታ ነው። እውነተኛ ለሆነ የፖለቲካ መስተጋብር ግን በርካታ ነገሮች መስተካከል አለባቸው። ተጨባጭ የሆኑ ስራዎች መሬት ላይ መሰራት አለባቸው። የፖለቲካን እስረኞችን መፍታት ብቻ በቂ አይደለም። ጥሩ ንግግር ማድረግ ብቻ በቂ አይደለም። እዚህ ሃገር ውስጥ፣ በፖለቲካው፣ ተጨባጭ ከሆኑና መሰራት ካላባቸው ጉዳዮች ውስጥ የነጻና ገለልተኛ ተቋማት የመቆማቸው ጉዳይ ወሳኝ ነው። በሌሎች የማህበራዊና የኢኮኖሚ ዘርፎችም መቃለል የሚጠይቁ ችግሮች አሉ። እኛ የመቃወም ሱስ የለብንም። የምንቃወም ክሆነ፣ መቃወም የሚጠይቁ ጉዳዮች ስላሉ ብቻ ነው። ለመቃወም ብቻ ስንል አንቃወምም። አወንታዊ ጉዳዮች ካሉ የማናመሰግንበት/የማናደንቅበት ምክንያት የለም። በጎ ያልሆኑ ነገሮች ከተከሰቱ፣ አፋኝነት ከመጣ ከህዝብና ከሃገር ጥቅም ጋር የሚጻረሩ ስራዎች ከተሰሩ መቃወም ብቻ ሳይሆን አምረን የምንቃወም ይሆናል። ለሁሉም መልካም ጅማሮ ነው።” የሚል ነው። ከዛን እለት ጀመሮ በግሌ ለአብይ አህመድ በቀጥታ በዋትስአፕ ቻት፣ በሰነዶች፣ በአካል በተገናኘንባቸው በርካታ አጋጣሚዎች በጎና በጎ ያልሆኑ አመለካከቶቹን እና ድርጊቶቹን ያለምንም አድርባይነት ለመጠቆም ሞክሪያለሁ። ሁሌ አሉታዊ ትችቶችን ማቅረብ ብቻ አይደለም። በጎ ጅማሮች ተጠናክረው እንዲቀጥሉ ለማበራታት ሞክሬያለሁ። በድጋፍም ደረጃ ቢሆን አብይ አህመድ ቀጣፊ መሆኑን ሳልረዳ፣ እንደ ታዬ ደንዳ አይነቶቹ ስለስሜን እዝ መጠቃትና በጥቃቱ የአብይ ሴራ ምን እንደነበር ሳይነግሩን፣ ወያኔዎችን ሙሉ በሙሉ ወንጀለኛ አድርጌ በማየት፣ የአብይ መንግስት በወያኔ እንዳይሸነፍ ከጎኑ ቆሜ ድጋፍ ሰጥቸዋለሁ። በተኙበት ወያኔ ጨፈጨፋቸው ተብሎ ለተነገሩን የሰራዊቱ አባላት ቤተሰቦች መቋቋሚያ መጽሃፍ ሸጬ ካገኘሁት ገንዘብ ላይ 100 ሸህ ብር ለግሻለሁ። ይህ የአብይ አህመድ ሰራዊት ግን ዛሬ በአማራ ክልል የልጆቻችንን የእህቶቻችን ጡት ይቆርጣል። ይህ እንዳለ ሆኖም በበኩሌ በ2010 አ.ም “የመቃወም ሱስ የለብንም የሚለውን አባባሌን ከሚገባው በላይ በመለጠጥ ድጋፍ መስጠት ሊቋረጥ የሚገባበትን ወቅት ማየት እንዳልችል ባደረገ ሆደ ሰፊነት ለአብይ መንግስት ድጋፍ እንደሰጠሁ የሚያሳይ ነው። ቃል መጠበቅ ይህ ነው። በተለጠፈው ቪድዮ ላይ “መንግስት ማፈን ከጀመረ፣ የህዝብን እና የሃገርን ጥቅም ተጻሮ የሚቆም ከሆነ መቃወም ብቻ ሳይሆን አምረን እንቃወመዋለን” ብዬ ነበር። ነገሮች እየተበላሹ ሲመጡ፣ የደህነነት ቀውሱ እየጨመረ፣ አፈናው፣ እልቂቱ፣ መፈናቀሉ እየተበራከተ፤ ዘረፋው እየተስፋፋ፣ መንግስት ለማይፈጽማቸው ሃላፊነቶቹ የሚሰጣቸው ሰበቦችና ምክንያቶች አጠራጣሪ መሆን ሲጀመሩ፣ “ይህ መንግስት የከፋ አገዛዝ ወደመሆን እያኮበኮበ ነው” የሚል ስሜት ሲቀሰቅስብኝ፣ ምልከታዬን በውስጥ ማቅረብ ይሻላል” በሚል ብዙ ነገሮች እንዲታረሙ ተቃውሞዬን በቀጥታ ለአብይ አህመድ አቅርቤያለሁ። ሆኖም ግን ይህ በውስጥ የሚቀርብ ምልከታ ለአብይ አገዛዝ የተመቸው እንደሆነ፣ ሰውየው በአንድ ጆሮ ሰምቶ በሌላው የሚያፈሰው መሆንን መረዳት ስጀመር፣ በአደባባይ በበርካታ መድረኮች፣ የአገዛዙን አደገኛ አካሄድ በንግግር በጽሁፍ ተችቻያለሁ። ሁለተኛው ቪዲዮ 2013 አልቆ 2014ን ለመቀበል በተዘጋጀ በአል ላይ የተናገርኩትና በኢሳት ቴሌቪዥን ለህዝብ የተላለፈ ነው። ንግግሩ በቀጥታ የሚመለከተው፣ በኦሮሞ ብልጽግና ባለስልጣናትና የቅርብ ደጋፊዎቻቸው ዘንድ እየተስፋፋ የመጣውን የተረኛነት ስሜትና፣ የዘር የስልጣን እና የጥቅም ትስስር፣ በከተማው ውስጥ እየታየ ከመጣው አይን ያወጣ ዘረኛነት ጋር ተያይዞ ያደረግሁት ነው። የሙስናው ጉዳይም ከመቼው ዘመን በከፋ መልኩ ስር እየሰደደ እንደሆነ መረጃ በማሰባሰብ ላይ ተመስርቼ የተናገርኩት ነው። ሁሉንም ጽሁፌን ንግግሬን ከማንም አስቀድሜ ለአብይ አህመድ እንዲደርሰው ሳደርግ ነው የኖርኩት፤ አላየሁትም እንዳይል። አሁንም ይህ በሁለተኛው በቪዲዮ ያቀረብኩት ንግግር በ2010 ከእስር በተፈታሁበት ቀን ካቀረብኩት ንግግር ጋር ማነጻጸር ይቻላል። “የምንቃወመው ዝም ብለን ለመቃወም አይደለም፣ መቃወም የሚያስፈልጉ ጉዳዩች ሲኖሩ ነው” ላልኩት ማረጋገጫ ነው። ይህ ንግግር ትልቅ የተቃውሞ ንግግር አልነበረም። በወቅቱ ማንንም ሰው ይህን ንግግር፣ ዝቅተኛው በመንግስት ላይ ሊቀረበ የሚችለው ትችት እንደሆነ የሚገንዘብ ይመስለኛል። ከዚህ ንግግር ውጭ በርካታ በሚገባ የተጻፉ ትችቶቼን በፌስ ቡክ ገጾች በየጊዜው አደባባይ አውጥቻለሁ። የመጨረሻውና በተፈታሁ እለት የተናገርኩትን “አፋኝ እና ጸረ ህዝብና ጸረ ሃገር ተግባራት መንግስት ከፈጸመ አምረን እንታገለዋለን” ያልኩት ደረጃ የደረሰ ጉዳይ መምጣቱን የሚያሳየው ነጥብ ነሃሴ 17 2015 አ.ም. የአብይ አህመድ አገዛዝ የአማራን ክልል በወታደራዊ እዝ አገዛዝ ስር ያስገባበትን አዋጅ ተከትሎ የጻፍኩት ነው። በፌስ ቡክ “ መሆን የነበረበት ወያኔን ጠበቅ አማራን ለቀቅ ማድረግ ነበር” በሚል ርእስ ከጻፍኩት የተወሰደ ነው። “በአማራ ክልል እየሆነ ባለው እጅግ አሳዛኝ ሁኔታ ላይ የዛሬውን የግል ምልከታዬን ሳቀርብ ከላይ በአንቀጽ 5 እና 6 ገደብ የሌለው (በእለቱ የወጣውን የአስቸኳይ ጊዜ አዋጅ እያጣቀስኩ ነው) ስልጣን የተሰጣቸው አካላት በእኔም ይሁን ከእኔ ጋር ቅርበት ባላቸው አካላት ላይ ማንኛውንም እርምጃ ሊወስዱ እንደሚችሉ እያወቅሁ ነው። በሌሎች ግለሰቦች ላይ እንዲህ አይነቱ እርምጃ እየተወሰደ እንደሆነ መረጃው እየደረሰኝም ነው (እስራት፣ አፈና ድብደባ ማለቴ ነበር)። በእንዲህ አይነቱ ወቅት ዝምታን ያልመረጥኩት፣ በመንግስት ወንጀለኛ ሆኖ ከመታየት ይልቅ በራሴ ህሊና ወንጀለኛ ሆኖ መታየት የበለጠ የሚያስጨንቀኝ ሰው በመሆኔ ብቻ ነው። ከጥቂት ቀናት በፊት ጌታቸው ረዳ፣ ዴንቨር ኮለራዶ ላይ ከ200 ሽህ በላይ ለውጊያ የተዘጋጀ ሰራዊት እንዳለው ተናግሯል። በዚህ ሰራዊት የተማመነው ጄነራል ጻድቃን "የማእከላዊ መንግስቱ በፕሪቶሪያ የሰላም ስምምነት ቃል በገባልን መሰረት የትግራይን ግዛቶች ማለትም ወልቃይትን እና ራያን የማይመልስን ከሆነ በጉልበት እናስመልሳለን" ብሎ እዛው አሜሪካን ውስጥ በተዘጋጀ ስብሰባ ላይ ተናግሯል። ጻድቃን “ቃል ተገብቶልናል” ስለሚለው ጉዳይም ይሁን ስለጉልበት መጠቀሙ የሚናገራቸው ነገሮች ዝም ብሎ እንዳልሆነ ከህወሃት ከራሱ ስናገኛቸው የነበሩ በቂ መረጃዎች እንዳሉ የመንግስት ባለስልጣናት ያውቁታል። እነዚህ ሁለት ግለሰቦች ከየትኛውም የወያኔ አመራር በተለየ በጦርነቱ ወቅት “ከአማራ ህዝብ ጋር ሂሳብ እናወራርዳለን” በማለት በአደባባይ የተናገሩ ፣ የአማራ ህዝብ የተጨፈጨፈበትን፣ ሰው ብቻ ሳይሆን እንስሳቱ በጥይት የተቆሉበትን፣ ክልሉ ከስልጣኔ ርቆ ወደ ድንጋይ ዘመን እንዲመለስ ተደርጎ የመሰረተ ልማት ግንባታዎቹ፣ የህዝብ የአገልግሎት ተቋማቱ እንዲወድሙ የተደረገበትን፣ የፕሮፓጋንዳና የጦር እስትራተጂ የነደፉና ያስፈጸሙ ናቸው። (አንባቢ ይህን ሃቅ ዛሬ ጌታቸውና ጻድቃን የት እንዳሉ ራሱን እየጠየቀ እንዲያየው ያስፈልጋል) የሚገርመው ግን የታሪክ ቧልት የሚል ትርጓሜ ሊያሰጠው በሚችል ደረጃ፣ ጌታቸውና ጻድቃን፣ የአንደኛ ደረጃ የአውሮፕላን ቲኬት ተቆርጦላቸው፣ ሲኦል ድረስ ወርደንም ቢሆን እናወድመዋለን ባሉት የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት፣ የቪአይፒ እንክብካቤ ተደርጎላቸው ወደ አሜሪካ ተጉዘው፣ በከፍተኛ እብሪትና መንደላቀቅ ስለሰራዊታቸው አቅምና ስለቀጣይ ጦርነት፣ ስለትግራይ አሸናፊነት በአሜሪካን ከተሞች ሲደሰኩሩ፣ ሲዘፍኑ፣ እስክስታ ሲወርዱ፣ ከሀገር ያሸሹትን ሃብት (ይህ ጻድቃንን እንጂ ምሽኪኔታን ጌታቸውን አይመለከትም) ቦታ ቦታ ሲያስይዙ፣ ከአሜሪካን መንግስት ጌቶቻቸውና እመቤቶቻቸው (ከነሱዛን ራይስ ) ጋር ሴራ ሲሸርቡ ከርመው በክብር ወደ መቀሌ ተመልሰዋል። በሌላ በኩል እነዚህ ግለሰቦች በአሸናፊነት ስሜት መናገሻ ከተማቸው በገቡ በቀናት ልዩነት፣ የእነዚህን እብሪተኞች ሃገር የማፍረስ ተልእኮ በመመከት፣ በስልጣን ላይ ያለውን መንግስት መንበር በማጽናት፣ በተኛበት ለተጨፈጨፈው የሃገር መከላከያ ሰራዊት አለኝታ በመሆን፣ በንብረቱ፣ በደሙና በአጥንቱ በህይወቱ መስዋእትነት የከፈለው የአማራ ህዝብ በወታደራዊ አገዛዝ ስር እንዲወድቅ ተፈርዶበታል። ይህን ካልኩም በኋላ ጽሁፌን የደመደምኩት እንዲህ ብዬ ነበር። “አሁን በአማራ ክልል ከልዩ ሃይሉ መፍረሰ ጋር ተያይዞ የተፈጠረውን ችግር ፣ ወያኔዎች ሲያደርጉ እንደኖሩት፣ የክልሉን መሪዎች በስልጣን እና በጥቅም በመደለል፣ ህዝቡንም ሆነ አንዳንዶቹን ከህዝቡ ጎን ለመቆም የወሰኑትን የአስተዳደርና የጸጥታ አካላት በማስፈራራት፣ ወይም ከእውነታው ጋር በተጣላ የፕሮፓጋንዳ ውርጅብኝና (በወረዳ ሶስት ሽፍቶች የሚለውን የሰሞኑን የአብይ አባባል ልብ ይሏል) በሌሎችም ዘለቄታዊ መፍትሄ ማምጣት በማይችሉ መንገዶች ሄዶ ለማቃለል የሚደረግ ሙከራ የትም እንደማያደርስ መታወቅ ይኖርበታል።” በመጨረሻም የሚያዳምጥ ካለ፣ “እንዲህ አይነት ችግር በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ሲከሰት የመጀመሪያው አይደለም። የመጨረሻውም ላይሆን ይችላል። እንዲህ አይነት፣ በተለይ ከእውነተኛ የህዝብ ብሶት ጋር የተያያዙ ችግሮች ሲፈጠሩ፣ ችግሮቹን ለመፍታት በተለያዩ ዘመናት ያለፉ መንግስታት ከሄዱበትና ውጤት ካላመጡ አደገኛ አካሄዶች መማር ተሸናፊነትን ሳይሆን ብልህነትን የሚያሳይ ይሆናል።” እላለሁ። ይህ ጽሁፍ በተጻፈ በ15ኛው ቀን፣ ኢትዮጵያን ለቅቄ፣ ንብረትም መኖሪያ ቤትም ወደ አልነበረኝ እንግሊዝ ሃገር ጉዞየን ጀመርኩ። ለማጠቃለል አብይ እንደሚለው ሳይሆን፣ እኔ አቅሜ መዛሉንም፣ እድሜየ መግፋቱን የጠፋኝ ሰው አይደለሁም። ችግሩ እኔ አቅሜን ካላማወቄ ጋር የተሳሰረ ሳይሆን ከራሱ ከአብይ የአመለካከት ችግር ጋር የተይያዝ መሆኑን መረዳት አልቻለም። ማንም ሰው ሺ ጊዜ ጉልበቱ ቢዝል፣ እድሜው ቢገፋ በምርጫው ካልሆነ በቀር፣ ለአብይ ባሪያ ወይም ገረድ ሆኘ ከመቅረት የሚያድነው አቅም ሁሌም እንደሚኖረው አብይ ማየት አልቻለም። አብይ አህመድ፣ ሁሉም ሰው በየጊዜው ሰበብ እየፈጠረላቸው እንደሚስድባቸው እንደ ብርሃኑ ነጋ፣ እንደ አርጋዊ በርሄና እንደ ቀጀላ መርዳሳ ይመስለዋል። እብይ ነው በምሳሌነት የሚያነሳቸው እኔ አይደለሁም። “ጉልበቴ ዝሏል። እድሜ እየገፋ ነው። አብይ ለምን ሚሊዮኖችን አይገድልም፣ አያፈናቅልም፣ አያሳድድም፣ ለምን እስር ቤቶች በንጹሃን እስረኞች ሞልተው አይተርፉም። ለምን ሃገር እስከ አጥንቷ በዘራፊዎች አትጋጥም። ለምን መቶ ሺ እናትችና እህቶች አይደፈሩም። ለምን የሴቶች ጡት አይቆረጥም፣ ህጻናትና አረጋዋያን አይጨፈጭፍም። ምን አገባኝ።” ብለው የተስጣቸውን የስልጣን እና የጥቅም ፍርፋሪ እየለቀሙ መኖር የማይችሉ አዛውንቶች ሊኖሩ እንደሚችሉ አብይ ለመረዳት ስሪቱ ሊፈቅድለት አልቻለም። የአብይ አህመድ መሰረታዊ የፖለቲካ ፍልስፍና በጥቅምና በስልጣን የማይደለል ሰው አይኖርም ነው። “እርካብና መንበር” የሚል ርእስ የሰጠው መጽሃፉ፣ አብይ ዛሬ የሚያደርጋቸውን ድርጊቶቹን የቀረጹትን አስተሳሰቦቹን በሚገባ ዘርዝሮ ያስቀመጠበት ዋናው መጽሃፍ ነው። "መደመር" አይናችሁን ጨፍኑና ላሞኛችሁ በሚል ስሌት የተጻፈ ቅጥፈት ነው። "ስልጣን እና ጥቅም፣ የአንቱታ፣ የትልቅነትና የአዋቂ ነዎት ፉገራ የማያታልለው ሰው የለም" የሚል እምነቱን አብይ አህመድ በዚህ መጽሃፉ ውስጥ ደግሞ ደጋሞ ያቀረበው ጉዳይ ነው። አብይ ይህን እምነቱን አድማሳዊ እውነት አድረጎ የተቀበለ ሰው ነው። አብይ ይህን ሁሉንም ሰው “በሬ ሆይ እያልኩ ስልጣን እና ጥቅም እያሳየሁ ባሪያ አደርግሃለሁ” በሚል የያዘውን ጽኑ የፖለቲካ እምነት የሚጻረር የሰዎች አቋም ሲያጋጥመው እንደ ግራዋ ይመረዋል። “ማንጎ ነኝ ብለው የሚያስቡ ግን ግራዋ የሆኑ” በሚል ባላፈው እሮቡ በፓራማ ስብሰባው ወቅት ግራዋ እንደጋቱት ሰው ተንገፍግፎ የተናገረበት ምሬት ምንጩ ይህ ብቻ ነው። ይህን ስል እኔ ማንጎ ነኝ እያልኩ እንዳልሆነ ይታወቅልኝ። Abiy Ahmed Ali 🇪🇹 AA. PROSPERITY PARTY Neamin Zeleke Dawit እስከዳር እምሻው 🇪🇹አስካለ ማርያም Ephrem Madebo Elizabeth Altaye @yeabatuli

Andargachew Tsege

11,793 Aufrufe • vor 11 Monaten

በታሪክ ወደኋላ ተመልሼ ስለአማራ የፖለቲካ ብሄረተኛነት ማንሳት ለምን እንደፈለግሁና ይህ ጉዳይ ዛሬ የአማራ ህዝብ ለህልውናው መከበር ለሚያደርገው ትግል ምን ትርጉም እንዳለው ምክንያቶቼን በዚህ ጽሁፍ በአጭሩ አቀርባለሁ። ባጭሩ ያልኩት ጉዳዩ መጽሃፍ የሚያጽፍ እንደሆነ ስለማውቅ ነው። 1.ፖለቲካዊው አማራ የአማራ የፖለቲካ ብሄርተኛነት ወይም “አማራው የፖለቲካ ሰው” በእንግሊዝኛ (The political Amhara) ለአማራ አዲስ ክስተት ነው። አማራ በቋናቋ፣ በባሕል፣ በታሪክ፣ በተውፊትና በእምነቶች ተመሳሳይነት ላይ የተመሰረተ የጋራ የማንነንት ስሜት በተወሰነ ደረጃ ነበረው ማለት ከሃቅ የራቀ ጉዳይ ማንሳት አይሆንም። ሆኖም ግን አማራነትን የጋራ የፖለቲካ ንቃተ ህሊና ማደራጃና የጋራ የፖለቲካ መሰባስቢያ ማድረግ የተጀመረው ወያኔ ወደ ስልጣን ከመጣ በኋላ ነው። ወያኔ ወደ ስልጣን ከመምጣቱ በፊት በነበሩ ዘመናት፣ ብሄረተኞቹ የአማራ አገዛዝ፣ የአማራ ጭቆና እና ብዝበዛ ብለው የፈረጇቸው ዘመናት፣ የአማራም የግራ የፖለቲካ ልሂቃን እኔንም ጨምሮ በጨቅላ እድሜ እና አይምሮ ከብሄረተኞቹ ጋር የከነፍንባቸው አመላከከቶች በደንብ ሲፈተሹ አማርኛ በታሪክ አጋጣሚ ሃገራዊ ቋንቋ ከመሆኑ ውጭ ልብወልድ ድርሰቶች እንደነበሩ ገሃድ ሆኗል። በአማራ ብሄራዊ የማንነት ንቃተ ህሊና ላይ የተገነባ የአማራን ልሂቅና ህዝብ ያካተተ ፖለቲካ ስርአት ሆነ አገዛዝ በኢትዮጵያ ታርክ እንዳልነበረ ይታውቀል። የሃገር ግንባታው ጥረት ዘውግ ዘለል እንጂ በአማራ ዘውግ ዙሪያ የሚያጠነጥን አልነበረም። ከዚህ በተቃራኒው ግን ብሄርን የፓለቲካ ማደራጃ፣ ግዛት የማስፋፊያ፣ ስልጣን የማያዣ፣ ሃብት የመሰባስቢያ አድርጎ መንቀሳቀስ የተጀመረው ወያኔ እና ኦነግ የሚባሉ ድርጅቶች ብቅ ካሉ በኋላ እንደሆኑ በበርካታ ተጨባጭ መረጃዎች አስደግፎ ማቅረብ ይቻላል። ራሱ ፖለቲካ የሚለው ጽንጸ ሃሳብ ዘመን ጠብቆ ከዘመናዊነት ጋር የሚመጣ መሆኑንም ግምት ውስጥ ሰናስገባ ፖለቲካ ባልነበረበት፣ ኢትዮጵያን በመሰለ ባህላዊና ተውፊታዊ ማህበራዊ አደረጃጀቶች ለዘመናት ተንሰራፍተው በቆዩባት ሃገር ውስጥ በአማራ የፖለቲካ ንቃተ ህሊና የተሰራ ሃገርና የተገነባ አገዛዝ ነበረ ማለት መውጣት ወደ ማይቻልበት ምሁራዊ የፈተና ገደል ውስጥ የሚጨምር መሆኑ መታወቅ አለበት። ቀደም ብዬ እንዳነሳሁት ወያኔ ወደ ስልጣን ክመጣ በኋላም ቢሆን አማራዊ ማንነትን ለፖለቲካ መሰባሰቢያነት መሳሪያ ለማድረግ የተደረገው ሙከራ፣ አማራን በጠላትነት ፈርጀው ጥላቻን የፖለቲካ መሰባስቢያ አድርገው እንደተነሱ እንደሌሎች ብሄረተኞች ቀላል አልነበረም። ብዙ ውጣ ውረድና ፈተና የበዛበት ነበር። ባለንበት ወቅት ፈተናው ቀለል ያለ ቢመስልም ሙሉ በሙሉ ተሻግረነዋል ማለት አንችልም። ከእነዚህ ፈተናዎች አንዱ ሁሌም የፖለቲካ ሃላፊነት በሚወስደው ልሂቅ በኩል አማራነትን የፖለቲካ መሰባስቢያ ለማድረግ ባላመፈለግ ይታይ የነበረው ዳተኛነት እንደነበረ ይታወቃል። ዳተኛነቱ የመነጨው ግን ከክፋት አልነበረም። ሰለአማራ ህዝብ ደንታቢስ ከመሆን አልነበረም። በአማራነት ንቃተ ህሊና ላይ የቆመ ፖለቲካዊ አመለካከት ለማውጠንጠን ለልሂቁ መነሻ የሚሆነው ልምድ ወይም ስንቅ ስላልነበረው ነው። የአማራው ልሂቅም ሆነ ህዝብ የፖለቲካ ንቃተ ህሊናው የተገነባው ሃገራዊ/ኢትዮጵያዊ በሆነ መሰረት ላይ በመሆኑ ነው። ሃገራዊ ቋንቋው አማርኛ መሆኑንም በአማራ ብሄረተኛነት መነቃቃት ላይ ተጽእኖ አላሳደረም ማለት አይቻልም። የአማራ ህዝብ ምንም ከሌሎች ብሄር ህዝቦች የተለየ ጥቅም ባያገኝበትም በታሪኩ ኢትዮጵያ የሚባልን ሃገር ለማጽናት ከወረራና ጥቃት ለመከላከል ክፍተኛ መስዋትነት የከፈለ ህዝብ መሆኑም የአማራ ብሄረተኛነት በመድፈቅ የተጫወተውን ሚና አሳንሰን ማየት አንችልም። ሌሎች ብዙ ምክንያቶች መደርደር ይቻላል። የዚህ ጽሁፍ አላማ ስላልሆነ ወደ እዛ አልገባም። እርግጥ ነው አንዳንዶች በአማራነት ለማሰብ ሞክረው ይህ አካሄድ ከወያኔ አካሄድ ምን ልዩነት ይኖረዋል በሚል የተወት ወይም ለጉዳዩ ትኩረት የነፈጉት እዳሉ ይታወቃል። አንዳንዶችም ምንም አይነት ወሃ የሚቋጥር ተጨባጭ ምክንያት ሳይኖራቸው፣ የሃገሩ ፖለቲካ በአማራነት እንዲያስቡ አስገድዷቸውም፣ በግላቸው በዚህ መንገድ እያሰቡም፣ በአደባባይ ከኖሩበትና በአንድ ወቅት የፖለቲካ ጥርሳቸውን ከነቀሉበት የኢትዮጵያዊነት ፖለቲካ ወደ አማራነት ፖለቲካ መሸጋሸግ ውርደት አድርገው የሚያዩ መኖራቸው መታወቅ አለበት። አነዚህ ግለሰቦች የሚሰሩት ስህተት በአማራ ብሄረተኘነት ቅኝት ስለፖለቲካ ማሰብ ስለኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ ማሰብ ማቆም መስሎ ስለሚታያቸው ነው። የአማራ ብሄረተኛነት ስለኢትዮጵያ የሚታሰበውን ፖለቲካ የምንመለከትበት አዲስ መነጽር ይዞ መጣ እንጂ ስለኢትይጵያ ፖለቲካ ማሰብን ሊያነውር አልመጣም። እንደዚህ አይነት አመለካክት ያላቸው የአማራ ልሂቃን አሁንም ብዙ መሆናቸውን መጥቀሱ ተገቢ ነው። ከዚህ በተጨማሪ የተለያዩ ግለሰቦችና ቡድኖች ሌሎችም መከራከራያዎች ሲያቀርቡ እንደነበር መዘንጋት የለበትም። ፕሮፌሰር አስራት ወልደየስ በአማራነት የመደራጀት እንቅፋቶች ሆነው የታዩዋቸውንና ሆዳም አማሮች የሚል ስም የሰጧቸው ፍጥረቶች ዛሬም እንዳሉ መርሳት የለብንም። እነዚህም ቢሆኑ ቁጥራቸው እየተመናመነ ነው። ይህን ሁል ብለንም በአማራነት ለሚደረግ የፖለቲካ መሰባስብ ትልቁ ችግር ግን የአማራነት የፖለቲካ ንቃተ ህሊና አለመኖርና በሚገባ አለመዳበር እንደነበር መግባባት ይኖርብናል። ስለ አማራው የፖለቲካ ሰው አለመኖር ፕሮፊሰር መስፍን ወልደማሪያም ከመለስ ዜናዊና ከእንድሪያስ እሸቴ ጋር በ1983/84 አ.ም፣ በዛሬው የሪፖርተር ጋዜጣ ባላቤት በአማረ አረጋዊ አማካይነት በኢትዮጵያ ቴለቪዥን ላይ ወይይት በደንብ ገልጸውት ነበር። ፕሮፌሰሩ ለመለስ ዜናዊ “እናንተ የምትሉት አይነት አማራ (በአማራነት ተሰባስቦ ሌሎችን የጨቆነ ወይም የበዘበዝ ማለታቸው ነው) የሚባል ህዝብ የለም” ሲሉ ባህላዊና ማህበረሰባዊ ሃይማኖታዊ አማራ የለም ማለታቸው አልነበረም። ፕሮፌሰሩ ከዚህ ንግግራቸው ጋር አያይዘው “እናንተ አሁን በምትሄዱበት መንገድ ከቀጠላችሁ በአማራነቱ የሚሰባሰብ አማራ መፍጠር ቀላል ነው” ብለው ተናግረው ነበር። መፍጠር ቀላል ነው ያሉት የአማራ ህዝብን አልነበረም። አማራዊ ማንነትን የፖለቲካ መሰረቱ ያደረገ ህዝብ ማለታቸው ነበር። የፕሮፊሰር መስፍን ንግግር ከላይ ቃል በቃል ያቀረብኩት ባይሆንም የንግግራቸው ጭብጥ ግን ከዚህ ውጭ ትርጉም የሚሰጠው አልነበረም። ሆኖም ግን ይህ አባባላቸውን ከማእቀፍ ውጭ ወስዶ ፕሮፌሰሩ “አማራ የሚባል ህዝብ” የለም አሉ የሚል የሃሰት ትርክት ፈጥሮ ያብጠለጠላቸው አማራን በጠላትነት ፈርጆ ለስቃይ የዳረገው ወያኔና የወያኔ ምስለኔ የነበረው ኢህዴን የሚባለው የሆዳም አማሮች ስብስብ መሪዎችና ካድሬዎች ነበሩ። በወያኔ ዘመን ይህን በፕሮፌሰሩ ላይ የተነገረን የሃሰት የወያኔ/ብአዴን ትርክት ሲጋቱ ያደጉ ወጣት የአማራ ምሁራንም ይህንኑ ትርክት ተቀብለው ፕሮፌሰሩን “አማራ የለም” ብለዋል እያሉ ሲያወግዟቸው መስማት የተለመደ ሆነ። ፕሮፌሰሩን በተመለከተ የወያኔ/ኢህዴን አላማ ለስልጣን እውነትን በድፍረት በመናገር የሚታወቁትን ትልቅ የአደባባይ ምሁር ተጽእኖ ፈጣሪነታቸው ማዳከም ነበር። ነገር ግን ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን የተናገሩት ነገር እውነት እንደነበር ዛሬ ታሪክ መስክሮታል። ፕሮፌሰሩ ለመለስ ዜናዊ “የአማራን ህዝብ ማሳደድ መግደል፣ ማሰይጠንና ማግለል ከቀጠላችሁበት አማራነትን የፖለቲካ መሰባስቢያ ያደረገ የፖለቲካ ማህበረሰብ መፍጠር ቀላል ነው” ብለውት ነበር። ዛሬ በሃገር ውስጥም ሆነ ከሃገር ውጭ የአማራን ህዝብ ህልውና የማስከበር ትግሉ ዝም ብሎ አየር የቆመ አይደለም። በአማራ ማንነት/ብሄርተኛነት ዙሪያ የሚያጠነጠንና ያደገ የፖለቲካ ንቃተ ህሊና የተላበሰ ንቅናቄ ነው። ወያኔዎች፣ ኦነጎችና ሌሎችም አክራሪ ብሄረተኞች የአማራን ህዝብ በጠላትነት ፈርጀው የፖለቲካ መሰባሰቢያና ማደራጃ ሲያድርጉ፣ በዚህ መንገድ የዘመቱበት አማራ አንድ ቀን እሱም በራሱ ብሄርተኛነት ዙሪያ ተሰባስቦ የህልወና ትግል ሲጀምር ምን ሁኔታ ሊፈጠር ይችላል ብለው አስቀድመው ያሰቡበት ጉዳይ አልነበረም። ለእነዚህ አክራሪ ብሄርተኛ ድርጅቶች ቀላሉ የፖለቲካ መቀስቀሻና ማደራጃ መሳሪያ የአማራን ህዝብ በጭራቅነት ፈርጆ ጭራቁ እንዳይበላህ ከእኛ ጉያ ስር ተወሸቅ በማለት ህዝብን ማነሳስት ብቻ ነበር። የትም ፍጭው ዱቄቱን አምጭው የብሄረተኞቹ ፖለቲካ ወደፊት የሚያስከትለውን መዘዝ ካሁኑ መናገር ባይቻልም፣ እነዚህ ብሄረተኞች ከዚህ ቀደም አስበውት የማያውቁት የአማራ ብሄረተኛነት መጠናከር ውዥንብር ውስጥ የጨምራቸው ይመስላል። ትኩስ ድንች ነው የሆነባቸው። እንዴት እንድሚይዙት ወደፊት የምናየው ይሆናል። ዛሬ የኢትዮጵያ የፖለቲካ እውነታ የአማራ ብሄረተኛነት በቸለተኛነት ማለፍ ከማይችልበት ደረጃ ላይ ደርሷል። የአማራ ብሄረተኛነት ዛሬ የአብይ አህመድን ጸረ አማራና ጸረ ኢትዮጵያ የሆነ ግፈኛ አገዛዝ ለመገርሰስ በሚደርገው የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ትግል ውስጥ የአንበሳውን ድርሻ የሚጫወተው የፖለቲካ እሳቤ ሆኗል። ይህ ብሄረተኛነት ምን ባህሪያት አሉት? እሴቶቹ ምንድን ናቸው? ራሱን እንዴት ይገለጻል? ከሌሎች በጥላቻ ዙሪያ ከተገነቡ የሌሎች ብሄሮች ብሄረተኛነት በምን ይለያል? ምን አይነት አዲስ የፖለቲካ የማህበራዊ የኢኮኖሚ፣የአስተዳደር የሰላምና የብልጽግና እድሎችና ፈተናዎች ይዞ ይመጣል? የአማራ ብሄረተኛነት ለአማራ ህዝብ በተለይ፣ ለኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ በአጠቃላይ ከዛም አልፎ ለቀጠናው ህዝብ ምን ፋይዳ ይኖረዋል? እና ሌሎችም ጥያቄዎች ወደፊት በወጉ መመልሰ ያለባቸውና የሚገባቸው መሆኑን አልዘነጋሁም። 2.በአማራ ብሄረተኛነት ዙሪያ የተደረጉ የመደራጀት ሙከራዎች አማራነትን የፖለቲካ መሰባስቢያ ለማድረግ የተደረጉ የተለያዩ ሙከራዎች ለረጅም ጊዜ የተዳከሙበትና ያልተሳኩበት ዋና ምክንያት ቀደም ብዬ የገለጽኩት በአማራነት ላይ የቆመ የፖለቲካ ታሪክ ያለው የአማራ ልሂቅና ህዝብ አለመኖሩ ነው። ከመሰባሰቦች ሁሉ ትልቁ ሙከራ የተደረገው በፕርፌሰር አስራት ተቋቁሙ የነበረው የመላው አማራ ህዝብ ድርጅት (መአሕድ) ነው። ይህ ድርጅት የተቋቋመው፣ ወያኔ ስልጣን ከያዘ በኋላ በተለይ በደቡብ፣ በደቡቡብ ምእራብና ደቡብ ምስራቅ የኢትዮጵያ ግዛቶች ውስጥ አማራዎችን በማንነታቸው እየለዩ፣ አስከፊ ጭፍጨፋዎችን የሚፈጽሙ የተለያዩ የብሄር ድርጅቶች፣ የኦሮሞ ነጻነት ግንባርን ጨመሮ መጠናከራቸው ነው። በዚህ ላይ የወያኔ መንግስት ይህን ጭፍጨፋ፣ በመለስ ዜናዊ አባባል “ ነጻነቱን በአማራ ተገፎ የነበረ ህዝብ መብት ሲያገኝ ሊፈጽመው የሚችለው ስህተት ነው” በሚል ቧልት የአማራን ህዝብ እልቂት ለማስቆም እጁን እንደማያነሳ ግልጽ ባደረገበት ወቅት ነበር። የአማራ ወኪል ነን የሚሉትም የኢህዴኑ ታማራት ላይኔ ጓደኞቹ በተለያዩ የሃገሪቱ ግዛቶች እየተዘዋወሩ ጭቁን ያሏቸውን ብሄሮች “ ጊዜው ያንተ ነው ነፍጠኛውን ማንነትህን አሳየው” የሚል ቅስቀሳ የሚያደርጉበት ወቅት ነበር። መአሕድ ለጭፈጨፋው መከታ የሚሆን ተቋም መፍጠር ቀዳሚ አጀንዳው ስለነበር፣ አማራነትና ፖለቲካን በሚገባ ያሰበበት ጉዳይ አልነበረም። መስራቹም ፕሮፌሰር አስራት የህክምና እንጂ የፖለቲካ ሊቅ ስላልነበሩ ስለድርጅቱ የፖለቲካ ቁመና ብዙ ባይጨነቁ የሚገርም አልነበረም። መአሕድ ሲጀመር ከፖለቲካ ድርጅትነት ይልቅ የሰብአዊ መብት ተሟጋች ድርጅትነት ባህሪያቱ ያየሉበት እንደነበር አስታውሳለሁ።የሆነውም ይህ ነው። የመላው የአማራ ህዝብ ድርጅት (መ አ ሕ ድ) በዘር የፖለቲካ አደረጃጃት ውስጥ ያልታቀፈውን ሁሉንም ኢትዮጵያዊ ያቅፋል የሚል አስተሳስብ በመያዙ ድርጅቱ በተመሰርተበት ወቅት በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ በብሄር መደራጀት እንዳይችሉ የሆኑትን ወይንም በኢትዮጵያዊነታቸው መደራጀት የሚፈልጉትን የተለያዩ ብሄር ሰዎችን ኤርትራውያንም ጭምር ያቀፈ ድርጅት ለመሆን በቅቶ ነበር። እንዲህ አይነት ግራ የሚያጋባ አደረጃጀት የመጣው የአማራ የፖለቲካ እሳቤ በራሱ በአማራ ልሂቅ ሆነ በሌሎች ኢትዮጵያውያን አይን ከኢትዮጵያዊነት ውጭ ሌላ ምንም ሊሆን አይችልም የሚል በመሆኑ ነው። ይህ እሳቤ ገዥ አመለካከት በነበረበት ዘመን አማራዊ ማንነትን አንስቶ የአማራ ህዝብ በቅድሚያ ማንነቱን ከጥቃት መከላከል የሚችልበት በማንነቱ ዙሪያ የተመሰረተ ድርጅት ያስፈልገዋል የሚል አጀንዳ መግፋት እጅግ ከባድ ነበር። በ1985 አም “የአማራ ህዝብ ከየት ወዴት” በሚል ርእስ ባሳተምኩት ጽሁፍ ላይ ይህን የፖለቲካ ጥራት ያልነበረውን አጠቃላይ የአማራ አደረጃጀት በተመለክተ እንዲህ ብዬ ነበር። “እስካለንበት ወቅት በይፋ የአማራውን ህዝብ እንወክላለን ያሉ ሁለት ድርጅቶች አሉ። አንዱ ኢ.ህ.ዴ.ን ( የኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦች ዴሞክራሲያዊ ንቅናቄ) ሌላው መ.አ.ህ.ድ ( የመላው አማራ ህዝብ ድርጅት) ናቸው። እነዚህ ድርጅቶች የአማራውን ህዝብ ለምን እንዴት እንደሚወክሉ ያቀረቧቸው ጥናቶች ፕሮግራሞች የሚያደርጓቸው ተግባራዊ እንቅስቃሴዎች እንደ ሌሎች የብሄር ድርጅቶች በግልጽ የሚታይ ባለመሆኑ በድርጅቶቹ ላይ ለጊዜው አስተያየት ከመስጠት ተቆጥበናል።” በተለይ በአሁኑ ጊዜ የአማራው ህዝብ በተለይ ምሁሩ በአማራነትና በብሄረተኝነት ጥያቄዎች ላይ ያሉትን ችግሮች በስፋት ተወያይቶ ወደ አንድ የጠራ አመለካከት ባልመጣበት ወቅት በእነዚህ ድርጅቶች ላይ አስቀድመን አስተያየት ማሳረፍ አፍራሽ ሚና መጫወት ይሆናል የሚል እምነት አለን።“ በወቅቱ እንደሚታውቀው ኢህዴን የሚባለው ድርጅት (የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ አብዬታዊ ንቅናቄ) የሚል ስም ይዞ የአማራ ድርጅት ነኝ እንዲል የወያኔን መመሪያ ተቀብሎ የሚንቀሳቅስበ ወቅት ነበር። የሚያስተዳድረውም ክልል የአማራን ክልል ነበር። ኢህዴን እንደሌሎች የሃገሪቱ የብሄር ድርጅቶች እንደገና በወያኔ ትእዛዝ ወደ ብአዴን (ብሄር አማራ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ንቅናቄ) የተቀየረው ከተወሰነ አመታት በኋላ ነበር። በኢህዴን ውስጥ፣ በፖለቲካ ጉዳዮች ሃላፊነቱ የተነሳ ኢህዴን ወደ አማራ ድርጅትነት ለመቀየር ሲታሰብ መዘጋጀት የነበረበትን ማኒፌስቶ የጻፈውም በረከት ሰምኦን ነበር። ብአዴን ሲመሰረት እኔ ከኢህዴግ ጋር የነበረኝ ግንኙነት ተበጥሶ ቀደሞ ወደ ነበርኩበት ሃገር ወደ እንግሊዝ ተመልሼ ነበር። ቢሆንም በረከት ኢህዴንን ወደ አማራ ድርጅትነት ለመቀየር የሚያስችለውን ረቂቅ ሰነድ የመጀመሪያውን ድራፍት ሲያቅርብ በተወልደ ወልደማሪያም (ከመለስ ዜናዊ ቀጥሎ የህወሃት ትልቁ ሰውና የፖሊት ቢሮ አባል የነበረው) በሚመራው የድርጅት ኮሚቴ አባልና ተሰብሳቢ ነበርኩ። የበረከት ሰምኦን የአማራ ማኒፌስቶ የአማራን ህዝብ በነፍጠኛነትና በትምክሀተኛነት በማውገዝ የሚጀምር መሆኑን በማየት “እንዴት የአንድን ህዝብ የማደራጃ ሰንድ አንድ ህዝብ በመሳደብ ይጀመራል?” የሚል ቅሬታዬን አሰማሁ። ቅሬታዬን የህወሃትም ሰዎች በተለይ ደግሞ ተወልደ ራሱ ደግፎት፣ በረከት ሰንዱን አሳሽሎ እንዲመጣ መመሪያ ተሰጠው። በስበባው ላይ ከነበሩት የኢህዴን ሰዎች አንዳቸውም አንድ ቃል አልተነፈሱም። በረከት የጻፈውን የሚያምኑበትን ስለሆነ መስሎኛል። ከተወሰነ ጊዜ በኋላ በተመሳሳይ ስብሰባ ላይ የሰነዱን መጥፋት አስመልክቼ “ያ የአማራ ድርጅት መመስረቻ ማኒፌስቶ የት ደረሰ” የሚል ጥያቄ ለበረከት አቀረብኩ። ጉዳዩ ነፍሱን ያስጨነቀችው በረከት የሰጠው ምላሽ እጅግ የሚያስገርም ነበር። “እኔ የአቅሜን ሞክሪያለሁ እናንተ አማሮቹ ሞክሩት” በማለት አማራ ባለመሆኑ የአማራ ማኒፌስቶ ለመጻፍ የተቸገረ መሆኑን ተናገረ። በረከት ይህን ብሎም ለረጅም አመታት የአማራው ድርጅት ተብዬው የብአዴን የፖሊት ቢሮ አባል ሆኖ እሰከመጨረሻው ቀጥሏል። ከኤርትራውያን ቤተሰቦች ጎንደር ላይ ተወልዶ ያደገው በረከት ሰምኦን፣ ወንድሙ የኢህአፓ አባል ሆኖ የተሰዋው በረከት ሰምኦን ኤርትራ የሚባል ብሄር ባልነበረባት የወያኔዋ ኢትዮጵያ ቀድሞ የነበረበትን ኢህዴንን ወደ አማራ ድርጅት እንዲቀየር የተወሰነው ውሳኔ ተከትሎ በአማራ ድርጅት ውስጥ መቀጠሉ አያስገርምም። በረከት ዛሬ በህይወት አለ። ስለማኒፌስቶው ያነሳሁትን ጉዳይ የሚክደው አይመስለኝም። እዚህ ላይ ቁም ነገሩ በረከት ሳይሆን የአማራ ብሄረተኛነት ያለፈባቸውን አስገራሚ ምእራፎች የሚያሳይ መሆኑ ነው። በተመሳሳይም በአማራ የፖለቲካ ብሄረተኛነት ጉዳይ ላይ ጥርት ያለ የፖለቲካ አቋም ያልነበረው፣ በአማራ መጨፍጨፍ ቁጭት በፕሮፊሰር አስራት ወልደደየስ የተቋቋመው ድርጅት ራሱን ከመላው አማራ ህዝብ ድርጅትነት ወደመላው የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ድርጅትነት (መኢህድ) ለመቀየር ብዙ አመታታ አልፈጀበትም። ለምን ይህ እንደሆነ ዝርዝርና በርካታ ምክንያቶች ሊኖሩ እንደሚችሉ ቢገመትም፣ በአማራ ልሂቅ ዘንድ በአማራ ማንነት ላይ የቆመ የፖለቲካ ንቃተ ህሊና አለመኖር ዋናው ምክንያት መሆኑ መጠራጠር አይኖርብንም። ፈተናው ቀላል እንዳልነበረ ሆኖም ግን ይህን ፈተና ማለፍ እንደሚገባን በማመን ቀደም ብዬ በጠቀስኩት “የአማራ ህዝብ ከየት ወዴት” በሚለው መጽሃፍ ላይ ደግሜ ደጋግሜ በሚከተለው መልኩ ገልጨው ነበር። “መጭውን የታሪክ ጉዞ ከምኞት ውጭ ለማየት ከፈለግን ዛሬ ያለንበትን እውነታ ከስሜትና ከጠባብ ፍላጎት ነጻ ሆነን በአግባቡ ማንበብ ይኖርብናል። በሀገራችን ይህ እውነታ ብሄርና ብሄረሰብን መሰረት ያደረገ የህዝቦች የድርጅቶች እንቅስቃሴዎች የሚታይበት እውነታ ነው። ይህ እውነታ ያለፈን ታሪክ፣ የአውሮፓ ማኅበረሰብን የአንድነት ጉዞ፣ የአለምን መጥበብ የመሳሰሉትን ጉዳዮች በማንሳት የማንሸፍነው እውነታ ነው። በተለያዩ ምክንያቶች ይህንን እውነታ ለመቀበል ችግር የገጠመን ከማንም በላይ እኛን አማሮቹን ነው። በዚህ ግን መቀጠል እንደማንችል ግልጽ እየሆነ የመጣ ይመስላል። እንቀጥልም ከተባለ ይህ ድርጊታችን በአጠቃላይ በኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦች በተለይም በአማራው ህዝብ ህይወት ላይ የከፋ መዘዝ የሚያመጣ ይሆናል። የአማራው ህዝብ ጠንካራ ብሄራዊ ማንነቱን አዳብሮ በዚህ ብሄረተኛነት ዙሪያ ተሰባስቦ ለታላላቅ ፖለቲካዊ ኢኮኖሚዊና ማህበራዊ ክንዋኔዎች ራሱን በፍጥነት ማዘጋጀት ካልቻለ፤ ይህ ህዝብ በሚሊዮኖች በረሀብ የሚረግፍበት በሚሊዮኖች የሚሰደድበት እንደ ህዝብ ክብሩ ነጻነቱና ህልውናው ከማይጠበቅበት ሁኔታ ውስጥ እንደሚገባ መጠራጠር አይኖርብንም።” እንደገናም በዚሁ ጉዳይ ላይ ዳግም በመመለስ፣ “ባለንበት ሁኔታ የአማራ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ሀይሎች ጊዜ የማይሽረውን አኩሪ ህዝባዊ ታሪካቸውን አቅበው የአማራውን ህዝብ የመብትና የነጻነት ባለቤት፣ የሰላምና የብልጽግና ጌታ ለማድረግ በዋነኛነት በመስራት ብቻ ነው፤ ከአማራውም ህዝብ ሆነ ከተቀሩት የኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦች የሚጠበቅባቸውን ግዴታ መወጣት የሚችሉት። ይህን አዲስ እውነታ አለማጤን እምነትን በተግባር ለመተርጎም በማያስችል ከወሬ ከማያልፍ የተበተነ ተራ የፍትህ የዴሞክራሲ የእኩልነትና የአንድነት ቱልቱላ ሆኖ አየር ላይ መቅረትን ያስከትላል። ከዚህ በላይ በአንድ ዘመን በሽዎች የሚቆጠሩ ተራራ የሚያነቃንቅ ጽኑ ህዝባዊ እምነት የነበራቸው ዴሞክራቶችን ያፈራው የአማራ ህዝብ ዛሬ የሁላችንንም ዕውቀት ጉልበትና መስዋዕትነት በሚጠይቅበት ወቅት የተለያዩ ምክንያቶች እያቀረብን በምኞት ፈረስ እየጋለብን ከዳር ቆመን ብናየው ድርጊታችን በታሪክ ፊት የሚያስወቅሰን ይሆናል። የአማራውንም ሆነ ሌሎችንም የኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦች የቀን ጅቦች ሲሳይ ማዳረጋችን አይቀርም።” እንደገናም በዚች ትንሽ መጣጥፍ ውስጥ በቅርቡ ያያነው፣ በመቶዎች ሽዎች የአማራውን የመገደል፣ በሚሊዮኖች ከተለያዩ የሃገሪቱ ግዛቶች አዲስ አበባን ጨምሮ የመፈናቀል ዘመን መምጣትን በሚያመላክት መልኩ ይህ ተጽፎ ነበር። " “እውነት ነው ይህ አማራነት የምንለው ነገር ለብዙዎቻችን አዲስ ክስተት ነው። .......... የአማራ ምሁር በደመና ላይ ህንጻ ሰርቶ ወደ ምድረ አማራ አልወርድ ማለቱ በአማራው ህዝብ ህይወት ላይ ጉዳት ማድርሱ አይቀርም። የአማራው ህዝብ የትናንቱ ድህነት በሽታና ረሀብ ዛሬም አልተለየውም። ሁላችንም በውስጣችን እየተጫረች ያለችውን የአማራነት የስሜት ብልጭታ ወደ ውጋጋን ቀይረን በህዝባችን መካከል ያለውን ኢኮኖሚያዊና ማህበራዊ ችግር መፍታት ግዴታችን ነው። ታሪክ በምኞት በዘፈቀደ አይሰራም። ያለንበትን እውነታ በደንብ ለመረመረ የነገ ቤታችን የህዝባችን ተስፋ ዛሬ በረሃ እየበላቸው ዝናብ እያጠባቸው በመራቆት ላይ ያሉት የአማራ ተራሮች ላይ ነው። የነገ ማረፊያችን ዛሬ እንደ ባይተዋር የምናየው፣ የዛ የቆፈናም፣ የደበሎ ለባሽ፣ የዛ የሰው አክባሪ፣ የእንግዳ አስተናጋጅ የአማራ አርሶ አደር መንደር ነው።" ሙሉውን ጽሁፍ ለማንበብ ወደ ቦርከና ድረ ገጽ የሚወስድዎትን የሚቀጥለውን ማስፈንጠሪያ ይጫኑ። ለሌሎች ያጋሩ @NeaminZeleke@EmishawEskedar Dawit Al Ain Amharic አል ዐይን አማርኛ Ethiopian Reporter DW Amharic VOA Amharic Amhara Association of America (AAA) Amhara Awareness Amhara Professionals Union (APU) Amhara Association of Los Angeles Amhara Association of Bay Area (AABA) Genocide Prevention In Ethiopia
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በታሪክ ወደኋላ ተመልሼ ስለአማራ የፖለቲካ ብሄረተኛነት ማንሳት ለምን እንደፈለግሁና ይህ ጉዳይ ዛሬ የአማራ ህዝብ ለህልውናው መከበር ለሚያደርገው ትግል ምን ትርጉም እንዳለው ምክንያቶቼን በዚህ ጽሁፍ በአጭሩ አቀርባለሁ። ባጭሩ ያልኩት ጉዳዩ መጽሃፍ የሚያጽፍ እንደሆነ ስለማውቅ ነው። 1.ፖለቲካዊው አማራ የአማራ የፖለቲካ ብሄርተኛነት ወይም “አማራው የፖለቲካ ሰው” በእንግሊዝኛ (The political Amhara) ለአማራ አዲስ ክስተት ነው። አማራ በቋናቋ፣ በባሕል፣ በታሪክ፣ በተውፊትና በእምነቶች ተመሳሳይነት ላይ የተመሰረተ የጋራ የማንነንት ስሜት በተወሰነ ደረጃ ነበረው ማለት ከሃቅ የራቀ ጉዳይ ማንሳት አይሆንም። ሆኖም ግን አማራነትን የጋራ የፖለቲካ ንቃተ ህሊና ማደራጃና የጋራ የፖለቲካ መሰባስቢያ ማድረግ የተጀመረው ወያኔ ወደ ስልጣን ከመጣ በኋላ ነው። ወያኔ ወደ ስልጣን ከመምጣቱ በፊት በነበሩ ዘመናት፣ ብሄረተኞቹ የአማራ አገዛዝ፣ የአማራ ጭቆና እና ብዝበዛ ብለው የፈረጇቸው ዘመናት፣ የአማራም የግራ የፖለቲካ ልሂቃን እኔንም ጨምሮ በጨቅላ እድሜ እና አይምሮ ከብሄረተኞቹ ጋር የከነፍንባቸው አመላከከቶች በደንብ ሲፈተሹ አማርኛ በታሪክ አጋጣሚ ሃገራዊ ቋንቋ ከመሆኑ ውጭ ልብወልድ ድርሰቶች እንደነበሩ ገሃድ ሆኗል። በአማራ ብሄራዊ የማንነት ንቃተ ህሊና ላይ የተገነባ የአማራን ልሂቅና ህዝብ ያካተተ ፖለቲካ ስርአት ሆነ አገዛዝ በኢትዮጵያ ታርክ እንዳልነበረ ይታውቀል። የሃገር ግንባታው ጥረት ዘውግ ዘለል እንጂ በአማራ ዘውግ ዙሪያ የሚያጠነጥን አልነበረም። ከዚህ በተቃራኒው ግን ብሄርን የፓለቲካ ማደራጃ፣ ግዛት የማስፋፊያ፣ ስልጣን የማያዣ፣ ሃብት የመሰባስቢያ አድርጎ መንቀሳቀስ የተጀመረው ወያኔ እና ኦነግ የሚባሉ ድርጅቶች ብቅ ካሉ በኋላ እንደሆኑ በበርካታ ተጨባጭ መረጃዎች አስደግፎ ማቅረብ ይቻላል። ራሱ ፖለቲካ የሚለው ጽንጸ ሃሳብ ዘመን ጠብቆ ከዘመናዊነት ጋር የሚመጣ መሆኑንም ግምት ውስጥ ሰናስገባ ፖለቲካ ባልነበረበት፣ ኢትዮጵያን በመሰለ ባህላዊና ተውፊታዊ ማህበራዊ አደረጃጀቶች ለዘመናት ተንሰራፍተው በቆዩባት ሃገር ውስጥ በአማራ የፖለቲካ ንቃተ ህሊና የተሰራ ሃገርና የተገነባ አገዛዝ ነበረ ማለት መውጣት ወደ ማይቻልበት ምሁራዊ የፈተና ገደል ውስጥ የሚጨምር መሆኑ መታወቅ አለበት። ቀደም ብዬ እንዳነሳሁት ወያኔ ወደ ስልጣን ክመጣ በኋላም ቢሆን አማራዊ ማንነትን ለፖለቲካ መሰባሰቢያነት መሳሪያ ለማድረግ የተደረገው ሙከራ፣ አማራን በጠላትነት ፈርጀው ጥላቻን የፖለቲካ መሰባስቢያ አድርገው እንደተነሱ እንደሌሎች ብሄረተኞች ቀላል አልነበረም። ብዙ ውጣ ውረድና ፈተና የበዛበት ነበር። ባለንበት ወቅት ፈተናው ቀለል ያለ ቢመስልም ሙሉ በሙሉ ተሻግረነዋል ማለት አንችልም። ከእነዚህ ፈተናዎች አንዱ ሁሌም የፖለቲካ ሃላፊነት በሚወስደው ልሂቅ በኩል አማራነትን የፖለቲካ መሰባስቢያ ለማድረግ ባላመፈለግ ይታይ የነበረው ዳተኛነት እንደነበረ ይታወቃል። ዳተኛነቱ የመነጨው ግን ከክፋት አልነበረም። ሰለአማራ ህዝብ ደንታቢስ ከመሆን አልነበረም። በአማራነት ንቃተ ህሊና ላይ የቆመ ፖለቲካዊ አመለካከት ለማውጠንጠን ለልሂቁ መነሻ የሚሆነው ልምድ ወይም ስንቅ ስላልነበረው ነው። የአማራው ልሂቅም ሆነ ህዝብ የፖለቲካ ንቃተ ህሊናው የተገነባው ሃገራዊ/ኢትዮጵያዊ በሆነ መሰረት ላይ በመሆኑ ነው። ሃገራዊ ቋንቋው አማርኛ መሆኑንም በአማራ ብሄረተኛነት መነቃቃት ላይ ተጽእኖ አላሳደረም ማለት አይቻልም። የአማራ ህዝብ ምንም ከሌሎች ብሄር ህዝቦች የተለየ ጥቅም ባያገኝበትም በታሪኩ ኢትዮጵያ የሚባልን ሃገር ለማጽናት ከወረራና ጥቃት ለመከላከል ክፍተኛ መስዋትነት የከፈለ ህዝብ መሆኑም የአማራ ብሄረተኛነት በመድፈቅ የተጫወተውን ሚና አሳንሰን ማየት አንችልም። ሌሎች ብዙ ምክንያቶች መደርደር ይቻላል። የዚህ ጽሁፍ አላማ ስላልሆነ ወደ እዛ አልገባም። እርግጥ ነው አንዳንዶች በአማራነት ለማሰብ ሞክረው ይህ አካሄድ ከወያኔ አካሄድ ምን ልዩነት ይኖረዋል በሚል የተወት ወይም ለጉዳዩ ትኩረት የነፈጉት እዳሉ ይታወቃል። አንዳንዶችም ምንም አይነት ወሃ የሚቋጥር ተጨባጭ ምክንያት ሳይኖራቸው፣ የሃገሩ ፖለቲካ በአማራነት እንዲያስቡ አስገድዷቸውም፣ በግላቸው በዚህ መንገድ እያሰቡም፣ በአደባባይ ከኖሩበትና በአንድ ወቅት የፖለቲካ ጥርሳቸውን ከነቀሉበት የኢትዮጵያዊነት ፖለቲካ ወደ አማራነት ፖለቲካ መሸጋሸግ ውርደት አድርገው የሚያዩ መኖራቸው መታወቅ አለበት። አነዚህ ግለሰቦች የሚሰሩት ስህተት በአማራ ብሄረተኘነት ቅኝት ስለፖለቲካ ማሰብ ስለኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ ማሰብ ማቆም መስሎ ስለሚታያቸው ነው። የአማራ ብሄረተኛነት ስለኢትዮጵያ የሚታሰበውን ፖለቲካ የምንመለከትበት አዲስ መነጽር ይዞ መጣ እንጂ ስለኢትይጵያ ፖለቲካ ማሰብን ሊያነውር አልመጣም። እንደዚህ አይነት አመለካክት ያላቸው የአማራ ልሂቃን አሁንም ብዙ መሆናቸውን መጥቀሱ ተገቢ ነው። ከዚህ በተጨማሪ የተለያዩ ግለሰቦችና ቡድኖች ሌሎችም መከራከራያዎች ሲያቀርቡ እንደነበር መዘንጋት የለበትም። ፕሮፌሰር አስራት ወልደየስ በአማራነት የመደራጀት እንቅፋቶች ሆነው የታዩዋቸውንና ሆዳም አማሮች የሚል ስም የሰጧቸው ፍጥረቶች ዛሬም እንዳሉ መርሳት የለብንም። እነዚህም ቢሆኑ ቁጥራቸው እየተመናመነ ነው። ይህን ሁል ብለንም በአማራነት ለሚደረግ የፖለቲካ መሰባስብ ትልቁ ችግር ግን የአማራነት የፖለቲካ ንቃተ ህሊና አለመኖርና በሚገባ አለመዳበር እንደነበር መግባባት ይኖርብናል። ስለ አማራው የፖለቲካ ሰው አለመኖር ፕሮፊሰር መስፍን ወልደማሪያም ከመለስ ዜናዊና ከእንድሪያስ እሸቴ ጋር በ1983/84 አ.ም፣ በዛሬው የሪፖርተር ጋዜጣ ባላቤት በአማረ አረጋዊ አማካይነት በኢትዮጵያ ቴለቪዥን ላይ ወይይት በደንብ ገልጸውት ነበር። ፕሮፌሰሩ ለመለስ ዜናዊ “እናንተ የምትሉት አይነት አማራ (በአማራነት ተሰባስቦ ሌሎችን የጨቆነ ወይም የበዘበዝ ማለታቸው ነው) የሚባል ህዝብ የለም” ሲሉ ባህላዊና ማህበረሰባዊ ሃይማኖታዊ አማራ የለም ማለታቸው አልነበረም። ፕሮፌሰሩ ከዚህ ንግግራቸው ጋር አያይዘው “እናንተ አሁን በምትሄዱበት መንገድ ከቀጠላችሁ በአማራነቱ የሚሰባሰብ አማራ መፍጠር ቀላል ነው” ብለው ተናግረው ነበር። መፍጠር ቀላል ነው ያሉት የአማራ ህዝብን አልነበረም። አማራዊ ማንነትን የፖለቲካ መሰረቱ ያደረገ ህዝብ ማለታቸው ነበር። የፕሮፊሰር መስፍን ንግግር ከላይ ቃል በቃል ያቀረብኩት ባይሆንም የንግግራቸው ጭብጥ ግን ከዚህ ውጭ ትርጉም የሚሰጠው አልነበረም። ሆኖም ግን ይህ አባባላቸውን ከማእቀፍ ውጭ ወስዶ ፕሮፌሰሩ “አማራ የሚባል ህዝብ” የለም አሉ የሚል የሃሰት ትርክት ፈጥሮ ያብጠለጠላቸው አማራን በጠላትነት ፈርጆ ለስቃይ የዳረገው ወያኔና የወያኔ ምስለኔ የነበረው ኢህዴን የሚባለው የሆዳም አማሮች ስብስብ መሪዎችና ካድሬዎች ነበሩ። በወያኔ ዘመን ይህን በፕሮፌሰሩ ላይ የተነገረን የሃሰት የወያኔ/ብአዴን ትርክት ሲጋቱ ያደጉ ወጣት የአማራ ምሁራንም ይህንኑ ትርክት ተቀብለው ፕሮፌሰሩን “አማራ የለም” ብለዋል እያሉ ሲያወግዟቸው መስማት የተለመደ ሆነ። ፕሮፌሰሩን በተመለከተ የወያኔ/ኢህዴን አላማ ለስልጣን እውነትን በድፍረት በመናገር የሚታወቁትን ትልቅ የአደባባይ ምሁር ተጽእኖ ፈጣሪነታቸው ማዳከም ነበር። ነገር ግን ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን የተናገሩት ነገር እውነት እንደነበር ዛሬ ታሪክ መስክሮታል። ፕሮፌሰሩ ለመለስ ዜናዊ “የአማራን ህዝብ ማሳደድ መግደል፣ ማሰይጠንና ማግለል ከቀጠላችሁበት አማራነትን የፖለቲካ መሰባስቢያ ያደረገ የፖለቲካ ማህበረሰብ መፍጠር ቀላል ነው” ብለውት ነበር። ዛሬ በሃገር ውስጥም ሆነ ከሃገር ውጭ የአማራን ህዝብ ህልውና የማስከበር ትግሉ ዝም ብሎ አየር የቆመ አይደለም። በአማራ ማንነት/ብሄርተኛነት ዙሪያ የሚያጠነጠንና ያደገ የፖለቲካ ንቃተ ህሊና የተላበሰ ንቅናቄ ነው። ወያኔዎች፣ ኦነጎችና ሌሎችም አክራሪ ብሄረተኞች የአማራን ህዝብ በጠላትነት ፈርጀው የፖለቲካ መሰባሰቢያና ማደራጃ ሲያድርጉ፣ በዚህ መንገድ የዘመቱበት አማራ አንድ ቀን እሱም በራሱ ብሄርተኛነት ዙሪያ ተሰባስቦ የህልወና ትግል ሲጀምር ምን ሁኔታ ሊፈጠር ይችላል ብለው አስቀድመው ያሰቡበት ጉዳይ አልነበረም። ለእነዚህ አክራሪ ብሄርተኛ ድርጅቶች ቀላሉ የፖለቲካ መቀስቀሻና ማደራጃ መሳሪያ የአማራን ህዝብ በጭራቅነት ፈርጆ ጭራቁ እንዳይበላህ ከእኛ ጉያ ስር ተወሸቅ በማለት ህዝብን ማነሳስት ብቻ ነበር። የትም ፍጭው ዱቄቱን አምጭው የብሄረተኞቹ ፖለቲካ ወደፊት የሚያስከትለውን መዘዝ ካሁኑ መናገር ባይቻልም፣ እነዚህ ብሄረተኞች ከዚህ ቀደም አስበውት የማያውቁት የአማራ ብሄረተኛነት መጠናከር ውዥንብር ውስጥ የጨምራቸው ይመስላል። ትኩስ ድንች ነው የሆነባቸው። እንዴት እንድሚይዙት ወደፊት የምናየው ይሆናል። ዛሬ የኢትዮጵያ የፖለቲካ እውነታ የአማራ ብሄረተኛነት በቸለተኛነት ማለፍ ከማይችልበት ደረጃ ላይ ደርሷል። የአማራ ብሄረተኛነት ዛሬ የአብይ አህመድን ጸረ አማራና ጸረ ኢትዮጵያ የሆነ ግፈኛ አገዛዝ ለመገርሰስ በሚደርገው የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ትግል ውስጥ የአንበሳውን ድርሻ የሚጫወተው የፖለቲካ እሳቤ ሆኗል። ይህ ብሄረተኛነት ምን ባህሪያት አሉት? እሴቶቹ ምንድን ናቸው? ራሱን እንዴት ይገለጻል? ከሌሎች በጥላቻ ዙሪያ ከተገነቡ የሌሎች ብሄሮች ብሄረተኛነት በምን ይለያል? ምን አይነት አዲስ የፖለቲካ የማህበራዊ የኢኮኖሚ፣የአስተዳደር የሰላምና የብልጽግና እድሎችና ፈተናዎች ይዞ ይመጣል? የአማራ ብሄረተኛነት ለአማራ ህዝብ በተለይ፣ ለኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ በአጠቃላይ ከዛም አልፎ ለቀጠናው ህዝብ ምን ፋይዳ ይኖረዋል? እና ሌሎችም ጥያቄዎች ወደፊት በወጉ መመልሰ ያለባቸውና የሚገባቸው መሆኑን አልዘነጋሁም። 2.በአማራ ብሄረተኛነት ዙሪያ የተደረጉ የመደራጀት ሙከራዎች አማራነትን የፖለቲካ መሰባስቢያ ለማድረግ የተደረጉ የተለያዩ ሙከራዎች ለረጅም ጊዜ የተዳከሙበትና ያልተሳኩበት ዋና ምክንያት ቀደም ብዬ የገለጽኩት በአማራነት ላይ የቆመ የፖለቲካ ታሪክ ያለው የአማራ ልሂቅና ህዝብ አለመኖሩ ነው። ከመሰባሰቦች ሁሉ ትልቁ ሙከራ የተደረገው በፕርፌሰር አስራት ተቋቁሙ የነበረው የመላው አማራ ህዝብ ድርጅት (መአሕድ) ነው። ይህ ድርጅት የተቋቋመው፣ ወያኔ ስልጣን ከያዘ በኋላ በተለይ በደቡብ፣ በደቡቡብ ምእራብና ደቡብ ምስራቅ የኢትዮጵያ ግዛቶች ውስጥ አማራዎችን በማንነታቸው እየለዩ፣ አስከፊ ጭፍጨፋዎችን የሚፈጽሙ የተለያዩ የብሄር ድርጅቶች፣ የኦሮሞ ነጻነት ግንባርን ጨመሮ መጠናከራቸው ነው። በዚህ ላይ የወያኔ መንግስት ይህን ጭፍጨፋ፣ በመለስ ዜናዊ አባባል “ ነጻነቱን በአማራ ተገፎ የነበረ ህዝብ መብት ሲያገኝ ሊፈጽመው የሚችለው ስህተት ነው” በሚል ቧልት የአማራን ህዝብ እልቂት ለማስቆም እጁን እንደማያነሳ ግልጽ ባደረገበት ወቅት ነበር። የአማራ ወኪል ነን የሚሉትም የኢህዴኑ ታማራት ላይኔ ጓደኞቹ በተለያዩ የሃገሪቱ ግዛቶች እየተዘዋወሩ ጭቁን ያሏቸውን ብሄሮች “ ጊዜው ያንተ ነው ነፍጠኛውን ማንነትህን አሳየው” የሚል ቅስቀሳ የሚያደርጉበት ወቅት ነበር። መአሕድ ለጭፈጨፋው መከታ የሚሆን ተቋም መፍጠር ቀዳሚ አጀንዳው ስለነበር፣ አማራነትና ፖለቲካን በሚገባ ያሰበበት ጉዳይ አልነበረም። መስራቹም ፕሮፌሰር አስራት የህክምና እንጂ የፖለቲካ ሊቅ ስላልነበሩ ስለድርጅቱ የፖለቲካ ቁመና ብዙ ባይጨነቁ የሚገርም አልነበረም። መአሕድ ሲጀመር ከፖለቲካ ድርጅትነት ይልቅ የሰብአዊ መብት ተሟጋች ድርጅትነት ባህሪያቱ ያየሉበት እንደነበር አስታውሳለሁ።የሆነውም ይህ ነው። የመላው የአማራ ህዝብ ድርጅት (መ አ ሕ ድ) በዘር የፖለቲካ አደረጃጃት ውስጥ ያልታቀፈውን ሁሉንም ኢትዮጵያዊ ያቅፋል የሚል አስተሳስብ በመያዙ ድርጅቱ በተመሰርተበት ወቅት በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ በብሄር መደራጀት እንዳይችሉ የሆኑትን ወይንም በኢትዮጵያዊነታቸው መደራጀት የሚፈልጉትን የተለያዩ ብሄር ሰዎችን ኤርትራውያንም ጭምር ያቀፈ ድርጅት ለመሆን በቅቶ ነበር። እንዲህ አይነት ግራ የሚያጋባ አደረጃጀት የመጣው የአማራ የፖለቲካ እሳቤ በራሱ በአማራ ልሂቅ ሆነ በሌሎች ኢትዮጵያውያን አይን ከኢትዮጵያዊነት ውጭ ሌላ ምንም ሊሆን አይችልም የሚል በመሆኑ ነው። ይህ እሳቤ ገዥ አመለካከት በነበረበት ዘመን አማራዊ ማንነትን አንስቶ የአማራ ህዝብ በቅድሚያ ማንነቱን ከጥቃት መከላከል የሚችልበት በማንነቱ ዙሪያ የተመሰረተ ድርጅት ያስፈልገዋል የሚል አጀንዳ መግፋት እጅግ ከባድ ነበር። በ1985 አም “የአማራ ህዝብ ከየት ወዴት” በሚል ርእስ ባሳተምኩት ጽሁፍ ላይ ይህን የፖለቲካ ጥራት ያልነበረውን አጠቃላይ የአማራ አደረጃጀት በተመለክተ እንዲህ ብዬ ነበር። “እስካለንበት ወቅት በይፋ የአማራውን ህዝብ እንወክላለን ያሉ ሁለት ድርጅቶች አሉ። አንዱ ኢ.ህ.ዴ.ን ( የኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦች ዴሞክራሲያዊ ንቅናቄ) ሌላው መ.አ.ህ.ድ ( የመላው አማራ ህዝብ ድርጅት) ናቸው። እነዚህ ድርጅቶች የአማራውን ህዝብ ለምን እንዴት እንደሚወክሉ ያቀረቧቸው ጥናቶች ፕሮግራሞች የሚያደርጓቸው ተግባራዊ እንቅስቃሴዎች እንደ ሌሎች የብሄር ድርጅቶች በግልጽ የሚታይ ባለመሆኑ በድርጅቶቹ ላይ ለጊዜው አስተያየት ከመስጠት ተቆጥበናል።” በተለይ በአሁኑ ጊዜ የአማራው ህዝብ በተለይ ምሁሩ በአማራነትና በብሄረተኝነት ጥያቄዎች ላይ ያሉትን ችግሮች በስፋት ተወያይቶ ወደ አንድ የጠራ አመለካከት ባልመጣበት ወቅት በእነዚህ ድርጅቶች ላይ አስቀድመን አስተያየት ማሳረፍ አፍራሽ ሚና መጫወት ይሆናል የሚል እምነት አለን።“ በወቅቱ እንደሚታውቀው ኢህዴን የሚባለው ድርጅት (የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ አብዬታዊ ንቅናቄ) የሚል ስም ይዞ የአማራ ድርጅት ነኝ እንዲል የወያኔን መመሪያ ተቀብሎ የሚንቀሳቅስበ ወቅት ነበር። የሚያስተዳድረውም ክልል የአማራን ክልል ነበር። ኢህዴን እንደሌሎች የሃገሪቱ የብሄር ድርጅቶች እንደገና በወያኔ ትእዛዝ ወደ ብአዴን (ብሄር አማራ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ንቅናቄ) የተቀየረው ከተወሰነ አመታት በኋላ ነበር። በኢህዴን ውስጥ፣ በፖለቲካ ጉዳዮች ሃላፊነቱ የተነሳ ኢህዴን ወደ አማራ ድርጅትነት ለመቀየር ሲታሰብ መዘጋጀት የነበረበትን ማኒፌስቶ የጻፈውም በረከት ሰምኦን ነበር። ብአዴን ሲመሰረት እኔ ከኢህዴግ ጋር የነበረኝ ግንኙነት ተበጥሶ ቀደሞ ወደ ነበርኩበት ሃገር ወደ እንግሊዝ ተመልሼ ነበር። ቢሆንም በረከት ኢህዴንን ወደ አማራ ድርጅትነት ለመቀየር የሚያስችለውን ረቂቅ ሰነድ የመጀመሪያውን ድራፍት ሲያቅርብ በተወልደ ወልደማሪያም (ከመለስ ዜናዊ ቀጥሎ የህወሃት ትልቁ ሰውና የፖሊት ቢሮ አባል የነበረው) በሚመራው የድርጅት ኮሚቴ አባልና ተሰብሳቢ ነበርኩ። የበረከት ሰምኦን የአማራ ማኒፌስቶ የአማራን ህዝብ በነፍጠኛነትና በትምክሀተኛነት በማውገዝ የሚጀምር መሆኑን በማየት “እንዴት የአንድን ህዝብ የማደራጃ ሰንድ አንድ ህዝብ በመሳደብ ይጀመራል?” የሚል ቅሬታዬን አሰማሁ። ቅሬታዬን የህወሃትም ሰዎች በተለይ ደግሞ ተወልደ ራሱ ደግፎት፣ በረከት ሰንዱን አሳሽሎ እንዲመጣ መመሪያ ተሰጠው። በስበባው ላይ ከነበሩት የኢህዴን ሰዎች አንዳቸውም አንድ ቃል አልተነፈሱም። በረከት የጻፈውን የሚያምኑበትን ስለሆነ መስሎኛል። ከተወሰነ ጊዜ በኋላ በተመሳሳይ ስብሰባ ላይ የሰነዱን መጥፋት አስመልክቼ “ያ የአማራ ድርጅት መመስረቻ ማኒፌስቶ የት ደረሰ” የሚል ጥያቄ ለበረከት አቀረብኩ። ጉዳዩ ነፍሱን ያስጨነቀችው በረከት የሰጠው ምላሽ እጅግ የሚያስገርም ነበር። “እኔ የአቅሜን ሞክሪያለሁ እናንተ አማሮቹ ሞክሩት” በማለት አማራ ባለመሆኑ የአማራ ማኒፌስቶ ለመጻፍ የተቸገረ መሆኑን ተናገረ። በረከት ይህን ብሎም ለረጅም አመታት የአማራው ድርጅት ተብዬው የብአዴን የፖሊት ቢሮ አባል ሆኖ እሰከመጨረሻው ቀጥሏል። ከኤርትራውያን ቤተሰቦች ጎንደር ላይ ተወልዶ ያደገው በረከት ሰምኦን፣ ወንድሙ የኢህአፓ አባል ሆኖ የተሰዋው በረከት ሰምኦን ኤርትራ የሚባል ብሄር ባልነበረባት የወያኔዋ ኢትዮጵያ ቀድሞ የነበረበትን ኢህዴንን ወደ አማራ ድርጅት እንዲቀየር የተወሰነው ውሳኔ ተከትሎ በአማራ ድርጅት ውስጥ መቀጠሉ አያስገርምም። በረከት ዛሬ በህይወት አለ። ስለማኒፌስቶው ያነሳሁትን ጉዳይ የሚክደው አይመስለኝም። እዚህ ላይ ቁም ነገሩ በረከት ሳይሆን የአማራ ብሄረተኛነት ያለፈባቸውን አስገራሚ ምእራፎች የሚያሳይ መሆኑ ነው። በተመሳሳይም በአማራ የፖለቲካ ብሄረተኛነት ጉዳይ ላይ ጥርት ያለ የፖለቲካ አቋም ያልነበረው፣ በአማራ መጨፍጨፍ ቁጭት በፕሮፊሰር አስራት ወልደደየስ የተቋቋመው ድርጅት ራሱን ከመላው አማራ ህዝብ ድርጅትነት ወደመላው የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ድርጅትነት (መኢህድ) ለመቀየር ብዙ አመታታ አልፈጀበትም። ለምን ይህ እንደሆነ ዝርዝርና በርካታ ምክንያቶች ሊኖሩ እንደሚችሉ ቢገመትም፣ በአማራ ልሂቅ ዘንድ በአማራ ማንነት ላይ የቆመ የፖለቲካ ንቃተ ህሊና አለመኖር ዋናው ምክንያት መሆኑ መጠራጠር አይኖርብንም። ፈተናው ቀላል እንዳልነበረ ሆኖም ግን ይህን ፈተና ማለፍ እንደሚገባን በማመን ቀደም ብዬ በጠቀስኩት “የአማራ ህዝብ ከየት ወዴት” በሚለው መጽሃፍ ላይ ደግሜ ደጋግሜ በሚከተለው መልኩ ገልጨው ነበር። “መጭውን የታሪክ ጉዞ ከምኞት ውጭ ለማየት ከፈለግን ዛሬ ያለንበትን እውነታ ከስሜትና ከጠባብ ፍላጎት ነጻ ሆነን በአግባቡ ማንበብ ይኖርብናል። በሀገራችን ይህ እውነታ ብሄርና ብሄረሰብን መሰረት ያደረገ የህዝቦች የድርጅቶች እንቅስቃሴዎች የሚታይበት እውነታ ነው። ይህ እውነታ ያለፈን ታሪክ፣ የአውሮፓ ማኅበረሰብን የአንድነት ጉዞ፣ የአለምን መጥበብ የመሳሰሉትን ጉዳዮች በማንሳት የማንሸፍነው እውነታ ነው። በተለያዩ ምክንያቶች ይህንን እውነታ ለመቀበል ችግር የገጠመን ከማንም በላይ እኛን አማሮቹን ነው። በዚህ ግን መቀጠል እንደማንችል ግልጽ እየሆነ የመጣ ይመስላል። እንቀጥልም ከተባለ ይህ ድርጊታችን በአጠቃላይ በኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦች በተለይም በአማራው ህዝብ ህይወት ላይ የከፋ መዘዝ የሚያመጣ ይሆናል። የአማራው ህዝብ ጠንካራ ብሄራዊ ማንነቱን አዳብሮ በዚህ ብሄረተኛነት ዙሪያ ተሰባስቦ ለታላላቅ ፖለቲካዊ ኢኮኖሚዊና ማህበራዊ ክንዋኔዎች ራሱን በፍጥነት ማዘጋጀት ካልቻለ፤ ይህ ህዝብ በሚሊዮኖች በረሀብ የሚረግፍበት በሚሊዮኖች የሚሰደድበት እንደ ህዝብ ክብሩ ነጻነቱና ህልውናው ከማይጠበቅበት ሁኔታ ውስጥ እንደሚገባ መጠራጠር አይኖርብንም።” እንደገናም በዚሁ ጉዳይ ላይ ዳግም በመመለስ፣ “ባለንበት ሁኔታ የአማራ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ሀይሎች ጊዜ የማይሽረውን አኩሪ ህዝባዊ ታሪካቸውን አቅበው የአማራውን ህዝብ የመብትና የነጻነት ባለቤት፣ የሰላምና የብልጽግና ጌታ ለማድረግ በዋነኛነት በመስራት ብቻ ነው፤ ከአማራውም ህዝብ ሆነ ከተቀሩት የኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦች የሚጠበቅባቸውን ግዴታ መወጣት የሚችሉት። ይህን አዲስ እውነታ አለማጤን እምነትን በተግባር ለመተርጎም በማያስችል ከወሬ ከማያልፍ የተበተነ ተራ የፍትህ የዴሞክራሲ የእኩልነትና የአንድነት ቱልቱላ ሆኖ አየር ላይ መቅረትን ያስከትላል። ከዚህ በላይ በአንድ ዘመን በሽዎች የሚቆጠሩ ተራራ የሚያነቃንቅ ጽኑ ህዝባዊ እምነት የነበራቸው ዴሞክራቶችን ያፈራው የአማራ ህዝብ ዛሬ የሁላችንንም ዕውቀት ጉልበትና መስዋዕትነት በሚጠይቅበት ወቅት የተለያዩ ምክንያቶች እያቀረብን በምኞት ፈረስ እየጋለብን ከዳር ቆመን ብናየው ድርጊታችን በታሪክ ፊት የሚያስወቅሰን ይሆናል። የአማራውንም ሆነ ሌሎችንም የኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦች የቀን ጅቦች ሲሳይ ማዳረጋችን አይቀርም።” እንደገናም በዚች ትንሽ መጣጥፍ ውስጥ በቅርቡ ያያነው፣ በመቶዎች ሽዎች የአማራውን የመገደል፣ በሚሊዮኖች ከተለያዩ የሃገሪቱ ግዛቶች አዲስ አበባን ጨምሮ የመፈናቀል ዘመን መምጣትን በሚያመላክት መልኩ ይህ ተጽፎ ነበር። " “እውነት ነው ይህ አማራነት የምንለው ነገር ለብዙዎቻችን አዲስ ክስተት ነው። .......... የአማራ ምሁር በደመና ላይ ህንጻ ሰርቶ ወደ ምድረ አማራ አልወርድ ማለቱ በአማራው ህዝብ ህይወት ላይ ጉዳት ማድርሱ አይቀርም። የአማራው ህዝብ የትናንቱ ድህነት በሽታና ረሀብ ዛሬም አልተለየውም። ሁላችንም በውስጣችን እየተጫረች ያለችውን የአማራነት የስሜት ብልጭታ ወደ ውጋጋን ቀይረን በህዝባችን መካከል ያለውን ኢኮኖሚያዊና ማህበራዊ ችግር መፍታት ግዴታችን ነው። ታሪክ በምኞት በዘፈቀደ አይሰራም። ያለንበትን እውነታ በደንብ ለመረመረ የነገ ቤታችን የህዝባችን ተስፋ ዛሬ በረሃ እየበላቸው ዝናብ እያጠባቸው በመራቆት ላይ ያሉት የአማራ ተራሮች ላይ ነው። የነገ ማረፊያችን ዛሬ እንደ ባይተዋር የምናየው፣ የዛ የቆፈናም፣ የደበሎ ለባሽ፣ የዛ የሰው አክባሪ፣ የእንግዳ አስተናጋጅ የአማራ አርሶ አደር መንደር ነው።" ሙሉውን ጽሁፍ ለማንበብ ወደ ቦርከና ድረ ገጽ የሚወስድዎትን የሚቀጥለውን ማስፈንጠሪያ ይጫኑ። ለሌሎች ያጋሩ @NeaminZeleke@EmishawEskedar Dawit Al Ain Amharic አል ዐይን አማርኛ Ethiopian Reporter DW Amharic VOA Amharic Amhara Association of America (AAA) Amhara Awareness Amhara Professionals Union (APU) Amhara Association of Los Angeles Amhara Association of Bay Area (AABA) Genocide Prevention In Ethiopia

Andargachew Tsege

18,845 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

Meet Priya Saroj, MP from Machhlishahr Lok Sabha constituency, representing the Samajwadi Party. A voter requested her: “There is a lighting problem at a public temple in our area. Please install at least one solar light there.” Priya Saroj: “I already have 400 applications pending. I will first take up the ones that are more urgent.” The voter replied: “But nothing has been done in our area since you became an MP. At least get one light installed.” Priya Saroj: “Then do one thing, get the work done through the BJP.” This is the level of arrogance Samajwadi Party politicians display towards Hindu voters. They beg for votes during elections and then behave as if the voters are their servants. This ignorance toward Hindus and disrespect toward Hindu gods is the reason her husband Rinku Singh, has been facing a downfall ever since he married her. Soon, she will lose her position of power as well.
0:58

Meet Priya Saroj, MP from Machhlishahr Lok Sabha constituency, representing the Samajwadi Party. A voter requested her: “There is a lighting problem at a public temple in our area. Please install at least one solar light there.” Priya Saroj: “I already have 400 applications pending. I will first take up the ones that are more urgent.” The voter replied: “But nothing has been done in our area since you became an MP. At least get one light installed.” Priya Saroj: “Then do one thing, get the work done through the BJP.” This is the level of arrogance Samajwadi Party politicians display towards Hindu voters. They beg for votes during elections and then behave as if the voters are their servants. This ignorance toward Hindus and disrespect toward Hindu gods is the reason her husband Rinku Singh, has been facing a downfall ever since he married her. Soon, she will lose her position of power as well.

𝐊𝐨𝐡𝐥𝐢𝐧𝐚𝐭!𝟎𝐧_👑🚩

277,357 Aufrufe • vor 1 Monat

IN THE LABOUR PARTY - NO GODFATHERS. - NO COMPROMISES. - ONLY THE PEOPLE MATTER. Barr. Julius Abure, National Chairman of the Labour Party, has drawn a bold line in the sand: Nigeria must break free from recycled politics and criminal godfatherism. The Labour Party is not built on backroom deals, political puppetry, or the influence of moneybags. It is built on ideology, integrity, and the unshakable power of the people. While others talk change, the Labour Party proved it during the 2022 and 2023 general elections. We did not just challenge the system, we shook it. Nigeria’s biggest political cancer is godfatherism, a system that trades competence for obedience, integrity for loyalty, and national progress for personal gain. As Barr. Abure rightly states, godfathers do not raise leaders; they manufacture yes-men, installed to be controlled, manipulated, and used as conduits to loot public resources. The Labour Party has rejected this rot, completely and unapologetically. Here, merit beats money. Character beats connection. The people beat the elite. And history has already recorded it: in the 2023 elections, the Labour Party made the impossible possible. An Okada rider and a bus conductor were both elected into the House of Representatives. That was not luck; that was a revolution at the ballot box. The Labour Party is not for a few; it is for artisans, workers, youths, market women, farmers, the poor, the forgotten, and the fed-up majority who are done with suffering and ready to take back their country. Barr. Julius Abure’s call is loud and clear: Join the Labour Party. Take power back. Let’s make Nigeria work. Because this is not just a party: THIS IS A MOVEMENT. THIS IS THE PEOPLE’S FIGHT. THIS IS THE LABOUR PARTY. By: Hon. Amb. AJU Elumelu-James (Special Adviser to the Labour Party National Chairman, Barrister Julius Abure, on Media and Strategic Communication.)🖊️ LabourPartyNG Hon. Amb. AJU Elumelu AJU Global Media AJU2KOBO
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IN THE LABOUR PARTY - NO GODFATHERS. - NO COMPROMISES. - ONLY THE PEOPLE MATTER. Barr. Julius Abure, National Chairman of the Labour Party, has drawn a bold line in the sand: Nigeria must break free from recycled politics and criminal godfatherism. The Labour Party is not built on backroom deals, political puppetry, or the influence of moneybags. It is built on ideology, integrity, and the unshakable power of the people. While others talk change, the Labour Party proved it during the 2022 and 2023 general elections. We did not just challenge the system, we shook it. Nigeria’s biggest political cancer is godfatherism, a system that trades competence for obedience, integrity for loyalty, and national progress for personal gain. As Barr. Abure rightly states, godfathers do not raise leaders; they manufacture yes-men, installed to be controlled, manipulated, and used as conduits to loot public resources. The Labour Party has rejected this rot, completely and unapologetically. Here, merit beats money. Character beats connection. The people beat the elite. And history has already recorded it: in the 2023 elections, the Labour Party made the impossible possible. An Okada rider and a bus conductor were both elected into the House of Representatives. That was not luck; that was a revolution at the ballot box. The Labour Party is not for a few; it is for artisans, workers, youths, market women, farmers, the poor, the forgotten, and the fed-up majority who are done with suffering and ready to take back their country. Barr. Julius Abure’s call is loud and clear: Join the Labour Party. Take power back. Let’s make Nigeria work. Because this is not just a party: THIS IS A MOVEMENT. THIS IS THE PEOPLE’S FIGHT. THIS IS THE LABOUR PARTY. By: Hon. Amb. AJU Elumelu-James (Special Adviser to the Labour Party National Chairman, Barrister Julius Abure, on Media and Strategic Communication.)🖊️ LabourPartyNG Hon. Amb. AJU Elumelu AJU Global Media AJU2KOBO

Barr. Julius Abure

12,061 Aufrufe • vor 8 Monaten

Look at their faces. What do you see? I wanted to look them in the eye and say, on the record, that they are attempting to reconstruct this government to undo Black progress. Their targeting of @calvin4clerk is rooted in that reality, and it needed to be called out plainly. I showed up speaking for myself. No organization in Louisiana sent me. No party asked me to come. I say that to make clear much of this work is being done independently, without formal partnerships, and without the budgets, staff, or institutional backing many established organizations have. I came because what they are doing is wrong. The court reconstruction happening in New Orleans has been done in different ways already in Baton Rouge and across this state—especially in the largest, Blackest cities—to dilute Black political power. I started Civics for the People because I know many of us don’t know what is happening inside government or how these systems are used. It’s my way of teaching the game and helping our people move with knowledge. Their elections are in 2027. We can send them home to frown and chew grass much gum as they please. If you believe this work matters, support Civics for the People at the link in my bio so I can teach the people and send some on these people home. Share if you care 🦾
2:56

Look at their faces. What do you see? I wanted to look them in the eye and say, on the record, that they are attempting to reconstruct this government to undo Black progress. Their targeting of @calvin4clerk is rooted in that reality, and it needed to be called out plainly. I showed up speaking for myself. No organization in Louisiana sent me. No party asked me to come. I say that to make clear much of this work is being done independently, without formal partnerships, and without the budgets, staff, or institutional backing many established organizations have. I came because what they are doing is wrong. The court reconstruction happening in New Orleans has been done in different ways already in Baton Rouge and across this state—especially in the largest, Blackest cities—to dilute Black political power. I started Civics for the People because I know many of us don’t know what is happening inside government or how these systems are used. It’s my way of teaching the game and helping our people move with knowledge. Their elections are in 2027. We can send them home to frown and chew grass much gum as they please. If you believe this work matters, support Civics for the People at the link in my bio so I can teach the people and send some on these people home. Share if you care 🦾

Gary Chambers

199,310 Aufrufe • vor 5 Monaten

#آٹھ_فروری_یوم_وفا Open Letter from Former Prime Minister Imran Khan to the Chief of Army Staff: "The army is mine, and the country is also mine!! Our soldiers are sacrificing for Pakistan. For success in the war against terrorism, it is essential that the nation stands behind the army, but sadly, due to the policies of the establishment, the gap between the army and the public is increasing day by day. There are several fundamental reasons for this, which the establishment needs to consider and revise its policies to reduce the growing distance between the people and the army, as well as to mitigate the army's tarnishing image. The biggest reason is the historical rigging in the 2024 elections and the blatant theft of the public mandate, which has fueled public anger. The manner in which agencies were involved in pre-poll rigging and controlling results through political engineering has severely undermined the nation's trust. By giving power to a party that won only 17 seats, an 'imported government' was imposed on the country. The second reason is the 26th Constitutional Amendment. The way the judiciary has been controlled through this amendment, violating the constitution and law, has created deep-seated resentment among the Pakistani public. My cases were delayed by Nasir Javed Rana to be assigned to 'pocket judges'. The ongoing 'court packing' in the courts aims to ensure that cases against Imran Khan can be decided by judges of choice. All this is intended to secure favorable judgments in cases against me, to violate human rights, and to cover up electoral fraud so that there are no transparent decisions in the judiciary. The third reason is the draconian law like PECA. Electronic media was already under control, now with PECA, restrictions have been imposed on social media and the internet as well. Due to all this, Pakistan's GSP Plus status is also at risk. The disruption in the internet has already caused a loss of over 1.72 billion dollars to our IT industry, ruining the careers of young people. The fourth major reason is the ongoing state terrorism against the country's largest and most popular party. Over a hundred thousand raids were conducted, disregarding the sanctity of our leaders' and workers' homes, more than twenty thousand workers and supporters were arrested, kidnapped, their families harassed, and human rights violations continue incessantly to crush the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, which has deeply hurt public sentiments. The fifth major reason is the dire economic situation due to political instability, forcing people and capital to leave Pakistan at an accelerated pace. Economic instability is at its peak, growth rate is zero, and investment in Pakistan is negligible. Investment in any country is not possible without the rule of law and justice. Where there is fear of terrorism, no one wants to invest. Investment comes only when there is a government that represents the aspirations of the people; otherwise, all efforts are futile. Sixth major reason is all institutions abandoning their duties to take revenge on Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf politically. The disobedience of court orders by officials at the rank of Major and Colonel continues. Judicial decisions are being trampled underfoot, which is bringing disgrace upon the entire army. The day before yesterday, an ATC judge ordered my wife to join the investigation in court, yet despite her willingness, an unseen force sabotaged it. For national stability and security, it is imperative that the gap between the army and the people decreases, and the only way to reduce this growing gap is for the army to return to its constitutional limits, separate itself from politics, and fulfill its designated responsibilities, and the army has to do this itself; otherwise, these widening gaps will become fault lines in national security's rectification." #قوم_کی_آواز_خان_کی_رہائی #خان_کا_حکم_ترسیلات_بائیکاٹ #مینڈیٹ_چور_اردلی_حکومت #ImranKhan #Pakistan #AsimMunir
1:08

#آٹھ_فروری_یوم_وفا Open Letter from Former Prime Minister Imran Khan to the Chief of Army Staff: "The army is mine, and the country is also mine!! Our soldiers are sacrificing for Pakistan. For success in the war against terrorism, it is essential that the nation stands behind the army, but sadly, due to the policies of the establishment, the gap between the army and the public is increasing day by day. There are several fundamental reasons for this, which the establishment needs to consider and revise its policies to reduce the growing distance between the people and the army, as well as to mitigate the army's tarnishing image. The biggest reason is the historical rigging in the 2024 elections and the blatant theft of the public mandate, which has fueled public anger. The manner in which agencies were involved in pre-poll rigging and controlling results through political engineering has severely undermined the nation's trust. By giving power to a party that won only 17 seats, an 'imported government' was imposed on the country. The second reason is the 26th Constitutional Amendment. The way the judiciary has been controlled through this amendment, violating the constitution and law, has created deep-seated resentment among the Pakistani public. My cases were delayed by Nasir Javed Rana to be assigned to 'pocket judges'. The ongoing 'court packing' in the courts aims to ensure that cases against Imran Khan can be decided by judges of choice. All this is intended to secure favorable judgments in cases against me, to violate human rights, and to cover up electoral fraud so that there are no transparent decisions in the judiciary. The third reason is the draconian law like PECA. Electronic media was already under control, now with PECA, restrictions have been imposed on social media and the internet as well. Due to all this, Pakistan's GSP Plus status is also at risk. The disruption in the internet has already caused a loss of over 1.72 billion dollars to our IT industry, ruining the careers of young people. The fourth major reason is the ongoing state terrorism against the country's largest and most popular party. Over a hundred thousand raids were conducted, disregarding the sanctity of our leaders' and workers' homes, more than twenty thousand workers and supporters were arrested, kidnapped, their families harassed, and human rights violations continue incessantly to crush the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, which has deeply hurt public sentiments. The fifth major reason is the dire economic situation due to political instability, forcing people and capital to leave Pakistan at an accelerated pace. Economic instability is at its peak, growth rate is zero, and investment in Pakistan is negligible. Investment in any country is not possible without the rule of law and justice. Where there is fear of terrorism, no one wants to invest. Investment comes only when there is a government that represents the aspirations of the people; otherwise, all efforts are futile. Sixth major reason is all institutions abandoning their duties to take revenge on Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf politically. The disobedience of court orders by officials at the rank of Major and Colonel continues. Judicial decisions are being trampled underfoot, which is bringing disgrace upon the entire army. The day before yesterday, an ATC judge ordered my wife to join the investigation in court, yet despite her willingness, an unseen force sabotaged it. For national stability and security, it is imperative that the gap between the army and the people decreases, and the only way to reduce this growing gap is for the army to return to its constitutional limits, separate itself from politics, and fulfill its designated responsibilities, and the army has to do this itself; otherwise, these widening gaps will become fault lines in national security's rectification." #قوم_کی_آواز_خان_کی_رہائی #خان_کا_حکم_ترسیلات_بائیکاٹ #مینڈیٹ_چور_اردلی_حکومت #ImranKhan #Pakistan #AsimMunir

Sheikh Khan

12,549 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

In the corridors of Westminster, momentum is building for a decision that could reshape the Horn of Africa: the formal recognition of Somaliland as an independent state. A representative of His Majesty’s Government recently remarked in conversation that the issue is taking on renewed urgency. At least ten prominent British parliamentarians and peers—both past and present—have publicly expressed their support for #Somaliland in recent years. Political Heavyweights Leading the charge is Sir Sir Gavin Williamson CBE MP MP (Conservative), MP for Stone, Great Wyrley & Penkridge, and Chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group (#APPG) on Somaliland. Williamson’s advocacy has become the most visible symbol of Westminster’s growing awareness that #Somaliland deserves recognition. Joining him are figures such as Kim Johnson (The Labour Party Ireland), Co-Chair of the APPG and MP for Liverpool Riverside, and the ever-eminent Tom Tugendhat MP (Conservative), a respected voice on foreign affairs. The support extends into the House of Lords, with Lord (Edward) Julian Udny-Lister, a life peer and officer of the APPG, and David Howell of Guildford, who pressed the case during an October 2024 Lords debate. Former ministers and members of UK House of Commons have also added their weight: Zac Goldsmith, who openly called for recognition; Tim Loughton, who rallied a cross-party group of 15 MPs to push the Government; Stephen Doughty HC MP, who led delegations to Somaliland; and Paul Blomfield, the former The Labour Party MP who consistently raised Somaliland in #Commons debates until he stepped down in May 2024. This list represents more than isolated goodwill. It signals a cross-party consensus that Somaliland’s case is legitimate, long-standing, and increasingly unavoidable. The Race Against Time For many in #Westminster, the urgency is geopolitical. There is a real fear that #Britain could be outflanked by the United States if Donald J. Trump—moves first on recognition. This most exquisitely spoken Mandarin bluntly put it, “The UK cannot afford to be Trumped on Somaliland.” This sense of urgency is more than political maneuvering. It reflects Somaliland’s unique position: a functioning democracy in a region beset by instability, a partner on counterterrorism, and a former British protectorate whose independence was already once recognized. The Forgotten Independence of 1960 Somaliland’s story is not one of secession, but of interrupted sovereignty. On 26 June 1960, Somaliland achieved independence from Britain. Within days, more than 30 countries—including the UK, the US, Israel, Egypt, Ethiopia, and all five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council—formally recognized it. Crucially, #Somaliland was admitted to the United Nations as a full member on the very day of independence, under UN Resolution 141 (1960). Diplomatic notes were exchanged with the UK, and sovereign relations established. Five days later, in an ambitious but ill-fated experiment, Somaliland entered a union with the former Trust Territory of Somalia. But the union was never legally sound: Somaliland passed a “Union of Somaliland and Somalia Law” on 27 June 1960. Somalia passed a different “Act of Union” on 30 June. The two texts did not match and were never harmonized. Somaliland’s legislature never ratified the provisional Somali constitution. No valid treaty of union was ever deposited at the #UN, as required by Article 102 of the UN Charter. Yet, on 1 July 1960, Somalia presented itself to the world as the “continuation” of both states, effectively absorbing "impersonating," Somaliland’s independent UN membership. To many legal scholars, this amounted to a theft of sovereignty. Somaliland’s statehood was not legally dissolved, but politically sidelined. Impersonated at the UN What followed was decades of instability under the unified Republic of Somalia. The Somali state collapsed into civil war in 1991. From that moment, Somaliland quietly reasserted the independence it had briefly held in 1960. It built its own government, constitution, currency, judiciary, and armed forces. It has held multiple competitive elections judged free and fair by international observers. Unlike Mogadishu, which has struggled #terrorism, #piracy, and foreign interventions, #Somaliland has maintained relative peace and stability. It has acted as a de facto sovereign state for over three decades, yet remains unrecognized in the international system—a paradox born of a union that never legally existed. Why Recognition Matters Now Recognition is more than symbolism. It would unlock access to international financing, formalize Somaliland’s role as a regional security partner, and strengthen the UK’s diplomatic influence in the Horn of Africa. Critically, it would also correct a historical wrong. #Somaliland was recognized once already, its #UN membership unjustly erased without due process. Unlike other self-determination cases, #Somaliland is not seeking to break away from Somalia—it is seeking to restore its rightful, documented independence. A Time For Action In Westminster, the message is increasingly clear: the UK has a unique responsibility and a strategic opportunity. By moving first, #London would reaffirm historic ties, correct a legal injustice, and secure an ally in one of the world’s most volatile regions. As one 'parliamentarian told me: “Somaliland has done everything asked of it—peace, democracy, stability. It is time #Britain did the right thing. Recognition is not just an option; it is an obligation.” For #Somaliland, the wait has already lasted 64 years. The question is no longer whether recognition is deserved, but whether Britain will finally step forward—or allow history to repeat itself, with others leading the way. Somalilanders (video clip) "Last, week: It truly pained me to see that only one flag was missing among those of the Commonwealth countries hanging in Westminster, London — the flag of #Somaliland."
0:42

In the corridors of Westminster, momentum is building for a decision that could reshape the Horn of Africa: the formal recognition of Somaliland as an independent state. A representative of His Majesty’s Government recently remarked in conversation that the issue is taking on renewed urgency. At least ten prominent British parliamentarians and peers—both past and present—have publicly expressed their support for #Somaliland in recent years. Political Heavyweights Leading the charge is Sir Sir Gavin Williamson CBE MP MP (Conservative), MP for Stone, Great Wyrley & Penkridge, and Chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group (#APPG) on Somaliland. Williamson’s advocacy has become the most visible symbol of Westminster’s growing awareness that #Somaliland deserves recognition. Joining him are figures such as Kim Johnson (The Labour Party Ireland), Co-Chair of the APPG and MP for Liverpool Riverside, and the ever-eminent Tom Tugendhat MP (Conservative), a respected voice on foreign affairs. The support extends into the House of Lords, with Lord (Edward) Julian Udny-Lister, a life peer and officer of the APPG, and David Howell of Guildford, who pressed the case during an October 2024 Lords debate. Former ministers and members of UK House of Commons have also added their weight: Zac Goldsmith, who openly called for recognition; Tim Loughton, who rallied a cross-party group of 15 MPs to push the Government; Stephen Doughty HC MP, who led delegations to Somaliland; and Paul Blomfield, the former The Labour Party MP who consistently raised Somaliland in #Commons debates until he stepped down in May 2024. This list represents more than isolated goodwill. It signals a cross-party consensus that Somaliland’s case is legitimate, long-standing, and increasingly unavoidable. The Race Against Time For many in #Westminster, the urgency is geopolitical. There is a real fear that #Britain could be outflanked by the United States if Donald J. Trump—moves first on recognition. This most exquisitely spoken Mandarin bluntly put it, “The UK cannot afford to be Trumped on Somaliland.” This sense of urgency is more than political maneuvering. It reflects Somaliland’s unique position: a functioning democracy in a region beset by instability, a partner on counterterrorism, and a former British protectorate whose independence was already once recognized. The Forgotten Independence of 1960 Somaliland’s story is not one of secession, but of interrupted sovereignty. On 26 June 1960, Somaliland achieved independence from Britain. Within days, more than 30 countries—including the UK, the US, Israel, Egypt, Ethiopia, and all five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council—formally recognized it. Crucially, #Somaliland was admitted to the United Nations as a full member on the very day of independence, under UN Resolution 141 (1960). Diplomatic notes were exchanged with the UK, and sovereign relations established. Five days later, in an ambitious but ill-fated experiment, Somaliland entered a union with the former Trust Territory of Somalia. But the union was never legally sound: Somaliland passed a “Union of Somaliland and Somalia Law” on 27 June 1960. Somalia passed a different “Act of Union” on 30 June. The two texts did not match and were never harmonized. Somaliland’s legislature never ratified the provisional Somali constitution. No valid treaty of union was ever deposited at the #UN, as required by Article 102 of the UN Charter. Yet, on 1 July 1960, Somalia presented itself to the world as the “continuation” of both states, effectively absorbing "impersonating," Somaliland’s independent UN membership. To many legal scholars, this amounted to a theft of sovereignty. Somaliland’s statehood was not legally dissolved, but politically sidelined. Impersonated at the UN What followed was decades of instability under the unified Republic of Somalia. The Somali state collapsed into civil war in 1991. From that moment, Somaliland quietly reasserted the independence it had briefly held in 1960. It built its own government, constitution, currency, judiciary, and armed forces. It has held multiple competitive elections judged free and fair by international observers. Unlike Mogadishu, which has struggled #terrorism, #piracy, and foreign interventions, #Somaliland has maintained relative peace and stability. It has acted as a de facto sovereign state for over three decades, yet remains unrecognized in the international system—a paradox born of a union that never legally existed. Why Recognition Matters Now Recognition is more than symbolism. It would unlock access to international financing, formalize Somaliland’s role as a regional security partner, and strengthen the UK’s diplomatic influence in the Horn of Africa. Critically, it would also correct a historical wrong. #Somaliland was recognized once already, its #UN membership unjustly erased without due process. Unlike other self-determination cases, #Somaliland is not seeking to break away from Somalia—it is seeking to restore its rightful, documented independence. A Time For Action In Westminster, the message is increasingly clear: the UK has a unique responsibility and a strategic opportunity. By moving first, #London would reaffirm historic ties, correct a legal injustice, and secure an ally in one of the world’s most volatile regions. As one 'parliamentarian told me: “Somaliland has done everything asked of it—peace, democracy, stability. It is time #Britain did the right thing. Recognition is not just an option; it is an obligation.” For #Somaliland, the wait has already lasted 64 years. The question is no longer whether recognition is deserved, but whether Britain will finally step forward—or allow history to repeat itself, with others leading the way. Somalilanders (video clip) "Last, week: It truly pained me to see that only one flag was missing among those of the Commonwealth countries hanging in Westminster, London — the flag of #Somaliland."

Samuel J. Rosenfeld 🇺🇸 They Lied — I Document

12,075 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

It's not just the birthrate, our best and brightest are looking for the exits too. If I hear another young, educated and talented fellow tell me they are done with Australia and are giving up, I am going to scream! It is hard to know exactly what to tell them at this point... It is the new pandemic… twenty-and-thirty-somethings - particularly men, with a small business or a great qualification - looking to give up and leave. They have lost hope. Sick of the scamming, lying, politicians; sick of being flogged and lectured at; sick of the taxes; and the so-called “aspiration for all” - whatever that means. Most of the young men I speak to haven’t been here long enough to know what I mean when I say: “I just want Australia back”. Unless you lived it, it is almost impossible to explain. I was just a kid when the bicentennial celebrations kicked off in ’88, but that is a good place to start. What a time to be an Australian. We were filled with hope. Men were men, and women were women… We were filled with pride in our common achievements and looked with hope to an even brighter tomorrow. Sure, people had a whinge from time to time, but they were never taken too seriously. We just shrugged, motored on and thought "she'll be right mate" - and it was. We took pride in our work because it meant more than just a paycheque and if we made something, it was Australian made. That meant it was the best quality. We had fun, and everyone had the opportunity to prosper at all levels. Labourers and lawyers alike could afford homes, cars and even holiday houses. It seems like a different world today as the ideologues, lobbyists and hacks redefined words like fairness and prosperity. Today it would seem it is fair that Coles and Woollies can charge just about whatever they want, and insurance companies can kick up their prices 40% per year, and nobody says a thing. Prosperity is being able to rent a 70 sqm Meriton apartment and a Netflix subscription. It’s all walking distance to public transport, so it could be worse… you could be out of work. Soon... They tax us on our income; they tax our assets; and the things we buy with money we already paid tax on. Sometimes they even add the GST on top of the excise. They have a rule, a regulation and a law for everything - and I mean everything. The nannies are working overtime, and they are just about the only part of the country that is experiencing productivity growth – they’ve got to rake in those fines after all. So, the boys are giving up. They’re planning to leave. To be replaced by more “bum-wiping” ‘skilled migrants’ flown in to help bolster the University fat-cats and NDIS scammers, as they put the ‘care economy’ into overdrive. Controversially, this is not all Albanese’s fault, it has been decades in the making, Albanese has just put the cherry on Morrison’s icing. Australia is indeed in freefall, in every way. It is hard to believe it was an accident. I think most of us can see that now, which is why less of us care what the major party talking heads have to say every day. We have almost reached the chapter in the story where people vote against the status-quo, and anyone who had anything to do with building it… because this growing despair among our young men is catching. Passed from child to parent, friend to friend, there’s a deep melancholy, and a pining for better times. Echoes from the first fleet, the gold rush, the ANZACs and the 80’s. World Expo. Sydney 2000. Our birthright. Our home. Our Australia. It still whispers if you listen. Time to scream at the idiots that ruined it with their guilt, their rules, their taxes, and their windmills – vote them all out. Start again. I just want Australia back.
6:02

It's not just the birthrate, our best and brightest are looking for the exits too. If I hear another young, educated and talented fellow tell me they are done with Australia and are giving up, I am going to scream! It is hard to know exactly what to tell them at this point... It is the new pandemic… twenty-and-thirty-somethings - particularly men, with a small business or a great qualification - looking to give up and leave. They have lost hope. Sick of the scamming, lying, politicians; sick of being flogged and lectured at; sick of the taxes; and the so-called “aspiration for all” - whatever that means. Most of the young men I speak to haven’t been here long enough to know what I mean when I say: “I just want Australia back”. Unless you lived it, it is almost impossible to explain. I was just a kid when the bicentennial celebrations kicked off in ’88, but that is a good place to start. What a time to be an Australian. We were filled with hope. Men were men, and women were women… We were filled with pride in our common achievements and looked with hope to an even brighter tomorrow. Sure, people had a whinge from time to time, but they were never taken too seriously. We just shrugged, motored on and thought "she'll be right mate" - and it was. We took pride in our work because it meant more than just a paycheque and if we made something, it was Australian made. That meant it was the best quality. We had fun, and everyone had the opportunity to prosper at all levels. Labourers and lawyers alike could afford homes, cars and even holiday houses. It seems like a different world today as the ideologues, lobbyists and hacks redefined words like fairness and prosperity. Today it would seem it is fair that Coles and Woollies can charge just about whatever they want, and insurance companies can kick up their prices 40% per year, and nobody says a thing. Prosperity is being able to rent a 70 sqm Meriton apartment and a Netflix subscription. It’s all walking distance to public transport, so it could be worse… you could be out of work. Soon... They tax us on our income; they tax our assets; and the things we buy with money we already paid tax on. Sometimes they even add the GST on top of the excise. They have a rule, a regulation and a law for everything - and I mean everything. The nannies are working overtime, and they are just about the only part of the country that is experiencing productivity growth – they’ve got to rake in those fines after all. So, the boys are giving up. They’re planning to leave. To be replaced by more “bum-wiping” ‘skilled migrants’ flown in to help bolster the University fat-cats and NDIS scammers, as they put the ‘care economy’ into overdrive. Controversially, this is not all Albanese’s fault, it has been decades in the making, Albanese has just put the cherry on Morrison’s icing. Australia is indeed in freefall, in every way. It is hard to believe it was an accident. I think most of us can see that now, which is why less of us care what the major party talking heads have to say every day. We have almost reached the chapter in the story where people vote against the status-quo, and anyone who had anything to do with building it… because this growing despair among our young men is catching. Passed from child to parent, friend to friend, there’s a deep melancholy, and a pining for better times. Echoes from the first fleet, the gold rush, the ANZACs and the 80’s. World Expo. Sydney 2000. Our birthright. Our home. Our Australia. It still whispers if you listen. Time to scream at the idiots that ruined it with their guilt, their rules, their taxes, and their windmills – vote them all out. Start again. I just want Australia back.

Matthew Camenzuli

14,167 Aufrufe • vor 3 Monaten

.Richard Grenell's lobbying firm, though he is not listed as a partner on paper, is collecting $200,000 per month from the government of Serbia, specifically through Sinisa Mali, the Minister of Finance and Grenell's bestie (see video below), and from the government of Republika Srpska, all while Grenell is pushing for concessions on the LNG deal he is promoting from Greece to Bulgaria. Also got the US sanctions removed on Dodik and his family. That $200,000 got the government of Serbia access to our Department of State and Rubio's support for the government of Milosevic, literally. (His party has remained in power for the past 20 years.) Meanwhile, the Serbian opposition has been calling for help from the EU and the US for those same 20 years. Fair elections in Serbia have long been dead. The US had been very tough on Vucic and Dodik. Of course, that changed once Grenell got involved, empowering these governments while signing billions of dollars in concessions with them. All these deals are being done in the name of the United States, while Grenell and a bunch of others are cashing in millions, and potentially billions. The U.S. has no direct interest. Rather, a US company is partnered with a Greek company that is probably paying Grenell and others involved in making these deals happen a percentage of the profits. Grenell secured $6 billion in concessions from the government of Albania, against all state rules and laws. That deal will be canceled as soon as Edi Rama is replaced. Guess who got screwed by all of this? Jared Kushner's projects, the one he had in Belgrade and the one in Albania. Why? Because the opposition in Serbia protested the same way ordinary people, not the opposition, protested in Albania. They all think Trump is okay with the corrupt deal Grenell is pushing in Serbia and with his support for corrupt governments like Vucic's and Rama's. In Albania, Grenell got on good terms with the leader of the opposition. Since that politician is under sanctions and Grenell was telling everyone he would be the future Secretary of State, they did everything possible to buy his favor. Meanwhile, the video below is from 2021. Grenell was publicly showcasing his close relationship with the Minister of Finance, Sinisa Mali, whom Serbian media have accused of corruption, Meanwhile, all of Grenell's trips in the Balkans during 2021-2024, were based on the understanding he would be the future Secretary of State. That's how he secured several major deals from which he is still benefiting today. Get it now why people are protesting in Serbia and Albania? They think their corrupt governments bought favor with Trump's administration. I bet if you asked Trump, he'd tell you he has no clue about any of it. Regardless, a great deal of damage has already been done in the region. The corrupt governments remain in power, while Russian influence has reached levels not seen in the past 30 to 40 years. All because Grenell and a few other clowns, acting in the name of our government, are giving them everything they need in exchange for corrupt deals and lobbying money. One thing I must point out: Over the past 30 years, the United States has had both Republican and Democratic administrations. None of them changed US policy in the region for the financial benefit of a few individuals while allowing Russia to expand its influence. What we are witnessing is absolutely unprecedented. This is the power of the shadow diplomacy run by corrupt characters like Richard Grenell and we will pay for it in the long run.
0:38

.Richard Grenell's lobbying firm, though he is not listed as a partner on paper, is collecting $200,000 per month from the government of Serbia, specifically through Sinisa Mali, the Minister of Finance and Grenell's bestie (see video below), and from the government of Republika Srpska, all while Grenell is pushing for concessions on the LNG deal he is promoting from Greece to Bulgaria. Also got the US sanctions removed on Dodik and his family. That $200,000 got the government of Serbia access to our Department of State and Rubio's support for the government of Milosevic, literally. (His party has remained in power for the past 20 years.) Meanwhile, the Serbian opposition has been calling for help from the EU and the US for those same 20 years. Fair elections in Serbia have long been dead. The US had been very tough on Vucic and Dodik. Of course, that changed once Grenell got involved, empowering these governments while signing billions of dollars in concessions with them. All these deals are being done in the name of the United States, while Grenell and a bunch of others are cashing in millions, and potentially billions. The U.S. has no direct interest. Rather, a US company is partnered with a Greek company that is probably paying Grenell and others involved in making these deals happen a percentage of the profits. Grenell secured $6 billion in concessions from the government of Albania, against all state rules and laws. That deal will be canceled as soon as Edi Rama is replaced. Guess who got screwed by all of this? Jared Kushner's projects, the one he had in Belgrade and the one in Albania. Why? Because the opposition in Serbia protested the same way ordinary people, not the opposition, protested in Albania. They all think Trump is okay with the corrupt deal Grenell is pushing in Serbia and with his support for corrupt governments like Vucic's and Rama's. In Albania, Grenell got on good terms with the leader of the opposition. Since that politician is under sanctions and Grenell was telling everyone he would be the future Secretary of State, they did everything possible to buy his favor. Meanwhile, the video below is from 2021. Grenell was publicly showcasing his close relationship with the Minister of Finance, Sinisa Mali, whom Serbian media have accused of corruption, Meanwhile, all of Grenell's trips in the Balkans during 2021-2024, were based on the understanding he would be the future Secretary of State. That's how he secured several major deals from which he is still benefiting today. Get it now why people are protesting in Serbia and Albania? They think their corrupt governments bought favor with Trump's administration. I bet if you asked Trump, he'd tell you he has no clue about any of it. Regardless, a great deal of damage has already been done in the region. The corrupt governments remain in power, while Russian influence has reached levels not seen in the past 30 to 40 years. All because Grenell and a few other clowns, acting in the name of our government, are giving them everything they need in exchange for corrupt deals and lobbying money. One thing I must point out: Over the past 30 years, the United States has had both Republican and Democratic administrations. None of them changed US policy in the region for the financial benefit of a few individuals while allowing Russia to expand its influence. What we are witnessing is absolutely unprecedented. This is the power of the shadow diplomacy run by corrupt characters like Richard Grenell and we will pay for it in the long run.

Evi

54,644 Aufrufe • vor 2 Monaten

In 2012 at the age of 31, I left the NRM Party party where I was a senior cadre, a communications coordinator and youth leader due to the hypocrisy within and mainly the arrogance of the then SG Justine Kasule Lumumba and I had vowed to leave politics for good but during his visit to Johannesburg in 2015 prior to the 2016 elections, Dr Kifefe Kizza-Besigye met and persuaded me to come back home and join the FDC campaigns and I openly accepted his gesture. After the 2016 elections, I said never again to politics and I went ahead minding my own business but as they say old habits die hard, in 2017 during the Kyadondo by-election, my brother Eddie Mutwe pressed me so much to join the BOBI WINE campaigns but I declined until at the beginning of 2018 when I finally accepted to be part of the People Power Uganda movement and I am proud to have been one of its pioneer members. Our activism faced numerous challenges and in 2020 National Unity Platform was born and I was one of the most senior persons however, I had already become uncomfortable due to how things were moving yet I had invested so much in the struggle both with time and financial resources. During that period, I was always in touch with my good friends Captain Mukula who was the NRM Vice Chairman Eastern and the CGP Afande Johnson Byabashaija plus my Uncle Col James Nkojo who is the ADC to Afande Saleh. They always asked me to come back home to my mother party the NRM and in October 2023, I finally decided to get back home thinking that it is where I indeed belonged and things were going to be better. As the country geared up for the 2026 elections, I decided to run for an office, I chose to contest in the NRM primaries for the Makindye Division Mayorship and I was rigged out, went and met Mzee Yoweri K Museveni at State House who asked me not to run as an independent but instead support the flag bearer, on top of that he asked Deputy SG Rose Namayanja , Hon. Haruna Kyeyune Kasolo , Kiryowa Kiwanuka and other officials who were present to add me on Mzee's national task force and give me facilitation as well. None of what Mzee asked Deputy SG Namayanja and others to do for me was done, I frequented the NRM Secretariat for 3 weeks before the campaigns began until one day when Namayanja accepted to see me and I reminded her what Mzee had said when we met him at State House. Namayanja asked me to write what I needed, my top most request was to rebrand my Noah vehicle from my mayoral posters to Mzee's posters, she asked me to put everything in writing which I did but didn't get anything until now. Seeing that the people at the secretariat were not friendly and time consuming, I decided to use my own resources, rebranded the vehicle and made it Mzee's moving billboard on top of funding my mobilisation activities until the last day. After the elections, as financially constrained and indebted as I was, I reached out to Deputy SG Namayanja, she sent me to Nekesa Barbara who kept on ignoring my calls until I gave up, I said to myself let me count the losses, I gave up! Now, I am surprised that with the work that I did during Mzee's campaigns, which included to orient the NUP converts in all Mzee's rallies in Buganda, no one has reached out to me for a thank you or an invitation to Kololo, it is really painful and this is the last time I am complaining! I was born a result oriented person and the next time I leave the NRM, without fear or contradiction, I will join its forceful removal from power!😡 My father & grandfather are bushwar heroes who sacrificed their everything in Nakaseke fighting alongside Mzee, my grandie died on 26th Jan 1986 the very day Kampala fell to the NRA due to the long time wounds and scars he had sustained. God bless the holy land of Israel! 🙏 #Mao4SpeakerUG Muhoozi Kainerugaba David Sejusa, DM. CHARLES RWOMUSHANA Natasha Museveni Karugire Norbert Mao Ofwono Opondo P'Odel Todwong Richard Hajjat Medina Naham Ojale (ANINGO) Alan Kasujja ChimpReports Tabz NABBANJA ROBINAH Beatrice Mao A.K.A Lady TEGOT AIGP(Rtd) Asan Kasingye Emmanuel Lumala Dombo Canary Mugume Kin Kariisa🇺🇬 Kakwenza Rukirabashaija
1:05

In 2012 at the age of 31, I left the NRM Party party where I was a senior cadre, a communications coordinator and youth leader due to the hypocrisy within and mainly the arrogance of the then SG Justine Kasule Lumumba and I had vowed to leave politics for good but during his visit to Johannesburg in 2015 prior to the 2016 elections, Dr Kifefe Kizza-Besigye met and persuaded me to come back home and join the FDC campaigns and I openly accepted his gesture. After the 2016 elections, I said never again to politics and I went ahead minding my own business but as they say old habits die hard, in 2017 during the Kyadondo by-election, my brother Eddie Mutwe pressed me so much to join the BOBI WINE campaigns but I declined until at the beginning of 2018 when I finally accepted to be part of the People Power Uganda movement and I am proud to have been one of its pioneer members. Our activism faced numerous challenges and in 2020 National Unity Platform was born and I was one of the most senior persons however, I had already become uncomfortable due to how things were moving yet I had invested so much in the struggle both with time and financial resources. During that period, I was always in touch with my good friends Captain Mukula who was the NRM Vice Chairman Eastern and the CGP Afande Johnson Byabashaija plus my Uncle Col James Nkojo who is the ADC to Afande Saleh. They always asked me to come back home to my mother party the NRM and in October 2023, I finally decided to get back home thinking that it is where I indeed belonged and things were going to be better. As the country geared up for the 2026 elections, I decided to run for an office, I chose to contest in the NRM primaries for the Makindye Division Mayorship and I was rigged out, went and met Mzee Yoweri K Museveni at State House who asked me not to run as an independent but instead support the flag bearer, on top of that he asked Deputy SG Rose Namayanja , Hon. Haruna Kyeyune Kasolo , Kiryowa Kiwanuka and other officials who were present to add me on Mzee's national task force and give me facilitation as well. None of what Mzee asked Deputy SG Namayanja and others to do for me was done, I frequented the NRM Secretariat for 3 weeks before the campaigns began until one day when Namayanja accepted to see me and I reminded her what Mzee had said when we met him at State House. Namayanja asked me to write what I needed, my top most request was to rebrand my Noah vehicle from my mayoral posters to Mzee's posters, she asked me to put everything in writing which I did but didn't get anything until now. Seeing that the people at the secretariat were not friendly and time consuming, I decided to use my own resources, rebranded the vehicle and made it Mzee's moving billboard on top of funding my mobilisation activities until the last day. After the elections, as financially constrained and indebted as I was, I reached out to Deputy SG Namayanja, she sent me to Nekesa Barbara who kept on ignoring my calls until I gave up, I said to myself let me count the losses, I gave up! Now, I am surprised that with the work that I did during Mzee's campaigns, which included to orient the NUP converts in all Mzee's rallies in Buganda, no one has reached out to me for a thank you or an invitation to Kololo, it is really painful and this is the last time I am complaining! I was born a result oriented person and the next time I leave the NRM, without fear or contradiction, I will join its forceful removal from power!😡 My father & grandfather are bushwar heroes who sacrificed their everything in Nakaseke fighting alongside Mzee, my grandie died on 26th Jan 1986 the very day Kampala fell to the NRA due to the long time wounds and scars he had sustained. God bless the holy land of Israel! 🙏 #Mao4SpeakerUG Muhoozi Kainerugaba David Sejusa, DM. CHARLES RWOMUSHANA Natasha Museveni Karugire Norbert Mao Ofwono Opondo P'Odel Todwong Richard Hajjat Medina Naham Ojale (ANINGO) Alan Kasujja ChimpReports Tabz NABBANJA ROBINAH Beatrice Mao A.K.A Lady TEGOT AIGP(Rtd) Asan Kasingye Emmanuel Lumala Dombo Canary Mugume Kin Kariisa🇺🇬 Kakwenza Rukirabashaija

ʀɪᴄʜᴀʀᴅ ʙʏᴇᴍᴀʟᴏ NYOMBI🇹🇿🇮🇱🇺🇬

13,392 Aufrufe • vor 4 Monaten

While we are busy focused on the 2030 presidential term extension theatrics, the presidential race to take over from President Emmerson Mnangagwa is already in full swing inside ZANUPF. It is an open secret that Mnangagwa’s preferred successor is businessman Kudakwashe Tagwirei, and the dark horse is General Valerio Sibanda, who retired from the army in an announcement made yesterday by the presidency. Tagwirei is already on a campaign trail which some have not observed, and all the issues he is raising are carefully crafted to resonate with ordinary citizens, shifting from liberation struggle slogans like Pasi neMhandu to Pasi neNhamo and Mari Muhomwe. He is deliberately rebranding himself as a champion of economic grievances, positioning his message to speak directly to poverty, hardship, and the cost of living, rather than the old liberation rhetoric. This is not accidental, his nemesis is a soldier and military general whose track record is rooted in Zimbabwe's excesses. What Tagwirei is doing is planting in his rallies a political seed that he hopes will germinate between now and 2027, when the ZANUPF Congress is expected to elect a new leader, or even earlier if an extraordinary congress is convened as some in the ruling party suspect might happen. That seed is intended to carry him into 2028, when the general election is due, if he succeeds in taking over should his principal, President Mnangagwa, not change his mind or Chiwenga stages a dramatic miracle coup. He is laying the groundwork early, shaping public perception, opinion and positioning himself as the natural successor by tapping into economic frustrations that ordinary citizens understand and feel every day. The elites see things differently, but it is the poor in townships and rural Zimbabwe who are being targeted with this messaging. When I look at the political landscape in Zimbabwe today, I see nobody else, either in the opposition or in ZANUPF, offering a clear and solid message that speaks to the people’s real needs. What we consider logical in elite circles does not sell to the poor, their needs are immediate. They want solutions for today, regardless of who created the problems that require solutions. While the educated elites talk about root-cause analysis and solutions for a distant future in their scenarios, the ordinary citizens want Sapatina, a euphemism for something that comes today, coined by a man who was perfectly happy eating chicken and chips/fries at State House. Our struggles are different. Vice President General Constantino Chiwenga, who thought he was a shoo in to become the next president after leading a coup against Robert Mugabe and making way for Mnangagwa, is now talking about corruption, something we have discussed for years to appeal to the masses. But Tagwirei is positioning himself differently. He is in full campaign mode, planting messages aimed at securing his place in the succession race, messages of economic prosperity. He is speaking to the daily needs of ZANUPF supporters and Zimbabweans in general. He is placing himself before the electorate, travelling, being visible, leveraging state linked platforms, and promising youths economic empowerment. Meanwhile, the general is speaking in closed boardrooms, and nobody has heard him speak directly to his presidential ambitions outside his own circle. Tagwirei is out in the open shaping a constituency, while Chiwenga remains confined to private spaces that do not build political momentum. That does not look regular to me unless he has an ace up his sleeves, a coup, because a coup does not require much talking. But as Mnangagwa shuts all the options once available to him by creating a state security sector in his own image, the prospects of a coup become slimmer with each move made by Mnangagwa. In closing those doors and pathways, Mnangagwa has effectively weakened Chiwenga’s leverage and narrowed the space in which he could plausibly attempt anything outside the formal succession path using ZANUPF internal processes. Tagwirei’s "meet the people" type of rallies with music stars in tow point to a group of people focused on winning hearts and minds both inside and outside ZANUPF. They have money. The other side has passion and entitlement, but without money there is very little political traction in Zimbabwe’s political theatre, where loyalties change based on what is on the table. Politics the world over is about money, that is why Elon Musk claimed that he won the election for Donald Trump, and that is why Trump said you need US$5 billion to become a president in America, it is about money. When you strip away the slogans and the drama, the real engine of political power is financial muscle, whether in Zimbabwe, America, or anywhere else. Tagwirei’s Godfather Mnangagwa understands that politics in Zimbabwe is transactional, and he is investing heavily in shaping perceptions, building networks, and buying influence long before the succession battle formally begins. Those opposed to Mnangagwa and his faction must not wake up tomorrow pretending they did not see this coming. It is obvious that Tagwirei is positioning himself as the most visible, accessible and well financed candidate within ZANUPF. It is also obvious that there is no opposition in Zimbabwe and that Chiwenga’s grip has been terribly loosened in unthinkable ways. Anyone paying attention can see the succession terrain shifting, and those who fail to read these signals will only have themselves to blame when the outcome unfolds. The question for the remnants of the main opposition is simple. What are you doing about 2028? Because while everyone is distracted by the talk of 2030, that talk may turn out to be a political ruse, a deliberate decoy to make us ignore what is unfolding on the ground. 2030 could be the bait that sends General Chiwenga chasing shadows while his real competitor campaigns at grassroots level, spends money, and entrenches himself as a household name. Mnangagwa is a political strategist who has won politically through hook or crook, so it would be a fatal mistake to assume that he has only one plan. A second option is to push for 2030, not with the intention of serving until then, but to block General Chiwenga at a congress and secure enough time to hand over to a successor of his choice after defeating Chiwenga. That is on condition that Chiwenga even has the guts to challenge him for the party leadership, which at the moment looks increasingly doubtful. If General Chiwenga puts his faith in the ZANUPF electoral processes through Congress or an Extraordinary Congress which elects a leader, then he is finished. He will be beaten on the floor even by Kuda Tagwirei, not because of anything else, but because Tagwirei and the Mnangagwa team have the resources that the general might not want to spend, even though he is a wealthy man, or might not actually have available as disposable funds for an internal election campaign he is likely to lose. Mnangagwa also has the power of incumbency, something that has been stripped away from Chiwenga as his lieutenants were retired or died one by one. That erosion of his inner circle has left him exposed, weakened, and without the institutional backing he once relied on. Mnangagwa, meanwhile, has consolidated the state, the party, and the security apparatus in his favour, widening the gulf between the two men. What we are seeing now is the opening of the presidential race, with Mnangagwa’s side fully satisfied that they have degraded Chiwenga’s powers to a point where they can now campaign openly. Where is the general? The consolidation of power in the army through the appointment of General Walter Tapfumaneyi, who worked closely with Tagwirei during the 2023 elections, is a clear signal of the new power architecture. More military purges are coming, including the removal of Chiwenga’s wife from military intelligence, and each one further isolates Chiwenga while tightening Mnangagwa’s control over the security establishment. This systematic dismantling of his support base makes it clear that the succession battle has already begun, and that Chiwenga is being pushed further away from the centres of real power with every move. The Chinese general Sun Tzu teaches that “all warfare is based on deception”, and Mnangagwa has perfected this by using 2030 as a decoy while quietly weakening Chiwenga and allowing Tagwirei to advance. He has also mastered the art of appearing weak when he is strong, and appearing strong when he is weak, creating confusion while he restructures the state and securing loyalty across the security ranks. Those in the media and diplomatic circles know that Mnangagwa deliberately appeared weak on many occasions, and his emissaries would tell diplomats and journalists that he had no power to act on many serious issues because Chiwenga was supposedly too powerful. It was an illusion they deliberately created. They created a fictitious image of an all-powerful General Chiwenga, a narrative that fits perfectly into Sun Tzu’s teaching about appearing weak when you are strong and appearing strong when you are weak. There were also moments when Mnangagwa appeared very strong, such as in 2019 when Chiwenga's side thought of carrying out a coup. Mnangagwa projected firmness, yet behind the scenes he was weak, hesitant, and deeply indecisive in dealing with the unfolding crisis. If you remember the period when the internet was shut down, that moment exposed just how fragile the inner workings of power were, despite the public portrayal of a decisive leader. Mnangagwa’s team, led by Tagwirei, now embodies the wisdom that “victorious warriors win first and then go to war”, planting narratives, building visibility, and mobilising resources long before the battle officially begins. In this environment, the utter disarray in the opposition makes it effortless for ZANUPF to open war fronts within itself, because when the enemy outside has collapsed, the real contest becomes the fight to inherit the throne.
1:17

While we are busy focused on the 2030 presidential term extension theatrics, the presidential race to take over from President Emmerson Mnangagwa is already in full swing inside ZANUPF. It is an open secret that Mnangagwa’s preferred successor is businessman Kudakwashe Tagwirei, and the dark horse is General Valerio Sibanda, who retired from the army in an announcement made yesterday by the presidency. Tagwirei is already on a campaign trail which some have not observed, and all the issues he is raising are carefully crafted to resonate with ordinary citizens, shifting from liberation struggle slogans like Pasi neMhandu to Pasi neNhamo and Mari Muhomwe. He is deliberately rebranding himself as a champion of economic grievances, positioning his message to speak directly to poverty, hardship, and the cost of living, rather than the old liberation rhetoric. This is not accidental, his nemesis is a soldier and military general whose track record is rooted in Zimbabwe's excesses. What Tagwirei is doing is planting in his rallies a political seed that he hopes will germinate between now and 2027, when the ZANUPF Congress is expected to elect a new leader, or even earlier if an extraordinary congress is convened as some in the ruling party suspect might happen. That seed is intended to carry him into 2028, when the general election is due, if he succeeds in taking over should his principal, President Mnangagwa, not change his mind or Chiwenga stages a dramatic miracle coup. He is laying the groundwork early, shaping public perception, opinion and positioning himself as the natural successor by tapping into economic frustrations that ordinary citizens understand and feel every day. The elites see things differently, but it is the poor in townships and rural Zimbabwe who are being targeted with this messaging. When I look at the political landscape in Zimbabwe today, I see nobody else, either in the opposition or in ZANUPF, offering a clear and solid message that speaks to the people’s real needs. What we consider logical in elite circles does not sell to the poor, their needs are immediate. They want solutions for today, regardless of who created the problems that require solutions. While the educated elites talk about root-cause analysis and solutions for a distant future in their scenarios, the ordinary citizens want Sapatina, a euphemism for something that comes today, coined by a man who was perfectly happy eating chicken and chips/fries at State House. Our struggles are different. Vice President General Constantino Chiwenga, who thought he was a shoo in to become the next president after leading a coup against Robert Mugabe and making way for Mnangagwa, is now talking about corruption, something we have discussed for years to appeal to the masses. But Tagwirei is positioning himself differently. He is in full campaign mode, planting messages aimed at securing his place in the succession race, messages of economic prosperity. He is speaking to the daily needs of ZANUPF supporters and Zimbabweans in general. He is placing himself before the electorate, travelling, being visible, leveraging state linked platforms, and promising youths economic empowerment. Meanwhile, the general is speaking in closed boardrooms, and nobody has heard him speak directly to his presidential ambitions outside his own circle. Tagwirei is out in the open shaping a constituency, while Chiwenga remains confined to private spaces that do not build political momentum. That does not look regular to me unless he has an ace up his sleeves, a coup, because a coup does not require much talking. But as Mnangagwa shuts all the options once available to him by creating a state security sector in his own image, the prospects of a coup become slimmer with each move made by Mnangagwa. In closing those doors and pathways, Mnangagwa has effectively weakened Chiwenga’s leverage and narrowed the space in which he could plausibly attempt anything outside the formal succession path using ZANUPF internal processes. Tagwirei’s "meet the people" type of rallies with music stars in tow point to a group of people focused on winning hearts and minds both inside and outside ZANUPF. They have money. The other side has passion and entitlement, but without money there is very little political traction in Zimbabwe’s political theatre, where loyalties change based on what is on the table. Politics the world over is about money, that is why Elon Musk claimed that he won the election for Donald Trump, and that is why Trump said you need US$5 billion to become a president in America, it is about money. When you strip away the slogans and the drama, the real engine of political power is financial muscle, whether in Zimbabwe, America, or anywhere else. Tagwirei’s Godfather Mnangagwa understands that politics in Zimbabwe is transactional, and he is investing heavily in shaping perceptions, building networks, and buying influence long before the succession battle formally begins. Those opposed to Mnangagwa and his faction must not wake up tomorrow pretending they did not see this coming. It is obvious that Tagwirei is positioning himself as the most visible, accessible and well financed candidate within ZANUPF. It is also obvious that there is no opposition in Zimbabwe and that Chiwenga’s grip has been terribly loosened in unthinkable ways. Anyone paying attention can see the succession terrain shifting, and those who fail to read these signals will only have themselves to blame when the outcome unfolds. The question for the remnants of the main opposition is simple. What are you doing about 2028? Because while everyone is distracted by the talk of 2030, that talk may turn out to be a political ruse, a deliberate decoy to make us ignore what is unfolding on the ground. 2030 could be the bait that sends General Chiwenga chasing shadows while his real competitor campaigns at grassroots level, spends money, and entrenches himself as a household name. Mnangagwa is a political strategist who has won politically through hook or crook, so it would be a fatal mistake to assume that he has only one plan. A second option is to push for 2030, not with the intention of serving until then, but to block General Chiwenga at a congress and secure enough time to hand over to a successor of his choice after defeating Chiwenga. That is on condition that Chiwenga even has the guts to challenge him for the party leadership, which at the moment looks increasingly doubtful. If General Chiwenga puts his faith in the ZANUPF electoral processes through Congress or an Extraordinary Congress which elects a leader, then he is finished. He will be beaten on the floor even by Kuda Tagwirei, not because of anything else, but because Tagwirei and the Mnangagwa team have the resources that the general might not want to spend, even though he is a wealthy man, or might not actually have available as disposable funds for an internal election campaign he is likely to lose. Mnangagwa also has the power of incumbency, something that has been stripped away from Chiwenga as his lieutenants were retired or died one by one. That erosion of his inner circle has left him exposed, weakened, and without the institutional backing he once relied on. Mnangagwa, meanwhile, has consolidated the state, the party, and the security apparatus in his favour, widening the gulf between the two men. What we are seeing now is the opening of the presidential race, with Mnangagwa’s side fully satisfied that they have degraded Chiwenga’s powers to a point where they can now campaign openly. Where is the general? The consolidation of power in the army through the appointment of General Walter Tapfumaneyi, who worked closely with Tagwirei during the 2023 elections, is a clear signal of the new power architecture. More military purges are coming, including the removal of Chiwenga’s wife from military intelligence, and each one further isolates Chiwenga while tightening Mnangagwa’s control over the security establishment. This systematic dismantling of his support base makes it clear that the succession battle has already begun, and that Chiwenga is being pushed further away from the centres of real power with every move. The Chinese general Sun Tzu teaches that “all warfare is based on deception”, and Mnangagwa has perfected this by using 2030 as a decoy while quietly weakening Chiwenga and allowing Tagwirei to advance. He has also mastered the art of appearing weak when he is strong, and appearing strong when he is weak, creating confusion while he restructures the state and securing loyalty across the security ranks. Those in the media and diplomatic circles know that Mnangagwa deliberately appeared weak on many occasions, and his emissaries would tell diplomats and journalists that he had no power to act on many serious issues because Chiwenga was supposedly too powerful. It was an illusion they deliberately created. They created a fictitious image of an all-powerful General Chiwenga, a narrative that fits perfectly into Sun Tzu’s teaching about appearing weak when you are strong and appearing strong when you are weak. There were also moments when Mnangagwa appeared very strong, such as in 2019 when Chiwenga's side thought of carrying out a coup. Mnangagwa projected firmness, yet behind the scenes he was weak, hesitant, and deeply indecisive in dealing with the unfolding crisis. If you remember the period when the internet was shut down, that moment exposed just how fragile the inner workings of power were, despite the public portrayal of a decisive leader. Mnangagwa’s team, led by Tagwirei, now embodies the wisdom that “victorious warriors win first and then go to war”, planting narratives, building visibility, and mobilising resources long before the battle officially begins. In this environment, the utter disarray in the opposition makes it effortless for ZANUPF to open war fronts within itself, because when the enemy outside has collapsed, the real contest becomes the fight to inherit the throne.

Hopewell Chin’ono

58,058 Aufrufe • vor 10 Monaten

Churches, protests, and bribes: Hichilema’s triple power play to secure Edgar Lungu’s body By Sishuwa Sishuwa So committed to telling lies is President Hakainde Hichilema that he seemingly either cannot help himself or experiences a “high” when deceiving others. I know that politicians are generally perceived to be liars, but such is Hichilema’s uncontrollable urge to lie, often compulsively and without any apparent reason or benefit, that one can be forgiven for thinking that delivering lies was one of his major campaign promises in the last general election. In countries with robust oversight institutions, the President would have already been subjected to a thorough evaluation by professional experts to determine if he has pseudologia fantastica, also known as mythomania – a condition in which individuals frequently tell lies, often for no clear reason. The latest in the long running series of the President’s constant deviation from the truth occurred on 17 July 2025 when he told journalists that his administration is “quietly” holding negotiations with the family of late former president Edgar Lungu aimed at resolving the impasse between the two parties regarding Lungu’s burial. This is the second time in the preceding two weeks alone that Hichilema has made this claim. The first was on 9 July when he met US Ambassador to Zambia Michael Gonzales at State House. On both occasions, the President has been untruthful. I have spoken with the Lungu family, and they have confirmed that there have been no discussions whatsoever between the two parties since Hichilema's administration initiated the court case that stopped Lungu's burial nearly a month ago, on 24 June 2025. Why then does the President keep telling lies on this matter? What prevents him from telling the truth even on straightforward issues where his lies can more easily be uncovered? In search of answers, I reached out to different sources in government and at State House for insights. The sources, who spoke to me on condition of anonymity and provided irrefutable evidence in support of their insights, revealed that the President, fearful that the Pretoria High Court might rule against the Zambian government because the South African law is on the side of a deceased’s family, has devised a strategy consisting of three elements aimed at preventing this outcome and securing the elusive access to his predecessor’s body. The first element of this plan is to persuade the influential Catholic Church to release a statement urging the Lungu family to agree to a mediated settlement that would allow the former president to be buried in Zambia. While some religious and civic groups have already been pressured to make similar appeals, the Zambia Conference of Catholic Bishops (ZCCB) has not yet done so. Hichilema believes that a statement from the ZCCB would carry more weight. To achieve this goal, the President sent a four-member, high-ranking government delegation to meet with the ZCCB in Lusaka on 18 July 2025. The presidential delegation, consisting of Minister of Defence Ambrose Lufuma, Minister of Home Affairs and Internal Security Jack Mwiimbu, Minister of Community Development and Social Services Doreen Mwamba, and Special Assistant to the President for Legal Affairs Christopher Mundia – all practising Catholics – met with three representatives of the ZCCB, namely Ignatius Chama (Archbishop of the Archdiocese of Kasama and President of ZCCB), George Lungu (Bishop of Catholic Diocese of Chipata), and Valentine Kalumba (Bishop of the Catholic Diocese of Livingstone). During the meeting, Hichilema's representatives expressed concern that the Catholic Church had not issued a statement on the impasse between his administration and the Lungu family. Embracing the pathological lying disposition of their boss, the delegation also mentioned that negotiations between the State and the Lungu family were progressing, and the government hoped the Catholic Church would participate in the discussions. One or two members of Hichilema’s delegation in the meeting reportedly said: “since Archbishop Alick Banda appears to be close to the Lungu family, how can we get him to intervene in this matter and help us?” To be clear, Banda is the Archbishop in charge of Lusaka Archdiocese whom the ruling party has previously called a “thief”, the “Lucifer of Zambia”, and a man with no credibility. In addition, the Catholic Church has itself been the subject of regular attacks and harassment from both State actors and ruling party officials. In response, the Bishops explained that they have stayed away from the matter because they do not have sufficient knowledge of the underlying facts and only comment on issues they fully understand. The Bishops also expressed hope that the issue would be resolved conclusively since it is now before a competent authority – the South African High Court. Given the despicable attacks that Hichilema’s administration has repeatedly unleashed on both Archbishop Banda and the Catholic Church in general, and in the absence of any public apology or atonement for this State harassment, it was unlikely that the Bishops would be deceived. However, one cannot blame Hichilema for trying his luck. The timing of this State-orchestrated meeting with representatives of the ZCCB was not coincidental. For much of this week, the Catholic Bishops have been meeting in Lusaka to, among other things, look at various issues affecting the membership of the church and the nation. Such meetings usually culminate in the release of a pastoral letter that is read out in parishes across the country. The sources disclosed that Hichilema’s fear is that a rebuke from the ZCCB on how his administration has handled Lungu’s funeral would be politically damaging, especially when one considers the other two elements of the strategy that the President has devised to secure access to his predecessor’s body. In dispatching his officials to meet the Catholic Bishops, Hichilema is not only lobbying the influential religious organisation to publicly support his cause based on the false impression that negotiations with the Lungu family have reached an advanced stage; he is also seeking to pre-empt the ZCCB’s possible criticism of his failure to provide leadership on a matter that has seen him use taxpayers’ money to sue a grieving family and halt a funeral that was underway. The second element of Hichilema’s strategy is to carefully orchestrate State-financed public protests in Lusaka, on the Copperbelt, in Eastern Province (Lungu's home area) and in other parts of Zambia to create the false impression of widespread public outrage against the decision by the Lungu family to lay the former president to rest in South Africa. The sources revealed that Hichilema has already set this plan in motion and is closely working with Robert Chabinga, a renegade member of parliament belonging to the main opposition Patriotic Front (PF) party. Chabinga, who is guarded by State police, is the MP that Hichilema’s administration – using the office of the Registrar of Societies which falls under Mwiimbu’s ministry – has installed as the government-recognised leader of the PF in the absence of an election. He has also been installed as Leader of the Opposition in Parliament by the Speaker of the National Assembly, Nelly Mutti, Hichilema’s former personal lawyer, though he was elected by no one. According to insiders, Hichilema had initially wanted Chabinga to join the court case in South Africa as Leader of the Opposition. After the President received advice against the move, he and his allies then hatched the plan to organise “mass public protests” across the country by placard-carrying ruling party supporters masquerading as PF members and Zambian nationalists demanding the return of Lungu’s remains so that he could be buried at home. The objective of these demonstrations would be to manufacture evidence of popular anger against the Lungu family's position, fabricate visible proof of “public interest” in Lungu’s funeral, and create the pretext that the government hopes it can use to persuade the South African judge to rule in its favour. These acts of “nationalism” would not be as they would seem, however. What would appear to be spontaneous demonstrations of widespread outrage would be carefully orchestrated by Hichilema as part of his power play to wrestle Lungu from exile in death and bolster his beleaguered presidency. For Chabinga, who remains at the helm of Zambia’s main opposition party because of the complicit role of the judiciary, delivering on this presidential aspiration would cement his State-backed illegal leadership of the PF and reduce the political costs that might befall Hichilema in next year’s election should Lungu be buried abroad. The third and final element of Hichilema’s strategy is to attempt to bribe the South African judge who is handling the legal case between the Zambian government and the Lungu family. Hichilema and his allies have resigned themselves to the possibility of losing the case. In private conversations, they admit that the law in South Africa favours the Lungu family and that if the Pretoria Court is allowed to decide the case based on the facts and law, the Zambian government is likely to lose. To avoid this almost certain outcome, Hichilema and his supporters have considered the option of bribing the judge presiding over the case. There is no evidence yet that an approach has been made, but Chabinga, who was recently in South Africa on a State-facilitated trip, has privately expressed confidence that the judge might be amenable to bribery. "The judge needs to eat", Chabinga was heard saying. If the planned mass demonstrations are successful, Hichilema's proxy added, "the judge will make a ruling based on the public outcry in Zambia...to support the Attorney General". The renegade PF MP further conceded that there is "a possibility that the judge can rule in favour of the Lungu family because the laws of South Africa give too much power to a deceased's family than to the government". He however reiterated his belief that if the judge is "pressured", aided with cooked up public protests, and made to "consider the fact that Lungu was a former president", the judicial official can rule in favour of the Zambian government. Chabinga and his backers know that attempting to bribe, in any way, a judge of a foreign country would be a major scandal that could adversely affect diplomatic relations between Zambia and South Africa. However, they seem determined to try their luck at implementing what Chabinga, in private conversations, calls a "special operation". Earlier, Chabinga had complained to his associates that he had been woken up by Hichilema at an ungodly hour to undertake, at short notice, the trip to Johannesburg but felt the need to sacrifice for the man he calls "ba boss". After briefing him about Hichilema's agenda for the "special operation", State actors had originally hoped to book Chabinga a seat on the first flight out of Lusaka, but he ended up traveling on a 10am Airlink flight. This followed a discovery that there were many prominent PF members on the earlier flight also traveling to South Africa. Ironically, even on the 10am flight, Hichilema's representative met several PF prominent figures such as Chanda Katotobwe, Nakiwe Simpungwe, and Christopher Shakafuswa who all greeted him and to whom he lied that he was traveling to Cape Town. It is important to clarify that the confidence of Hichilema's team that the affected judge might be open to bribery does not come from any personal knowledge of the justice handling the legal case. Rather, and as one of the sources stated, it stems from the knowledge that they have done similar things with some Zambian judges, particularly on matters involving the resolution of PF leadership wrangles, and got away with it. In private, Chabinga, for instance, acknowledges that a questionable judgement by the Pretoria High Court in favour of the Zambian government is likely to be reversed on appeal by a superior court. Nevertheless, the President's proxy is optimistic that the Lungu family will become fatigued by the time the verdict is delivered and ultimately consent to the return of the former president's body to Zambia rather than pursuing an appeal in the event of a dubious loss. The unfolding saga surrounding the burial of former president Lungu reveals more than a mere dispute over a final resting place. It exposes the depths to which political ambition can drive deception, manipulation, and ethical compromise. President Hichilema’s persistent falsehoods about negotiations, the planned orchestration of State-sponsored protests, and the alarming prospect of judicial bribery involving a foreign judge paint a troubling picture of governance undermined by desperation and duplicity. This strategy not only disrespects a grieving family but also erodes public trust in the institutions meant to uphold justice and truth. What began as a matter of state dignity and national closure has morphed into a volatile mix of political manoeuvring, public mobilisation, and devious ecclesiastical diplomacy. President Hichilema’s reported three-pronged strategy — courting the Catholic Church, rallying public protests, and attempting to sway a foreign court — suggests that the battle over Lungu’s body is about far more than burial rights. It is a symbolic struggle for control over Zambia’s political memory and moral authority. Whether these efforts succeed or backfire, they highlight a deeper crisis: the lingering divisions of Zambia’s political landscape and the extent to which historical rivals still cast long shadows over the present. In life and now in death, Lungu continues to provoke conflict, and President Hichilema appears determined to ensure that even in the afterlife, the final word belongs not to the Lungu family but to Hichilema himself. In a country that is yearning for transparency and integrity, such actions as the ones initiated by Hichilema highlight the urgent need for accountability at the highest levels of leadership. The true cost of this political theatre extends beyond the burial dispute; it threatens the moral fabric of Zambia itself. As citizens, observers, and custodians of democracy, we must demand honesty, respect for due process, and, above all, compassion in honouring – both in life and in death – those who have served the nation. No amount of spin or scheming can bury the truth forever. The nation watches and waits.
1:09

Churches, protests, and bribes: Hichilema’s triple power play to secure Edgar Lungu’s body By Sishuwa Sishuwa So committed to telling lies is President Hakainde Hichilema that he seemingly either cannot help himself or experiences a “high” when deceiving others. I know that politicians are generally perceived to be liars, but such is Hichilema’s uncontrollable urge to lie, often compulsively and without any apparent reason or benefit, that one can be forgiven for thinking that delivering lies was one of his major campaign promises in the last general election. In countries with robust oversight institutions, the President would have already been subjected to a thorough evaluation by professional experts to determine if he has pseudologia fantastica, also known as mythomania – a condition in which individuals frequently tell lies, often for no clear reason. The latest in the long running series of the President’s constant deviation from the truth occurred on 17 July 2025 when he told journalists that his administration is “quietly” holding negotiations with the family of late former president Edgar Lungu aimed at resolving the impasse between the two parties regarding Lungu’s burial. This is the second time in the preceding two weeks alone that Hichilema has made this claim. The first was on 9 July when he met US Ambassador to Zambia Michael Gonzales at State House. On both occasions, the President has been untruthful. I have spoken with the Lungu family, and they have confirmed that there have been no discussions whatsoever between the two parties since Hichilema's administration initiated the court case that stopped Lungu's burial nearly a month ago, on 24 June 2025. Why then does the President keep telling lies on this matter? What prevents him from telling the truth even on straightforward issues where his lies can more easily be uncovered? In search of answers, I reached out to different sources in government and at State House for insights. The sources, who spoke to me on condition of anonymity and provided irrefutable evidence in support of their insights, revealed that the President, fearful that the Pretoria High Court might rule against the Zambian government because the South African law is on the side of a deceased’s family, has devised a strategy consisting of three elements aimed at preventing this outcome and securing the elusive access to his predecessor’s body. The first element of this plan is to persuade the influential Catholic Church to release a statement urging the Lungu family to agree to a mediated settlement that would allow the former president to be buried in Zambia. While some religious and civic groups have already been pressured to make similar appeals, the Zambia Conference of Catholic Bishops (ZCCB) has not yet done so. Hichilema believes that a statement from the ZCCB would carry more weight. To achieve this goal, the President sent a four-member, high-ranking government delegation to meet with the ZCCB in Lusaka on 18 July 2025. The presidential delegation, consisting of Minister of Defence Ambrose Lufuma, Minister of Home Affairs and Internal Security Jack Mwiimbu, Minister of Community Development and Social Services Doreen Mwamba, and Special Assistant to the President for Legal Affairs Christopher Mundia – all practising Catholics – met with three representatives of the ZCCB, namely Ignatius Chama (Archbishop of the Archdiocese of Kasama and President of ZCCB), George Lungu (Bishop of Catholic Diocese of Chipata), and Valentine Kalumba (Bishop of the Catholic Diocese of Livingstone). During the meeting, Hichilema's representatives expressed concern that the Catholic Church had not issued a statement on the impasse between his administration and the Lungu family. Embracing the pathological lying disposition of their boss, the delegation also mentioned that negotiations between the State and the Lungu family were progressing, and the government hoped the Catholic Church would participate in the discussions. One or two members of Hichilema’s delegation in the meeting reportedly said: “since Archbishop Alick Banda appears to be close to the Lungu family, how can we get him to intervene in this matter and help us?” To be clear, Banda is the Archbishop in charge of Lusaka Archdiocese whom the ruling party has previously called a “thief”, the “Lucifer of Zambia”, and a man with no credibility. In addition, the Catholic Church has itself been the subject of regular attacks and harassment from both State actors and ruling party officials. In response, the Bishops explained that they have stayed away from the matter because they do not have sufficient knowledge of the underlying facts and only comment on issues they fully understand. The Bishops also expressed hope that the issue would be resolved conclusively since it is now before a competent authority – the South African High Court. Given the despicable attacks that Hichilema’s administration has repeatedly unleashed on both Archbishop Banda and the Catholic Church in general, and in the absence of any public apology or atonement for this State harassment, it was unlikely that the Bishops would be deceived. However, one cannot blame Hichilema for trying his luck. The timing of this State-orchestrated meeting with representatives of the ZCCB was not coincidental. For much of this week, the Catholic Bishops have been meeting in Lusaka to, among other things, look at various issues affecting the membership of the church and the nation. Such meetings usually culminate in the release of a pastoral letter that is read out in parishes across the country. The sources disclosed that Hichilema’s fear is that a rebuke from the ZCCB on how his administration has handled Lungu’s funeral would be politically damaging, especially when one considers the other two elements of the strategy that the President has devised to secure access to his predecessor’s body. In dispatching his officials to meet the Catholic Bishops, Hichilema is not only lobbying the influential religious organisation to publicly support his cause based on the false impression that negotiations with the Lungu family have reached an advanced stage; he is also seeking to pre-empt the ZCCB’s possible criticism of his failure to provide leadership on a matter that has seen him use taxpayers’ money to sue a grieving family and halt a funeral that was underway. The second element of Hichilema’s strategy is to carefully orchestrate State-financed public protests in Lusaka, on the Copperbelt, in Eastern Province (Lungu's home area) and in other parts of Zambia to create the false impression of widespread public outrage against the decision by the Lungu family to lay the former president to rest in South Africa. The sources revealed that Hichilema has already set this plan in motion and is closely working with Robert Chabinga, a renegade member of parliament belonging to the main opposition Patriotic Front (PF) party. Chabinga, who is guarded by State police, is the MP that Hichilema’s administration – using the office of the Registrar of Societies which falls under Mwiimbu’s ministry – has installed as the government-recognised leader of the PF in the absence of an election. He has also been installed as Leader of the Opposition in Parliament by the Speaker of the National Assembly, Nelly Mutti, Hichilema’s former personal lawyer, though he was elected by no one. According to insiders, Hichilema had initially wanted Chabinga to join the court case in South Africa as Leader of the Opposition. After the President received advice against the move, he and his allies then hatched the plan to organise “mass public protests” across the country by placard-carrying ruling party supporters masquerading as PF members and Zambian nationalists demanding the return of Lungu’s remains so that he could be buried at home. The objective of these demonstrations would be to manufacture evidence of popular anger against the Lungu family's position, fabricate visible proof of “public interest” in Lungu’s funeral, and create the pretext that the government hopes it can use to persuade the South African judge to rule in its favour. These acts of “nationalism” would not be as they would seem, however. What would appear to be spontaneous demonstrations of widespread outrage would be carefully orchestrated by Hichilema as part of his power play to wrestle Lungu from exile in death and bolster his beleaguered presidency. For Chabinga, who remains at the helm of Zambia’s main opposition party because of the complicit role of the judiciary, delivering on this presidential aspiration would cement his State-backed illegal leadership of the PF and reduce the political costs that might befall Hichilema in next year’s election should Lungu be buried abroad. The third and final element of Hichilema’s strategy is to attempt to bribe the South African judge who is handling the legal case between the Zambian government and the Lungu family. Hichilema and his allies have resigned themselves to the possibility of losing the case. In private conversations, they admit that the law in South Africa favours the Lungu family and that if the Pretoria Court is allowed to decide the case based on the facts and law, the Zambian government is likely to lose. To avoid this almost certain outcome, Hichilema and his supporters have considered the option of bribing the judge presiding over the case. There is no evidence yet that an approach has been made, but Chabinga, who was recently in South Africa on a State-facilitated trip, has privately expressed confidence that the judge might be amenable to bribery. "The judge needs to eat", Chabinga was heard saying. If the planned mass demonstrations are successful, Hichilema's proxy added, "the judge will make a ruling based on the public outcry in Zambia...to support the Attorney General". The renegade PF MP further conceded that there is "a possibility that the judge can rule in favour of the Lungu family because the laws of South Africa give too much power to a deceased's family than to the government". He however reiterated his belief that if the judge is "pressured", aided with cooked up public protests, and made to "consider the fact that Lungu was a former president", the judicial official can rule in favour of the Zambian government. Chabinga and his backers know that attempting to bribe, in any way, a judge of a foreign country would be a major scandal that could adversely affect diplomatic relations between Zambia and South Africa. However, they seem determined to try their luck at implementing what Chabinga, in private conversations, calls a "special operation". Earlier, Chabinga had complained to his associates that he had been woken up by Hichilema at an ungodly hour to undertake, at short notice, the trip to Johannesburg but felt the need to sacrifice for the man he calls "ba boss". After briefing him about Hichilema's agenda for the "special operation", State actors had originally hoped to book Chabinga a seat on the first flight out of Lusaka, but he ended up traveling on a 10am Airlink flight. This followed a discovery that there were many prominent PF members on the earlier flight also traveling to South Africa. Ironically, even on the 10am flight, Hichilema's representative met several PF prominent figures such as Chanda Katotobwe, Nakiwe Simpungwe, and Christopher Shakafuswa who all greeted him and to whom he lied that he was traveling to Cape Town. It is important to clarify that the confidence of Hichilema's team that the affected judge might be open to bribery does not come from any personal knowledge of the justice handling the legal case. Rather, and as one of the sources stated, it stems from the knowledge that they have done similar things with some Zambian judges, particularly on matters involving the resolution of PF leadership wrangles, and got away with it. In private, Chabinga, for instance, acknowledges that a questionable judgement by the Pretoria High Court in favour of the Zambian government is likely to be reversed on appeal by a superior court. Nevertheless, the President's proxy is optimistic that the Lungu family will become fatigued by the time the verdict is delivered and ultimately consent to the return of the former president's body to Zambia rather than pursuing an appeal in the event of a dubious loss. The unfolding saga surrounding the burial of former president Lungu reveals more than a mere dispute over a final resting place. It exposes the depths to which political ambition can drive deception, manipulation, and ethical compromise. President Hichilema’s persistent falsehoods about negotiations, the planned orchestration of State-sponsored protests, and the alarming prospect of judicial bribery involving a foreign judge paint a troubling picture of governance undermined by desperation and duplicity. This strategy not only disrespects a grieving family but also erodes public trust in the institutions meant to uphold justice and truth. What began as a matter of state dignity and national closure has morphed into a volatile mix of political manoeuvring, public mobilisation, and devious ecclesiastical diplomacy. President Hichilema’s reported three-pronged strategy — courting the Catholic Church, rallying public protests, and attempting to sway a foreign court — suggests that the battle over Lungu’s body is about far more than burial rights. It is a symbolic struggle for control over Zambia’s political memory and moral authority. Whether these efforts succeed or backfire, they highlight a deeper crisis: the lingering divisions of Zambia’s political landscape and the extent to which historical rivals still cast long shadows over the present. In life and now in death, Lungu continues to provoke conflict, and President Hichilema appears determined to ensure that even in the afterlife, the final word belongs not to the Lungu family but to Hichilema himself. In a country that is yearning for transparency and integrity, such actions as the ones initiated by Hichilema highlight the urgent need for accountability at the highest levels of leadership. The true cost of this political theatre extends beyond the burial dispute; it threatens the moral fabric of Zambia itself. As citizens, observers, and custodians of democracy, we must demand honesty, respect for due process, and, above all, compassion in honouring – both in life and in death – those who have served the nation. No amount of spin or scheming can bury the truth forever. The nation watches and waits.

Sishuwa Sishuwa

69,112 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

US EMBASSY IN HARARE POSTS BALD TORTURE ALLEGATIONS ON X WITH NO SUPPORTING EVIDENCE IN A RECKLESS MISINFORMATION AND DISINFORMATION CAMPAIGN U.S. Embassy Zimbabwe U.S. Embassy Harare “As #Zimbabwewelcomes its neighbors for the #SADC summit, the United States affirms its support for SADC's goal to achieve economic development, peace & security. Intimidation, torture & prolonged pre-trial detention of Zimbabwean citizens run counter to these principles,” – posted on X by the US Embassy in Harare on 15 August 2024. COMMENT Where is the evidence? A post like the one above must necessarily refer to attach the evidence of the alleged torture. Otherwise, wherever and whenever interrogation techniques that use torture and the practice of prolonged pretrial or no trial detention are practised; they're wrong, abominable, and unacceptable because they’re inherently inhuman; regardless of who practices them, whom they're practised against or why they're practised. The attached and above referenced post shared by U.S. Embassy Harare on this platform in light of the 44th Ordinary Sadc Summit set for today in Harare is opportunistic, deceitful, and hypocritical self-fulfilling US propaganda, which U.S. Embassy Harare believes should taken for what it claims simply because it's coming from America. At face value, the post purports to affirm US “support for SADC's goal to achieve economic development, peace & security”. But this ‘support’ is neither proven nor apparent, it is merely claimed and asserted. More particularly revealing is that the US affirmation of its purported “support for SADC's goal to achieve economic development, peace & security” is done politically, insincerely, dishonestly and deceitfully; apparently to enable the U.S. Embassy Harare to opportunistically and hypocritically allege - without citing or presenting any iota of evidence – that there’s "intimidation, torture & prolonged pre-trial detention of Zimbabwean citizens"; which the Embassy self-righteously and arrogantly says "run counter to these [Sadc] principles". Since torture is a crime against humanity, allegations thereof should be taken seriously by the relevant authorities wherever and whenever they’re made. For this reason, those who make allegations of torture or any crime against humanity, have a duty and an obligation to backup or support their allegations with evidence that speaks for itself beyond prima facie disputation. The allegations must be substantive, and proven; they should not be mere claims that are asserted arrogantly, politically, opportunistically and hypocritically without any corroborated evidence. Just because the U.S. Embassy Harare is in Harare, which this week is hosting the 44th Ordinary SADC Summit should not cause the Embassy to be so brazenly and arrogantly opportunistic and hypocritical to the reckless point of pretending to be ignorant of indubitable facts about torture and prolonged pre-trial detention in the US and the US support of the worst of the same in apartheid Israel. For example, and for the sake of perspective, three points are important to keep in mind: (i) The US is notorious for keeping 'terrorist' suspects and other accused persons in prolonged pretrial detention within and outside the US — including through rendition—and for 'lawfully' torturing the suspects using despicable and dehumanising techniques like waterboarding and rectal rehydration. (ii) US acts of aiding and abetting the prolonged pretrial and no trial detention, and the rampant dehumanising torture and gruesome murder of Palestinians by apartheid Israel, virtually on an hourly basis across the illegally occupied Palestinian Territories are a matter of documented common cause. (ii) The US has a double-faced posture on torture: on the one hand, it uses torture as its interrogation technique of choice; on the other hand, the US uses torture allegations often with no supporting evidence, as a propaganda weapon to smear and stigmatise targeted countries. Now, given that torture and prolonged pretrial and no trial detention are wrong, abominable, and inhuman wherever and whenever they are practised; and given that the US is notorious for practising torture and prolonged pretrial and no trial detention; and further given that the US is notorious for aiding and abetting torture; cold blooded murder and prolonged pretrial and no trial detention of Palestinians in apartheid Israel; where on earth does the U.S. Embassy Harare derive any moral authority to preach or pontificate about torture and prolonged pretrial detention to SADC Secretariat or to anyone else anywhere in the world, for that matter? The moral question is very important, especially since both the US and Israel routinely justify their dehumanising and gruesome torture techniques on 'legal' grounds; they oxymoronically claim that their torture is ‘legal’. For example, during her Senate confirmation hearings, Gina Haspel - CIA Director under the presidency of Donald Trump from 21 May 2018 to 20 January 2021 - was repeatedly asked by then Senator Kamala Harris, and now the Democratic Party presidential candidate in the November 2024 elections; whether she [Gina Haspel] believed that the CIA’s interrogation [torture] techniques, like waterboarding, were immoral. Haspel repeatedly declined to answer. Tellingly and shockingly, Kamala Harris herself sought to sanitise the CIA’s use of torture interrogation techniques by referring to them as "previous interrogation techniques", falsely presenting them as a thing of the past; and, in any event, outrageously casting them as having been 'legal' but 'not moral'; yet the CIA torture interrogation techniques are illegal because torture is a crime against humanity under international law. Regarding the U.S. Embassy Harare post in question, as a bottom line, there's a critical and urgent need for a better, non-opportunistic, non-holier than thou and more responsible approach for dealing with torture as a reprehensible and unacceptable interrogation technique; than what the U.S. Embassy Harare opportunistically, deceitfully and hypocritically displays on its post. It bears reiterating with great emphasis that what is wrong with the U.S. Embassy Harare post is that it makes serious allegations of torture without providing any evidence of the alleged torture. There’s no evidence at all, save for bald allegations. Somehow, Sadc and everyone else targeted by the US Embassy post is supposed to take and believe the torture allegations purely and only on the basis that the allegations are being made by the US, using the old age trick that if you want to kill a dog, just allege that it has rabies. But, of course experience tells an entirely different story with unassailable proof that the US actually lies routinely, with the indescribably embarrassing case in point being the wildly false 2002 US claims that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction; which led to the barbaric 2003 US invasion of Iraq to overthrow Hussein with the consequence of literally destroying Iraq. There’s an important background that explains the U.S. Embassy Harare post under the spotlight. In the run up to today’s 44th Ordinary Sadc Summit in Harare, the US Embassy started mobilising its ‘assets’ to get them to make noise that the summit should reactivate the now archived 2023 Sadc Elections Observer Mission (SEOM) report on the 2023 harmonised general elections, hoping to discredit and derail Zimbabwe’s assumption of Sadc chairmanship. ‘Assets’ in this case are individuals linked to opposition political parties, sections of the media and civil society, etc., that the US funds or sponsors to carry out its psychological [propaganda] operations against a targeted country; under the cover of its diplomatic status. In mobilising its ‘assets’ in Harare to orchestrate trouble around the 44th Ordinary Sadc Summit in Harare, the U.S. Embassy Harare took advantage of the unfortunate fact that the state of opposition politics in Zimbabwe today is comatose. Structurally and objectively speaking, there are no opposition parties in Zimbabwe. All there is are some opposition and NGO individuals, among whom the overwhelming majority are seen and treated by the U.S. Embassy Harare as its ‘assets’. Against this backdrop, and working in cahoots with its networks of merchants of regime change in southern Africa which includes the likes of the Oppenheimer funded Brenthurst Foundation, the U.S. Embassy Harare has become the convener and coordinator of its ‘assets’ — whom it let loose and deployed inside Zimbabwe, in South Africa and elsewhere including overseas — in the run up to today’s 44th Ordinary Sadc Summit and used to peddle its torture claims without putting any compelling evidence. With no structured and organised opposition politics, and with a proliferation of one-man and one-woman briefcase NGOs; as is the situation in Zimbabwe today, it has been relatively easy for the U.S. Embassy Harare to use its ‘assets’ [individuals] to peddle its unproven allegations; focussed on today’s 44th Ordinary Sadc Summit, which became a lucrative event for US ‘assets’. The rest is history, yet to be told. Meanwhile, and because torture is a crime against humanity, allegations of torture must not be political or opportunistic propaganda, they must be real and evidential; based on proven and verifiable evidence; especially when they’re made by an entity such as the U.S. Embassy Harare, an embassy of a superpower!
1:18

US EMBASSY IN HARARE POSTS BALD TORTURE ALLEGATIONS ON X WITH NO SUPPORTING EVIDENCE IN A RECKLESS MISINFORMATION AND DISINFORMATION CAMPAIGN U.S. Embassy Zimbabwe U.S. Embassy Harare “As #Zimbabwewelcomes its neighbors for the #SADC summit, the United States affirms its support for SADC's goal to achieve economic development, peace & security. Intimidation, torture & prolonged pre-trial detention of Zimbabwean citizens run counter to these principles,” – posted on X by the US Embassy in Harare on 15 August 2024. COMMENT Where is the evidence? A post like the one above must necessarily refer to attach the evidence of the alleged torture. Otherwise, wherever and whenever interrogation techniques that use torture and the practice of prolonged pretrial or no trial detention are practised; they're wrong, abominable, and unacceptable because they’re inherently inhuman; regardless of who practices them, whom they're practised against or why they're practised. The attached and above referenced post shared by U.S. Embassy Harare on this platform in light of the 44th Ordinary Sadc Summit set for today in Harare is opportunistic, deceitful, and hypocritical self-fulfilling US propaganda, which U.S. Embassy Harare believes should taken for what it claims simply because it's coming from America. At face value, the post purports to affirm US “support for SADC's goal to achieve economic development, peace & security”. But this ‘support’ is neither proven nor apparent, it is merely claimed and asserted. More particularly revealing is that the US affirmation of its purported “support for SADC's goal to achieve economic development, peace & security” is done politically, insincerely, dishonestly and deceitfully; apparently to enable the U.S. Embassy Harare to opportunistically and hypocritically allege - without citing or presenting any iota of evidence – that there’s "intimidation, torture & prolonged pre-trial detention of Zimbabwean citizens"; which the Embassy self-righteously and arrogantly says "run counter to these [Sadc] principles". Since torture is a crime against humanity, allegations thereof should be taken seriously by the relevant authorities wherever and whenever they’re made. For this reason, those who make allegations of torture or any crime against humanity, have a duty and an obligation to backup or support their allegations with evidence that speaks for itself beyond prima facie disputation. The allegations must be substantive, and proven; they should not be mere claims that are asserted arrogantly, politically, opportunistically and hypocritically without any corroborated evidence. Just because the U.S. Embassy Harare is in Harare, which this week is hosting the 44th Ordinary SADC Summit should not cause the Embassy to be so brazenly and arrogantly opportunistic and hypocritical to the reckless point of pretending to be ignorant of indubitable facts about torture and prolonged pre-trial detention in the US and the US support of the worst of the same in apartheid Israel. For example, and for the sake of perspective, three points are important to keep in mind: (i) The US is notorious for keeping 'terrorist' suspects and other accused persons in prolonged pretrial detention within and outside the US — including through rendition—and for 'lawfully' torturing the suspects using despicable and dehumanising techniques like waterboarding and rectal rehydration. (ii) US acts of aiding and abetting the prolonged pretrial and no trial detention, and the rampant dehumanising torture and gruesome murder of Palestinians by apartheid Israel, virtually on an hourly basis across the illegally occupied Palestinian Territories are a matter of documented common cause. (ii) The US has a double-faced posture on torture: on the one hand, it uses torture as its interrogation technique of choice; on the other hand, the US uses torture allegations often with no supporting evidence, as a propaganda weapon to smear and stigmatise targeted countries. Now, given that torture and prolonged pretrial and no trial detention are wrong, abominable, and inhuman wherever and whenever they are practised; and given that the US is notorious for practising torture and prolonged pretrial and no trial detention; and further given that the US is notorious for aiding and abetting torture; cold blooded murder and prolonged pretrial and no trial detention of Palestinians in apartheid Israel; where on earth does the U.S. Embassy Harare derive any moral authority to preach or pontificate about torture and prolonged pretrial detention to SADC Secretariat or to anyone else anywhere in the world, for that matter? The moral question is very important, especially since both the US and Israel routinely justify their dehumanising and gruesome torture techniques on 'legal' grounds; they oxymoronically claim that their torture is ‘legal’. For example, during her Senate confirmation hearings, Gina Haspel - CIA Director under the presidency of Donald Trump from 21 May 2018 to 20 January 2021 - was repeatedly asked by then Senator Kamala Harris, and now the Democratic Party presidential candidate in the November 2024 elections; whether she [Gina Haspel] believed that the CIA’s interrogation [torture] techniques, like waterboarding, were immoral. Haspel repeatedly declined to answer. Tellingly and shockingly, Kamala Harris herself sought to sanitise the CIA’s use of torture interrogation techniques by referring to them as "previous interrogation techniques", falsely presenting them as a thing of the past; and, in any event, outrageously casting them as having been 'legal' but 'not moral'; yet the CIA torture interrogation techniques are illegal because torture is a crime against humanity under international law. Regarding the U.S. Embassy Harare post in question, as a bottom line, there's a critical and urgent need for a better, non-opportunistic, non-holier than thou and more responsible approach for dealing with torture as a reprehensible and unacceptable interrogation technique; than what the U.S. Embassy Harare opportunistically, deceitfully and hypocritically displays on its post. It bears reiterating with great emphasis that what is wrong with the U.S. Embassy Harare post is that it makes serious allegations of torture without providing any evidence of the alleged torture. There’s no evidence at all, save for bald allegations. Somehow, Sadc and everyone else targeted by the US Embassy post is supposed to take and believe the torture allegations purely and only on the basis that the allegations are being made by the US, using the old age trick that if you want to kill a dog, just allege that it has rabies. But, of course experience tells an entirely different story with unassailable proof that the US actually lies routinely, with the indescribably embarrassing case in point being the wildly false 2002 US claims that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction; which led to the barbaric 2003 US invasion of Iraq to overthrow Hussein with the consequence of literally destroying Iraq. There’s an important background that explains the U.S. Embassy Harare post under the spotlight. In the run up to today’s 44th Ordinary Sadc Summit in Harare, the US Embassy started mobilising its ‘assets’ to get them to make noise that the summit should reactivate the now archived 2023 Sadc Elections Observer Mission (SEOM) report on the 2023 harmonised general elections, hoping to discredit and derail Zimbabwe’s assumption of Sadc chairmanship. ‘Assets’ in this case are individuals linked to opposition political parties, sections of the media and civil society, etc., that the US funds or sponsors to carry out its psychological [propaganda] operations against a targeted country; under the cover of its diplomatic status. In mobilising its ‘assets’ in Harare to orchestrate trouble around the 44th Ordinary Sadc Summit in Harare, the U.S. Embassy Harare took advantage of the unfortunate fact that the state of opposition politics in Zimbabwe today is comatose. Structurally and objectively speaking, there are no opposition parties in Zimbabwe. All there is are some opposition and NGO individuals, among whom the overwhelming majority are seen and treated by the U.S. Embassy Harare as its ‘assets’. Against this backdrop, and working in cahoots with its networks of merchants of regime change in southern Africa which includes the likes of the Oppenheimer funded Brenthurst Foundation, the U.S. Embassy Harare has become the convener and coordinator of its ‘assets’ — whom it let loose and deployed inside Zimbabwe, in South Africa and elsewhere including overseas — in the run up to today’s 44th Ordinary Sadc Summit and used to peddle its torture claims without putting any compelling evidence. With no structured and organised opposition politics, and with a proliferation of one-man and one-woman briefcase NGOs; as is the situation in Zimbabwe today, it has been relatively easy for the U.S. Embassy Harare to use its ‘assets’ [individuals] to peddle its unproven allegations; focussed on today’s 44th Ordinary Sadc Summit, which became a lucrative event for US ‘assets’. The rest is history, yet to be told. Meanwhile, and because torture is a crime against humanity, allegations of torture must not be political or opportunistic propaganda, they must be real and evidential; based on proven and verifiable evidence; especially when they’re made by an entity such as the U.S. Embassy Harare, an embassy of a superpower!

Prof Jonathan Moyo

54,986 Aufrufe • vor 2 Jahren

"You just hate Hichilema": The dramatic fall of Zambia's president By Sishuwa Sishuwa Hakainde Hichilema stood in the queue to becoming President of Zambia for 15 years before voters finally removed him from it in August 2021. This demonstrates how badly the man wanted this job. But it has taken him only five years in office to display his unfitness for the role. When it comes to the bigger national issues, such as safeguarding our cherished democracy, getting the best out of Zambia’s mineral wealth, respecting the constitution and the rule of law, fighting corruption beyond rhetoric, genuine promotion of national unity and equitable distribution of appointments to public service positions, sorting out the cost-of-living crisis and the deplorable conditions of life for most Zambians, Hichilema has lamentably failed. In fact, I would go as far as saying that the President has become a clear and present danger to Zambia’s economy, to our democracy, our constitutional order, our nationhood and its 'One Zambia Nation' foundation, and to the lives of ordinary Zambians. Voting Hichilema out of office will be the highest expression of patriotism. As I have previously stated, I am convinced that Hichilema will lose the election on 13 August. The only thing that can save him from defeat is pre-ballot death (of any candidate) or industrial scale vote-rigging. I really hope that we Zambians will never again elect a lying, tribal, corrupt, unpatriotic, vindictive, hypocritical, lawless, and undemocratic scumbag. In addition to his policy failures on major issues of public concern, one reason why Hichilema is losing the election (unless he rigs it on an industrial scale) is because of having extremist supporters, mostly Zambezi supremacists, who dismiss legitimate criticism of his leadership actions as hate speech and consequently enable his continued failure to be receptive to criticism, to reflect on the feedback provided by the governed, and to change for the better. When citizens (be it the Catholic Bishops, opposition parties, civic actors, or ordinary Zambians like me) raise governance concerns, they do so in the spirit of accountable democratic governance. They do not do so because they hate the president as a person, hate his ethnic identity, or hate where he was born. I insist that a better Zambia is possible but we won’t get it if we treat criticism of presidential leadership failure as expression of hate. Unfortunately, even Hichilema himself has embraced this warped thinking that any criticism of his leadership actions is hate speech. This attitude has deprived him of the much needed feedback on his leadership performance and capacity to listen to divergent views, consequently impoverishing his presidency. We must embrace the unfamiliar, eschew haste in passing judgement, and be more tolerant and understanding. These qualities are especially essential to those in public leadership roles. I once raised concern that we seem to have prepared different standards for this president compared to those who came before him. If a leader can only provide five hours of electricity to the people in a day, they have failed. If a leader can only increase the cost of living, they have failed. If a leader…I can go on. In addition to denying the president the benefit of legitimate public feedback on his performance, misconstruing criticism as hate makes it look like the responsibility of holding our public leaders to account falls on those who either love him or hail from the region where the president does not come from. If his supporters and Tongas, Lozis and Zambians from Northwestern Province join in calling out the wrongs of Hichilema, he will no longer play the tribal card of reducing all criticism of his leadership to ethnic hatred. In the uncritical minds of some of the president's supporters, I criticise Hichilema because I hate him! Most of the individuals who hold this view are people who repeatedly criticise me on this platform, even when their criticism is quite often devoid of reason or substance. I do not think those who criticise me do so because they hate me. I think they criticise me, even if I hold no elected public office, simply because they have a different take, different opinions, on things. Why is it so hard to apply the same logic to my criticism of an elected public leader like Hichilema who is accountable to us, the public? I have been providing regular political commentaries on Zambian affairs since 2009. Why was my much stronger criticism of Hichilema's predecessors, namely Rupiah Banda, Michael Sata, and Edgar Lungu, not considered hatred of these individual leaders? In fact, many of the individuals who today accuse me of harbouring hatred for Hichilema were people who were very happy with my much stinging criticism of the leadership failures of his predecessors. When I called Sata a tribalist and undemocratic leader who did not listen to advise, and provided evidence in support of my conclusions, they were happy to cheer me on, even as Sata's supporters said I was bitter and a Hichilema supporter. When I called Lungu a tribalist and corrupt leader, and provided evidence in support of my conclusions, they were happy to cheer me on, even as Lungu's supporters said I was bitter and petitioned the police to arrest me for sedition. Some of Hichilema's supporters, as part of the enjoyment of their exercise of the right to free expression, even insult me, call me names, or outrightly declare that they dislike me. Of course I would prefer content-based discussion, but if the best that anyone's mind can do is to insult me, I will consider their actions as part of the right to free expression. I recognise that people have the right to dislike me, to call me names, to wish me whatever they desire, to feel however they want about me. I have no problem with all this. I do not speak to be liked or secure the validation of anyone. I speak to express myself and I respect the right of other people to do the same. As I have repeatedly stated, free speech is not just for the people or thoughts we like or agree with; it is also for people we despise and opinions that we do not support. The important point is not the position I take on a given issue of public interest. It is the reasoning advanced in support of said position. If I say Hichilema is a lying, tribal, corrupt, unpatriotic, vindictive, hypocritical, lawless, and undemocratic scumbag, what is important is not simply this description; it is the reasons and evidence I have adduced in support of this conclusion. Anyone is welcome to challenge my conclusions or evidence, to say "I disagree with your argument for this and that reason." What I totally reject is the idea that criticism of a president's leadership actions amounts to hate; it does not. If I point out that Hichilema is failing to ensure adequate ethnic diversity in public appointments and provide evidence in support of this assertion, anybody else is welcome to demonstrate weakness in my stated point of view. If I point out that Hichilema is a compulsive liar and provide evidence in support of this assertion, anybody else is welcome to demonstrate weakness in my stated point of view. If I point out that Hichilema’s fight against corruption is a sham and provide evidence in support of this assertion, anybody else is welcome to demonstrate weakness in my stated point of view. If I point out that Hichilema is a compulsive liar and provide evidence in support of this assertion, anybody else is welcome to demonstrate weakness in my stated point of view. If I point out that Hichilema has eroded Zambia’s democracy and provide evidence in support of this assertion, anybody else is welcome to demonstrate weakness in my stated point of view. If I point out that Hichilema has failed to reduce the cost of living, as per his campaign promise, and provide evidence in support of this assertion, anybody else is welcome to demonstrate weakness in my stated point of view. If I point out that Hichilema (working in cohort with his friend Situmbeko Musokotwane) has facilitated the extraction of the country’s mineral wealth by multinational corporations without ensuring sufficient returns in revenue collection for Zambia and provide evidence in support of this assertion, anybody else is welcome to demonstrate weakness in my stated point of view. If I point out that Hichilema has failed to…and provide evidence in support of this assertion, anybody else is welcome to demonstrate weakness in my stated point of view. Simply dismissing my criticism as an expression of my alleged hatred for Hichilema is most unhelpful. Those who do so are depriving me the opportunity to learn what I do not know and Hichilema the opportunity to adjust his leadership style and change for the better. While I do not hesitate to share my opinions on matters of public concern, I also retain the intellectual integrity of one who is willing to abandon their point of view if its weakness can be shown. I have repeatedly stated that I harbour no hatred against Hichilema. What I hate is his bad leadership, whose meaning I have explained in the article below. There is no constitutional democracy in the world that requires citizens to love their elected leaders. Loving individuals is the responsibility of their spouses and family members. Once these individuals step up to hold elective public office, we owe them one thing: accountability or feedback on their performance. No elected public leader or their supporter should burden me or another person with any demand for affirmation or affection. In a functioning democracy, the duty of citizens is to hold their elected leaders to account so that they deliver basic services and do not undermine accountable democratic governance. This is what I have been doing across different administrations, including this one. As early as December 2021, when I analysed Hichilma's first 100 days in office, I raised governance concerns of his leadership in the hope that he could address them so that they do not grow into bigger problems. He did not listen. In 2022, when he was celebrating one year in office, I raised governance concerns of his leadership in the hope that he could address them so that they do not grow into bigger problems. He did not listen. In 2023, I raised governance concerns of his leadership in the hope that he could address them so that they do not grow into bigger problems. He did not listen. In 2024, I raised governance concerns of his leadership in the hope that he could address them so that they do not grow into bigger problems. He did not listen. In fact, as did his predecessor in 2021 in response to my criticism of the abuse of state institutions to fix critics and opponents, the president asked his supporters to report me to the police for alleged hate speech against him! In 2025, I raised governance concerns of his leadership in the hope that he could address them so that they do not grow into bigger problems. He did not listen. This year and for the many reasons that I shared in the interview on the link below, Hichilema is losing the election because he did not listen to criticism that we, as citizens, raised about his performance. He is also losing the election because of his extremist supporters who, in addition to a wilful but harmful failure to hold him to account, dismiss legitimate criticism of his leadership from other people as hate speech. What a pity! What a wasted opportunity! I have just read a story on a ruling party platform casually dismissing Global Witness's report that "Ahead of Zambia's general election...First Quantum Minerals and its associates have been running a decades-long covert influence campaign distorting the copper-rich nation's democracy" and that the Canadian firm has "become his [Hichilema's] largest funder in the upcoming 2026 election after pledging up to $50 million in support." The report adds that "FQM has reaped enormous benefits: major changes to Zambia's tax regime have save the company $771 million between 2022 and 2025, and it has been shielded from legal scrutiny." Rather than interrogating these grave concerns, the publisher, the Zambian Watchdog which is run from State House, is treating the issue so casually when Global Witness, a very credible international outlet, raises serious corruption and governance allegations. In January 2019, I raised questions about Hichilema's relationship with foreign mining firms, but was told by his supporters that I just hate him. Today, we are ere. The net result is that Hichilema, who in opposition politics had positioned himself as the reformist leader Zambia needed to reclaim its democracy, eliminate corruption, unite the country, and set it on the path to economic recovery, has, in power, turned out to be nearly everything he detested about his predecessor and, in some cases, much worse. Under his watch, corruption has thrived on a massive scale, the economy is a shambles, ethnic divisions have worsened, Zambia’s previously principled foreign policy has been shredded into something unrecognisable, and democracy is essentially non-existent. The man who was expected to lead reform has instead transitioned into an aspiring despot. Unless he rigs the election, or eliminates his main rival, Zambians should prepare for a new administration after 13 August. Many voters have reached a point of no return and it is too late for Hichilema to change their mind. A combination of failure to listen and the "you just hate Hichilema" brigade has destroyed his once promising presidency. I see many people expressing surprise at the huge turnout at Brian Mundubile's rallies. What they miss is that the turnout reflects the revulsion against Hichilema rather than genuine support for Brian. Even if Brian was not there, voters would have rallied behind another candidate through which to express their opposition to Hichilema as a result of his major policy failures. As early as 2023, wen I noticed Hichilema's direction of travel, I warned that the greatest opposition that he and the UPND face is a politically alert and informed citizenry, not an opposition party: “The biggest opposition that Hichilema faces is the people, particularly if he fails to lower the cost of living and tackle the huge unemployment outside the health and education sectors. They can stop opposition rallies like Edgar Lungu and the PF tried to do but if Zambians would have decided in a year or two that Hichilema must go at the next election, there is nothing that he can do to stop them....Even if Hichilema tries to, he cannot stop the people’s will. Even if he succeeds in killing the PF and in his manoeuvres to block his main political opponents from running in 2026, another platform and another candidate to serve as the outlet of opposition will be found. The voters will support any visionary patriot they see as better placed to be used as the vehicle for removing Hichilema just like they chose him as the vehicle for removing Lungu. Please tell him”. Hichilema did not listen. Again. This continued failure to listen prompted my conclusion two years later that "Many Zambians may not know yet who they will vote for in the 2026 presidential election, but they already know who they won’t vote for." The truth is that I tried to warn Hichilema in good time and at different points that he was heading in the wrong direction. The President, dripping with arrogance, did not listen. Think of it this way. A bus (representing a political party in power) is transporting passengers (active citizens) from Intercity terminus (2021, being the departure point of where we did not want to be anymore) to Nakonde (2026, being the arrival point of destination before subsequently deciding whether to book the same bus for the return trip). After leaving Intercity, some passengers notice that the bus is heading towards Livingstone (a wrong destination that takes us back to before 2021). A few of us (active citizens) decide to stand up (holding the leader to account) and confront both the driver (the president) and his conductor (Minister of Finance), demanding an explanation for why we are heading to Livingstone when we were promised that we woud be taken to Nakonde. Other passengers, mainly those who came from the ethnic group of the driver and conductor, defended the duo even before it could respond to our concerns. They repeatedly told us that "You just hate the driver. Please sit down!" One or two relatives of the conductor joined in support, saying the "The driver and the conductor are excellent and one of them has even won awards for stellar performance on his duties, including his remarkable capacity to understand direction of travel"! That is how some passengers kept quiet. I kept on talking, especially after we reached Choma in the hope that if we turned atthat point, we woudl not wast more time. I talked because I could not get off the bus at undesigned stations, so the only solution was to appeal to the driver to change course. I explained that it would be an act of extreme irresponsibility on my part as an active passenger to wait until the bus has reached Livingstone before holding the driver to account about the direction of travel. That is why I tried to warn the driver that we were headed in the wrong direction. Unfortunately, other passengers said we should just sit back comfortably, enjoy the ride which included some morsels of food delivered by the bus, and trust the driver because other drivers before him were much worse. In the end, we arrived in Livingstone, our undesired destination. Just when we were arriving, we saw another bus, loading passing from there directly to Nakonde. The driver, upon realising the cost of his failure to listen and the disappointment in the eyes of the passengers, urged everyone to sit down, promising that he would take us to Nakonde if we give him more time. With the exception of those who came from the driver's ethnic group and the auxiliary ones, most passengers, who had shown great faith in his driving skills by paying (voting) the fare for the bus as their mode of transport from Intercity to Nakonde, have left the bus for the other. These include those who had adopted silence during the journey after realising that the driver, aided by the choir mentioned, was not a listening kind. As I write this post, the alternative bus is almost full. The same passengers who accused those of us who, along the way, advised the driver to change course, of harbouring hatred for the driver are now wondering why nearly everyone is leaving the bus we came with for an alternative one that is promising to take us directly to Nakonde. One of the driver's supporters, reiterating the driver's earlier appeal that we should stick to the bus that brought us to Livingstone, just shouted at us a moment ago: "The alternative bus will take you to a wrong destination. Its driver cannot be trusted; just stick to this one because you won't have to pay a new fare". The supporter is overlooking the point that we are already at a wrong destination, the current driver has betrayed our trust, and that we would rather repose our trust in another person. It is not good to remain on a bus, driven by a person who does not listen, out of the fear that an alternative one might be driven by someone who could be worse. Let us try the alternative bus. If its driver takes us to a wrong destination, we will disembark from the bus we are about to jump onto, as we have done before, and find another one until we reach Nakonde. For me and other active passengers, such has been the the current driver's betrayal of our trust that we have reached a point of no return. We cannot trust this driver anymore, especially that when we tried to correct him, no one explained to us why our concerns were unfounded. We were just told that we hate hate the driver or his ethic group or or the province where he comes from. Recently, Dr Lee Habasonda, a lecturer in political science at the University of Zambia, told Reuters (watch the video clip on the link below) that electoral success is a matter of thresholds – of grievances, feelings, frustrations, etc. Lee’s view is that once a certain threshold or tipping point has been reached, "no matter your manifesto, ideology, lies" or whatever those in power do or say, the voters will "decide to change government" because they would have reached a point of no return. Emotionally, many Zambian voters, including some that I know who voted for Hichilema in 2021, have passed that threshold where no matter what Hichilema or UPND does, these voters will reject him. This is because the threshold, or the point of no return, has been reached. As Lee argued, those in power "may say we have already won this election when they campaign but the political coalitions and realignment" suggest otherwise. When the opposition wins next month, we will need to advise them to get non-sycophants at State House and in the critical posts in the civil service. It is important that they understand that unless there is a clear shift away from the harmful culture we have raised concerns about, we will be compelled to challenge them with the same resolve we previously applied to both the PF and UPND governments. On my part, I promise that I will always be on the side of the people. You will not find me in government even after the election. Once Hichilema is out of office, I will leave him alone and my attention will shift to holding to account the next set of public leaders. As I made clear in 2021, I am content serving as an academic and I will work, as part of my civic duty, to hold the new Government to account as I did with previous Governments. I am not available for or interested in any form of government job. For now, Iet me continue listening to the attached song. Chalo chesu.
4:54

"You just hate Hichilema": The dramatic fall of Zambia's president By Sishuwa Sishuwa Hakainde Hichilema stood in the queue to becoming President of Zambia for 15 years before voters finally removed him from it in August 2021. This demonstrates how badly the man wanted this job. But it has taken him only five years in office to display his unfitness for the role. When it comes to the bigger national issues, such as safeguarding our cherished democracy, getting the best out of Zambia’s mineral wealth, respecting the constitution and the rule of law, fighting corruption beyond rhetoric, genuine promotion of national unity and equitable distribution of appointments to public service positions, sorting out the cost-of-living crisis and the deplorable conditions of life for most Zambians, Hichilema has lamentably failed. In fact, I would go as far as saying that the President has become a clear and present danger to Zambia’s economy, to our democracy, our constitutional order, our nationhood and its 'One Zambia Nation' foundation, and to the lives of ordinary Zambians. Voting Hichilema out of office will be the highest expression of patriotism. As I have previously stated, I am convinced that Hichilema will lose the election on 13 August. The only thing that can save him from defeat is pre-ballot death (of any candidate) or industrial scale vote-rigging. I really hope that we Zambians will never again elect a lying, tribal, corrupt, unpatriotic, vindictive, hypocritical, lawless, and undemocratic scumbag. In addition to his policy failures on major issues of public concern, one reason why Hichilema is losing the election (unless he rigs it on an industrial scale) is because of having extremist supporters, mostly Zambezi supremacists, who dismiss legitimate criticism of his leadership actions as hate speech and consequently enable his continued failure to be receptive to criticism, to reflect on the feedback provided by the governed, and to change for the better. When citizens (be it the Catholic Bishops, opposition parties, civic actors, or ordinary Zambians like me) raise governance concerns, they do so in the spirit of accountable democratic governance. They do not do so because they hate the president as a person, hate his ethnic identity, or hate where he was born. I insist that a better Zambia is possible but we won’t get it if we treat criticism of presidential leadership failure as expression of hate. Unfortunately, even Hichilema himself has embraced this warped thinking that any criticism of his leadership actions is hate speech. This attitude has deprived him of the much needed feedback on his leadership performance and capacity to listen to divergent views, consequently impoverishing his presidency. We must embrace the unfamiliar, eschew haste in passing judgement, and be more tolerant and understanding. These qualities are especially essential to those in public leadership roles. I once raised concern that we seem to have prepared different standards for this president compared to those who came before him. If a leader can only provide five hours of electricity to the people in a day, they have failed. If a leader can only increase the cost of living, they have failed. If a leader…I can go on. In addition to denying the president the benefit of legitimate public feedback on his performance, misconstruing criticism as hate makes it look like the responsibility of holding our public leaders to account falls on those who either love him or hail from the region where the president does not come from. If his supporters and Tongas, Lozis and Zambians from Northwestern Province join in calling out the wrongs of Hichilema, he will no longer play the tribal card of reducing all criticism of his leadership to ethnic hatred. In the uncritical minds of some of the president's supporters, I criticise Hichilema because I hate him! Most of the individuals who hold this view are people who repeatedly criticise me on this platform, even when their criticism is quite often devoid of reason or substance. I do not think those who criticise me do so because they hate me. I think they criticise me, even if I hold no elected public office, simply because they have a different take, different opinions, on things. Why is it so hard to apply the same logic to my criticism of an elected public leader like Hichilema who is accountable to us, the public? I have been providing regular political commentaries on Zambian affairs since 2009. Why was my much stronger criticism of Hichilema's predecessors, namely Rupiah Banda, Michael Sata, and Edgar Lungu, not considered hatred of these individual leaders? In fact, many of the individuals who today accuse me of harbouring hatred for Hichilema were people who were very happy with my much stinging criticism of the leadership failures of his predecessors. When I called Sata a tribalist and undemocratic leader who did not listen to advise, and provided evidence in support of my conclusions, they were happy to cheer me on, even as Sata's supporters said I was bitter and a Hichilema supporter. When I called Lungu a tribalist and corrupt leader, and provided evidence in support of my conclusions, they were happy to cheer me on, even as Lungu's supporters said I was bitter and petitioned the police to arrest me for sedition. Some of Hichilema's supporters, as part of the enjoyment of their exercise of the right to free expression, even insult me, call me names, or outrightly declare that they dislike me. Of course I would prefer content-based discussion, but if the best that anyone's mind can do is to insult me, I will consider their actions as part of the right to free expression. I recognise that people have the right to dislike me, to call me names, to wish me whatever they desire, to feel however they want about me. I have no problem with all this. I do not speak to be liked or secure the validation of anyone. I speak to express myself and I respect the right of other people to do the same. As I have repeatedly stated, free speech is not just for the people or thoughts we like or agree with; it is also for people we despise and opinions that we do not support. The important point is not the position I take on a given issue of public interest. It is the reasoning advanced in support of said position. If I say Hichilema is a lying, tribal, corrupt, unpatriotic, vindictive, hypocritical, lawless, and undemocratic scumbag, what is important is not simply this description; it is the reasons and evidence I have adduced in support of this conclusion. Anyone is welcome to challenge my conclusions or evidence, to say "I disagree with your argument for this and that reason." What I totally reject is the idea that criticism of a president's leadership actions amounts to hate; it does not. If I point out that Hichilema is failing to ensure adequate ethnic diversity in public appointments and provide evidence in support of this assertion, anybody else is welcome to demonstrate weakness in my stated point of view. If I point out that Hichilema is a compulsive liar and provide evidence in support of this assertion, anybody else is welcome to demonstrate weakness in my stated point of view. If I point out that Hichilema’s fight against corruption is a sham and provide evidence in support of this assertion, anybody else is welcome to demonstrate weakness in my stated point of view. If I point out that Hichilema is a compulsive liar and provide evidence in support of this assertion, anybody else is welcome to demonstrate weakness in my stated point of view. If I point out that Hichilema has eroded Zambia’s democracy and provide evidence in support of this assertion, anybody else is welcome to demonstrate weakness in my stated point of view. If I point out that Hichilema has failed to reduce the cost of living, as per his campaign promise, and provide evidence in support of this assertion, anybody else is welcome to demonstrate weakness in my stated point of view. If I point out that Hichilema (working in cohort with his friend Situmbeko Musokotwane) has facilitated the extraction of the country’s mineral wealth by multinational corporations without ensuring sufficient returns in revenue collection for Zambia and provide evidence in support of this assertion, anybody else is welcome to demonstrate weakness in my stated point of view. If I point out that Hichilema has failed to…and provide evidence in support of this assertion, anybody else is welcome to demonstrate weakness in my stated point of view. Simply dismissing my criticism as an expression of my alleged hatred for Hichilema is most unhelpful. Those who do so are depriving me the opportunity to learn what I do not know and Hichilema the opportunity to adjust his leadership style and change for the better. While I do not hesitate to share my opinions on matters of public concern, I also retain the intellectual integrity of one who is willing to abandon their point of view if its weakness can be shown. I have repeatedly stated that I harbour no hatred against Hichilema. What I hate is his bad leadership, whose meaning I have explained in the article below. There is no constitutional democracy in the world that requires citizens to love their elected leaders. Loving individuals is the responsibility of their spouses and family members. Once these individuals step up to hold elective public office, we owe them one thing: accountability or feedback on their performance. No elected public leader or their supporter should burden me or another person with any demand for affirmation or affection. In a functioning democracy, the duty of citizens is to hold their elected leaders to account so that they deliver basic services and do not undermine accountable democratic governance. This is what I have been doing across different administrations, including this one. As early as December 2021, when I analysed Hichilma's first 100 days in office, I raised governance concerns of his leadership in the hope that he could address them so that they do not grow into bigger problems. He did not listen. In 2022, when he was celebrating one year in office, I raised governance concerns of his leadership in the hope that he could address them so that they do not grow into bigger problems. He did not listen. In 2023, I raised governance concerns of his leadership in the hope that he could address them so that they do not grow into bigger problems. He did not listen. In 2024, I raised governance concerns of his leadership in the hope that he could address them so that they do not grow into bigger problems. He did not listen. In fact, as did his predecessor in 2021 in response to my criticism of the abuse of state institutions to fix critics and opponents, the president asked his supporters to report me to the police for alleged hate speech against him! In 2025, I raised governance concerns of his leadership in the hope that he could address them so that they do not grow into bigger problems. He did not listen. This year and for the many reasons that I shared in the interview on the link below, Hichilema is losing the election because he did not listen to criticism that we, as citizens, raised about his performance. He is also losing the election because of his extremist supporters who, in addition to a wilful but harmful failure to hold him to account, dismiss legitimate criticism of his leadership from other people as hate speech. What a pity! What a wasted opportunity! I have just read a story on a ruling party platform casually dismissing Global Witness's report that "Ahead of Zambia's general election...First Quantum Minerals and its associates have been running a decades-long covert influence campaign distorting the copper-rich nation's democracy" and that the Canadian firm has "become his [Hichilema's] largest funder in the upcoming 2026 election after pledging up to $50 million in support." The report adds that "FQM has reaped enormous benefits: major changes to Zambia's tax regime have save the company $771 million between 2022 and 2025, and it has been shielded from legal scrutiny." Rather than interrogating these grave concerns, the publisher, the Zambian Watchdog which is run from State House, is treating the issue so casually when Global Witness, a very credible international outlet, raises serious corruption and governance allegations. In January 2019, I raised questions about Hichilema's relationship with foreign mining firms, but was told by his supporters that I just hate him. Today, we are ere. The net result is that Hichilema, who in opposition politics had positioned himself as the reformist leader Zambia needed to reclaim its democracy, eliminate corruption, unite the country, and set it on the path to economic recovery, has, in power, turned out to be nearly everything he detested about his predecessor and, in some cases, much worse. Under his watch, corruption has thrived on a massive scale, the economy is a shambles, ethnic divisions have worsened, Zambia’s previously principled foreign policy has been shredded into something unrecognisable, and democracy is essentially non-existent. The man who was expected to lead reform has instead transitioned into an aspiring despot. Unless he rigs the election, or eliminates his main rival, Zambians should prepare for a new administration after 13 August. Many voters have reached a point of no return and it is too late for Hichilema to change their mind. A combination of failure to listen and the "you just hate Hichilema" brigade has destroyed his once promising presidency. I see many people expressing surprise at the huge turnout at Brian Mundubile's rallies. What they miss is that the turnout reflects the revulsion against Hichilema rather than genuine support for Brian. Even if Brian was not there, voters would have rallied behind another candidate through which to express their opposition to Hichilema as a result of his major policy failures. As early as 2023, wen I noticed Hichilema's direction of travel, I warned that the greatest opposition that he and the UPND face is a politically alert and informed citizenry, not an opposition party: “The biggest opposition that Hichilema faces is the people, particularly if he fails to lower the cost of living and tackle the huge unemployment outside the health and education sectors. They can stop opposition rallies like Edgar Lungu and the PF tried to do but if Zambians would have decided in a year or two that Hichilema must go at the next election, there is nothing that he can do to stop them....Even if Hichilema tries to, he cannot stop the people’s will. Even if he succeeds in killing the PF and in his manoeuvres to block his main political opponents from running in 2026, another platform and another candidate to serve as the outlet of opposition will be found. The voters will support any visionary patriot they see as better placed to be used as the vehicle for removing Hichilema just like they chose him as the vehicle for removing Lungu. Please tell him”. Hichilema did not listen. Again. This continued failure to listen prompted my conclusion two years later that "Many Zambians may not know yet who they will vote for in the 2026 presidential election, but they already know who they won’t vote for." The truth is that I tried to warn Hichilema in good time and at different points that he was heading in the wrong direction. The President, dripping with arrogance, did not listen. Think of it this way. A bus (representing a political party in power) is transporting passengers (active citizens) from Intercity terminus (2021, being the departure point of where we did not want to be anymore) to Nakonde (2026, being the arrival point of destination before subsequently deciding whether to book the same bus for the return trip). After leaving Intercity, some passengers notice that the bus is heading towards Livingstone (a wrong destination that takes us back to before 2021). A few of us (active citizens) decide to stand up (holding the leader to account) and confront both the driver (the president) and his conductor (Minister of Finance), demanding an explanation for why we are heading to Livingstone when we were promised that we woud be taken to Nakonde. Other passengers, mainly those who came from the ethnic group of the driver and conductor, defended the duo even before it could respond to our concerns. They repeatedly told us that "You just hate the driver. Please sit down!" One or two relatives of the conductor joined in support, saying the "The driver and the conductor are excellent and one of them has even won awards for stellar performance on his duties, including his remarkable capacity to understand direction of travel"! That is how some passengers kept quiet. I kept on talking, especially after we reached Choma in the hope that if we turned atthat point, we woudl not wast more time. I talked because I could not get off the bus at undesigned stations, so the only solution was to appeal to the driver to change course. I explained that it would be an act of extreme irresponsibility on my part as an active passenger to wait until the bus has reached Livingstone before holding the driver to account about the direction of travel. That is why I tried to warn the driver that we were headed in the wrong direction. Unfortunately, other passengers said we should just sit back comfortably, enjoy the ride which included some morsels of food delivered by the bus, and trust the driver because other drivers before him were much worse. In the end, we arrived in Livingstone, our undesired destination. Just when we were arriving, we saw another bus, loading passing from there directly to Nakonde. The driver, upon realising the cost of his failure to listen and the disappointment in the eyes of the passengers, urged everyone to sit down, promising that he would take us to Nakonde if we give him more time. With the exception of those who came from the driver's ethnic group and the auxiliary ones, most passengers, who had shown great faith in his driving skills by paying (voting) the fare for the bus as their mode of transport from Intercity to Nakonde, have left the bus for the other. These include those who had adopted silence during the journey after realising that the driver, aided by the choir mentioned, was not a listening kind. As I write this post, the alternative bus is almost full. The same passengers who accused those of us who, along the way, advised the driver to change course, of harbouring hatred for the driver are now wondering why nearly everyone is leaving the bus we came with for an alternative one that is promising to take us directly to Nakonde. One of the driver's supporters, reiterating the driver's earlier appeal that we should stick to the bus that brought us to Livingstone, just shouted at us a moment ago: "The alternative bus will take you to a wrong destination. Its driver cannot be trusted; just stick to this one because you won't have to pay a new fare". The supporter is overlooking the point that we are already at a wrong destination, the current driver has betrayed our trust, and that we would rather repose our trust in another person. It is not good to remain on a bus, driven by a person who does not listen, out of the fear that an alternative one might be driven by someone who could be worse. Let us try the alternative bus. If its driver takes us to a wrong destination, we will disembark from the bus we are about to jump onto, as we have done before, and find another one until we reach Nakonde. For me and other active passengers, such has been the the current driver's betrayal of our trust that we have reached a point of no return. We cannot trust this driver anymore, especially that when we tried to correct him, no one explained to us why our concerns were unfounded. We were just told that we hate hate the driver or his ethic group or or the province where he comes from. Recently, Dr Lee Habasonda, a lecturer in political science at the University of Zambia, told Reuters (watch the video clip on the link below) that electoral success is a matter of thresholds – of grievances, feelings, frustrations, etc. Lee’s view is that once a certain threshold or tipping point has been reached, "no matter your manifesto, ideology, lies" or whatever those in power do or say, the voters will "decide to change government" because they would have reached a point of no return. Emotionally, many Zambian voters, including some that I know who voted for Hichilema in 2021, have passed that threshold where no matter what Hichilema or UPND does, these voters will reject him. This is because the threshold, or the point of no return, has been reached. As Lee argued, those in power "may say we have already won this election when they campaign but the political coalitions and realignment" suggest otherwise. When the opposition wins next month, we will need to advise them to get non-sycophants at State House and in the critical posts in the civil service. It is important that they understand that unless there is a clear shift away from the harmful culture we have raised concerns about, we will be compelled to challenge them with the same resolve we previously applied to both the PF and UPND governments. On my part, I promise that I will always be on the side of the people. You will not find me in government even after the election. Once Hichilema is out of office, I will leave him alone and my attention will shift to holding to account the next set of public leaders. As I made clear in 2021, I am content serving as an academic and I will work, as part of my civic duty, to hold the new Government to account as I did with previous Governments. I am not available for or interested in any form of government job. For now, Iet me continue listening to the attached song. Chalo chesu.

Sishuwa Sishuwa

32,874 Aufrufe • vor 2 Monaten

Zack Polanski on BBC Radio 4's Today prog calmly knocking back everything Nick Robinson throws at him across 17 minutes NR (00:00.2), "Delighted to say that Zach Polanski is here in the Today programme studio, for the latest, indeed, for the last of our party leader interviews. Morning to you and thanks for coming in." ZP (00:09.2), "Thanks for having me." NR (00:09.8), "Nick, I want to talk to you about what your party would do if it does indeed gain some power after the votes on Thursday. But I want to begin by putting to you one of the latest storeys about you. A Times investigation says that you've made a series of false or disputed claims about jobs you've had in the past with." NR (00:31.8), "Why, for example, did you say you were a spokesperson for the British Red Cross when they are absolutely clear that, though a supporter of theirs, you were never a spokesperson for them?" ZP (00:42.3), "So I hosted, various fundraisers for the British Red Cross and indeed I would go on stage and speak for them about the amazing work they do tackling humanitarian crises, on the climate crisis and indeed for refugees all around the world. I use the wrong word and I accept that." ZP (00:57.5), "But I would essentially take words on stage with me and speak. It's important, though, and I accept this, that, you know, I don't support any political party and I've made sure that's been taken down." NR (01:06.5), "You say this sort of storey is a fuss about nothing, that you get your facts wrong because it comes up with other examples." ZP (01:11.7), "Well, I think it's totally fine to ask me questions about my past. I would also say in the same breath, though the Times published a pretty anti Semitic cartoon of me last week. I asked them to apologise. And it feels some of these storeys feel like scraping the barrel to kind of go back 10, 15 years. I've had so many friends, I'm literally talking maybe 20 or 30 in the last few weeks who have phoned me and said, a Times journalist has been phoning and they've been desperately trying, trying to find things about your past." ZP (01:36.5), "They asked me lots of questions and seemed disappointed that I didn't have some juicy, dirty gossip." NR (01:41.6), "Yeah, well, there was. Whether you call it juicy or dirty, and it wasn't gossip, it was a fact. The fact that you claimed that as a hypnotherapist, you could enlarge women's breasts using the power of thought. People are entitled to say, what's this guy really about?" ZP (01:57.2), "People are totally entitled to say that. And that's an important part of politics, that people ask you questions. What I would say is that, you know, this was 13 years ago. It was a Sun journalist's idea. I've apologised for that. Because even though it was a son journalist idea, I was an adult and I should have said no, you went along with it." NR (02:12.6), "Yeah." ZP (02:12.9), "It's important to say I wasn't a politician. And I've apologised for it repeatedly." NR (02:16.7), "And the BBC showed that some days later, in fact, you repeated the claim that you could do it. But let us not get bogged down in the past. It is striking, though, that on X last night, when, let's be honest, people who are critics of you are having a go. The Daily Mail calls it the Green Menace on its front page." NR (02:34.1), "How did you react? You said you were under relentless attacks because they, your critics don't want a wealth tax, don't want public ownership. They're trying everything in their power to stop us, you said. It's a curious thing to say, isn't it? Ahead of local elections, Green councillors will not have the power to implement any of those policies, will they?" ZP (02:54.8), "Well, I think the relentless attacks on the Green Party in this election, for a local election have partly been about the local election, but really they're about the bigger picture right now. The bigger picture is when I ran to be leader of the Green party, we had 50,000 members, we've now got 225,000 members. So we are rising." ZP (03:11.1), "And I think lots of people are worried about the prospect. And when I say people, people who own, right wing media, multimillionaires and billionaires who are worried about the prospect that they might have to pay a little bit more tax. And so I think it's important that I focus on the vision and the hope and our actual plan." ZP (03:27.4), "I also think it's a complete reality, though we've seen it in the past before with left wing leaders, that there's no secret, there's no love lost between me and the right wing media. And almost every single day they print things that just aren't true." NR (03:38.8), "But just address the point I raised. Wealth tax councils won't get to do that. Public ownership councils don't get to do that. Well, not entirely. We'll come to that in a second. You are running on a national platform of change that the people who are elected on Thursday, whether in the Welsh Parliament, you don't run candidates in the Scottish one, or in English, local councils simply cannot do." ZP (04:03.2), "Well, I think it's about what are your values as a party? And whilst other party leaders and other parties take donations from oil and gas companies or arms trade companies, private healthcare or gambling, Green Party councillors only have two vested interests and Those vested interests. We want to protect the communities we seek to serve and we want to protect the environment." NR (04:21.6), "Well, let's come to that, then, because most interesting, perhaps, is to look at what Greens say who are running for office. You are not. You are a member of the London assembly, you're not a Member of Parliament, you're not running in these elections. Now, you live in Hackney. Hackney happens in northeast London to be a top Green target for taking control from the Labour Party." NR (04:41.9), "So let's look at protecting communities. For example, on crime, the manifesto calls the Metropolitan Police institutionally racist, homophobic, sexist and misogynists. It goes on to say, greens cannot accept this system. It calls for safe spaces for, heroin users to shoot up, to end cautions for street prostitution and to end what the manifesto calls discriminatory policing of delivery riders." NR (05:08.8), "This is an agenda for an endless fight with the police, isn't it?" ZP (05:12.0), "I don't think so. Baroness Casey, in the last couple of years, did a review into Metropolitan Police and it was actually the findings that found it institutionally racist and misogynistic. Something that Sadiq Khan, the Mayor of London, to his credit, accepts. It is noticeable that Mark Rowley, the Commissioner of the Police, doesn't accept that, yet they continue, to work together in that way." ZP (05:31.1), "On the issue of drug harm, we have the highest drug deaths, of any country in Europe. And every single year for the past 13 years, drug deaths have increased. So I think the question anyone has, and we have in Hackney, is that the war on drugs has clearly failed. It's failed in cities right across this country, and more and more people are, often taking dangerous drugs." ZP (05:50.3), "So do we want people to buy them on the black market or on street corners? Or do we want people to go to a pharmacy or a medical health professional where, if they have an addiction to dangerous drugs, we can work with them to take a public health approach based in harm reduction." NR (06:02.7), "Public health approaches to. Is to legalise hard drugs and to legalise prostitution, you say to legalise and regulate and the regulators. It's still legalised, isn't it?" ZP (06:11.5), "No, the point is you can't just go into a shop and buy drugs, which is how it's presented in the press. Again, because I can keep talking about what councillors can do, rather than what" NR (06:18.3), "you would do if you were Prime Minister, because that's for another interview. Are you saying councillors should cut the police budget? Because that's what it seems to imply when you say, we cannot accept this system, let the council spend Money on crime reduction. Don't give that money to the police." ZP (06:33.7), "It's about reprioritizing. So it's." NR (06:35.5), "Does that mean cut in English?" ZP (06:36.7), "No. So let's look at example. We're straight back onto drugs. A lot of police time is spent on stop and search for cannabis use, for instance. It doesn't escape people's notice that that is often, in the politics of racism, if you're a young black person, I think it's something like you're 18 times more likely to be stopped and searched than your white peer, despite the fact there's no evidence that they're more likely to be dealing or using drugs." ZP (07:00.8), "And so I think it's important that we make sure the police time is spent properly, which I think is about community prevention, about cohesiveness and bringing communities together, particularly in, like, whether it means redirecting the budget." NR (07:11.4), "Does it mean the police budget?" ZP (07:12.9), "Well, it means redirecting within the police budget, so making sure that the time police are spent is spent on community safety." NR (07:18.2), "Well, it's interesting that we talked about police because, as you know, you've come under serious criticism for retweeting criticism of the action of the police officers who stopped the alleged attacker of Jews in Golda's Green. Now, you apologised for retweeting that." NR (07:34.1), "You said you should have a meeting with the head of the Met. You sent him a letter. I want to ask you a different question. You've not apologised for the content of that. Why did you empathise with the attacker, and not with police officers who feared for their own lives and were trying to protect other people's lives?" ZP (07:53.3), "I think there's two things in that that I, really clearly want to say. The first is my very first response to the attack was to be horrif, as everyone was, I'm sure. And the first thing I posted was solidarity to the victim, to the family and indeed, to people who are suffering right now, including as a Jewish man, where Jewish safety is not abstract." NR (08:12.0), "But then you posted that officers were repeatedly and violently kicking a mentally ill man in the head when he was incapacitated by a Taser, caused extreme offence to those officers, to the head of the Met and to many people. I ask you again, why did you empathise, Empathise with the attacker, not with the police officer." ZP (08:28.9), "As I said, there's two things I wanted to say, so that was the first. The second, what I want to say is two things can be true at the same Time officers are incredibly brave when they run towards scenes of crimes that most people, including myself, would want to run away from. At the same time, I think it is accurate, and that I was also traumatised, by seeing, someone handcuffed and completely, repeatedly kicked in the head." ZP (08:51.7), "Now, sure, if you'll forgive me, it is an answer," NR (08:54.4), "but it's not an answer to the question. You posted something with the power that you have, with the number of people who follows us, and not empathising in that post with the Jewish community or critically with the police officers, you empathise with the attacker. Look what they're doing to the alleged attacker." ZP (09:11.1), "I don't think it was your choice. As I say, the first thing I did was show solidarity to the victims and I thank the officers. Second, though, I think the sign of a compassionate society is how we treat people, even people who have done horrific things, because actually, the way we do justice in this country is in court." NR (09:26.0), "You said a key value of the Greens was protecting communities. What are your proposals for protecting the Jewish community?" ZP (09:33.5), "The Jewish community is not safe right now. And as I said, as a Jewish man, this isn't abstract for me. In fact, in the last six weeks alone, two people have been arrested. So how would you protect anti Semitic attacks towards me? I think there's lots that needs to happen in this country. The first is community cohesion and community building. Some of the work that I'm proudest of in London, that I see Londoners do, is where I see the Jewish community working alongside the Muslim community." NR (09:55.1), "What would you do? What would Zach Polanski do in order to reduce attacks on the Jewish community?" ZP (09:59.9), "So, first of all, to invest in that work, that community, faith work, to make sure communities stand together. Second, to make sure that the Jewish community, give them the investment that they need. In fact, what the Prime Minister has been doing to make sure that happens. I do think a police response is the last response when everything before it has failed." NR (10:17.6), "I still think you're not really answering the question about what you would do. Let me ask you this." ZP (10:21.0), "I think I do." NR (10:21.6), "Would you deal with, for example, a candidate who says Jewish people fear hate because they know they should be hated. Another one who suggested that the attacks on the ambulances was a false flag and carried out, presumably by Israel. Another of your candidates who blamed Israel for the Bondi beach terrorist attack." NR (10:41.0), "A fourth candidate who said Donald Trump was, quote, owned by Jews. And most horrifying of all, although this individual has now been arrested, one of your candidates who Reposted something saying ramming a synagogue isn't anti Semitism, it's revenge." NR (10:56.8), "What are you, Zach Polanski doing to end these disgusting messages?" ZP (11:03.5), "Those messages are all unacceptable and it's important to condemn that. The Green Party are an anti racist party and it's important that we stick to our values." NR (11:11.0), "We can't just say the words were an anti racist bar to. And I've just read you out five of the most revolting comments at a time when, according to an independent advisor, we face a national emergency of anti Semitism. I'm asking you, you're not responsible for everything they say. Of course you're not." NR (11:26.3), "You can't be." ZP (11:27.3), "I am responsible, actually." NR (11:28.2), "What are you going to do about it?" ZP (11:29.0), "I am the leader of a party. I was about to finish my sentence." NR (11:31.5), "Forgive me. Go on." ZP (11:32.4), "We're an anti racist party. And so what I've already committed to doing is making sure that we have a standardised vetting process in future. And also make sure that we have compulsory training of all our candidates to make it clear that anti Semitism is completely unwelcome in the Green Party as it is in society. It is also important to say one case of anti Semitism is one too many." ZP (11:50.5), "This is a handful of cases and actually we have over 4,500 candidates, the vast, vast majority of which are doing amazing work in their communities right now, going out there to tackle the cost of living crisis, to make sure that we're funding public services and making sure that it's about people power and community, grassroots power." NR (12:05.1), "You can dismiss one or two as, just, unrepresentative. I've just read five. I could have read 20 cases of revolting anti Semitism posted by your candidates. Now you're a new leader, how are you going to avoid becoming the new Jeremy Corbyn of British politics?" ZP (12:21.5), "Well, I think me and Jeremy are very different people and there's much, you know, the question was almost inviting me to condemn Jeremy Corbyn. I think there was lots that Jeremy Corbyn was putting forward to this country that I think was really positive. We've talked about wealth taxes, about public ownership. I also think it's important, speaking, for myself right now, that we make sure that we have this vetting process, that it's really clear that anti Semitism, Islamophobia, any form of hatred or hate, crime is not welcome." NR (12:47.3), "Do you believe that Palestine is, to coin a phrase, on the ballot this Thursday?" ZP (12:52.3), "I think lots of things are on the ballot this Thursday." NR (12:54.6), "But is Palestine on the ballot? This." ZP (12:56.2), "I think it's one of the elements, as is the climate crisis. As is." NR (12:58.7), "What does it mean Palestine is on the ballot? Because. The reason I ask you is because your candidate for mayor of Lewisham says Palestine is on the ballot this Thursday. Haringey Green Party campaign launch video. You might think it'd be about bins, you might think it'd be about schools, hospitals, it might be about cleaning up the roads." NR (13:17.2), "It is a series of councillors saying, as a council, I will take all appropriate steps to, uphold the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. Do you think council elections really should be about Palestine?" ZP (13:29.8), "I think they can be about all of those things. And I think what people have seen in this country is a genocide for two and a half years that our government is still arming, are still sharing intelligence with. And I think lots of people feel very strongly both about their local services, as they should do, and feel equally strongly about the fact that there's a reprehensible genocide happening." ZP (13:48.5), "And they vote, but the way they vote in local elections" NR (13:52.6), "should be determined by their views of Israel and Palestine." ZP (13:56.0), "I wouldn't tell anyone how their vote should be determined, but I think it's an element for lots of people in how they vote." NR (14:00.1), "And do you think that will contribute to community cohesion? Do you?" ZP (14:02.7), "I think yes, because I think, we shouldn't pit Jewish safety against a genocide in Gaza. That's conflating anti Semitism and criticism of the Israeli government. That's something Benjamin Netanyahu does regularly. And as a Jewish person, that makes me feel less safe." NR (14:16.4), "Sure. But there are lots of Jewish people who would say to you they feel unsafe if they feel that their counsellors are motivated first and foremost by Palestine. And if somebody gives that speech, for example, about Palestine being on the ballot, they are likely to think that." NR (14:34.6), "We looked for, example at Barnett Greens, where one in seven residents identify as Jewish. And it includes in its manifesto the fact that, you're standing up for Palestine. Do you think that's going to help?" ZP (14:49.0), "Well, I walk regularly on Palestinian marches with hundreds and hundreds, in fact, thousands of people, many of whom are Jewish. And there have been rabbis who have spoken out on this too. I accept, though, there are Jewish people whose views are equally as valid who, don't agree with those views." ZP (15:04.0), "And I think the job of all of us who are in public life right now is to de. Escalate tensions. And look, how do we bring people together? And I accept that's a huge challenge. And I think one of the ways we could do that is by ending our complicity in the genocide." NR (15:15.4), "Let's turn finally to another issue. We'll talk at greater length when, we're talking about the possibility of you being Prime Minister, which you have said that you would like to do. One thing that is very high on the agenda now is the soaring cost of government borrowing. What would the Greens do to cut it?" ZP (15:30.6), "Well, I think we need to make sure that we're investing. So I think there's two ways of doing that. The first is, wealth taxes, which I know we've rehearsed before, but I'll just say that's for first place." NR (15:38.4), "How does that cut government borrowing?" ZP (15:40.2), "Because ultimately it means you need to borrow less if you're." NR (15:43.0), "If you're ultimately about cutting the cost of government borrowing." ZP (15:45.5), "Yes." NR (15:45.8), "Which is soaring. It's higher than it's been any time this century because people are nervous about high spending, high taxing governments that are politically unstable." ZP (15:54.7), "I think someone who speaks brilliantly on this, who I've spoken to, is the economist Mariana Matsicatu, and she talks about the fact that a government should have a mission that should be a very clear plan of how you tackle the climate crisis, how you reduce inequality. Now, if you have a clear plan and you're borrowing for that, you're taking the market with you because they can clearly see what the return on investment is and how you're bringing money back into the." ZP (16:15.2), "That's how you reduce borrowing levels. If we don't have a plan and continue to borrow, then it feels very, very scattered, and that's why things are getting worse. We need to make sure that there's a consistent plan in place that's set out carefully that can make sure we're putting money back into our communities and investing in those communities." NR (16:29.3), "Do you think you're ready to be Prime Minister?" ZP (16:31.1), "I'm not ready right now, no. I've been leader for eight months, and there's lots of skills and lots of knowledge to get, and I think that's fine. I think I'm a human being. I'm not perfect." NR (16:38.5), "But give it two years, you will be." ZP (16:40.0), "Well, we'll see in two years time, won't we? But I'll certainly be putting in the work." NR (16:43.2), "Zach Polanski, leader of the Green Party in England and Wales, thanks very much for coming into the." ZP (16:46.3), "Thank you, Nick."
16:47

Zack Polanski on BBC Radio 4's Today prog calmly knocking back everything Nick Robinson throws at him across 17 minutes NR (00:00.2), "Delighted to say that Zach Polanski is here in the Today programme studio, for the latest, indeed, for the last of our party leader interviews. Morning to you and thanks for coming in." ZP (00:09.2), "Thanks for having me." NR (00:09.8), "Nick, I want to talk to you about what your party would do if it does indeed gain some power after the votes on Thursday. But I want to begin by putting to you one of the latest storeys about you. A Times investigation says that you've made a series of false or disputed claims about jobs you've had in the past with." NR (00:31.8), "Why, for example, did you say you were a spokesperson for the British Red Cross when they are absolutely clear that, though a supporter of theirs, you were never a spokesperson for them?" ZP (00:42.3), "So I hosted, various fundraisers for the British Red Cross and indeed I would go on stage and speak for them about the amazing work they do tackling humanitarian crises, on the climate crisis and indeed for refugees all around the world. I use the wrong word and I accept that." ZP (00:57.5), "But I would essentially take words on stage with me and speak. It's important, though, and I accept this, that, you know, I don't support any political party and I've made sure that's been taken down." NR (01:06.5), "You say this sort of storey is a fuss about nothing, that you get your facts wrong because it comes up with other examples." ZP (01:11.7), "Well, I think it's totally fine to ask me questions about my past. I would also say in the same breath, though the Times published a pretty anti Semitic cartoon of me last week. I asked them to apologise. And it feels some of these storeys feel like scraping the barrel to kind of go back 10, 15 years. I've had so many friends, I'm literally talking maybe 20 or 30 in the last few weeks who have phoned me and said, a Times journalist has been phoning and they've been desperately trying, trying to find things about your past." ZP (01:36.5), "They asked me lots of questions and seemed disappointed that I didn't have some juicy, dirty gossip." NR (01:41.6), "Yeah, well, there was. Whether you call it juicy or dirty, and it wasn't gossip, it was a fact. The fact that you claimed that as a hypnotherapist, you could enlarge women's breasts using the power of thought. People are entitled to say, what's this guy really about?" ZP (01:57.2), "People are totally entitled to say that. And that's an important part of politics, that people ask you questions. What I would say is that, you know, this was 13 years ago. It was a Sun journalist's idea. I've apologised for that. Because even though it was a son journalist idea, I was an adult and I should have said no, you went along with it." NR (02:12.6), "Yeah." ZP (02:12.9), "It's important to say I wasn't a politician. And I've apologised for it repeatedly." NR (02:16.7), "And the BBC showed that some days later, in fact, you repeated the claim that you could do it. But let us not get bogged down in the past. It is striking, though, that on X last night, when, let's be honest, people who are critics of you are having a go. The Daily Mail calls it the Green Menace on its front page." NR (02:34.1), "How did you react? You said you were under relentless attacks because they, your critics don't want a wealth tax, don't want public ownership. They're trying everything in their power to stop us, you said. It's a curious thing to say, isn't it? Ahead of local elections, Green councillors will not have the power to implement any of those policies, will they?" ZP (02:54.8), "Well, I think the relentless attacks on the Green Party in this election, for a local election have partly been about the local election, but really they're about the bigger picture right now. The bigger picture is when I ran to be leader of the Green party, we had 50,000 members, we've now got 225,000 members. So we are rising." ZP (03:11.1), "And I think lots of people are worried about the prospect. And when I say people, people who own, right wing media, multimillionaires and billionaires who are worried about the prospect that they might have to pay a little bit more tax. And so I think it's important that I focus on the vision and the hope and our actual plan." ZP (03:27.4), "I also think it's a complete reality, though we've seen it in the past before with left wing leaders, that there's no secret, there's no love lost between me and the right wing media. And almost every single day they print things that just aren't true." NR (03:38.8), "But just address the point I raised. Wealth tax councils won't get to do that. Public ownership councils don't get to do that. Well, not entirely. We'll come to that in a second. You are running on a national platform of change that the people who are elected on Thursday, whether in the Welsh Parliament, you don't run candidates in the Scottish one, or in English, local councils simply cannot do." ZP (04:03.2), "Well, I think it's about what are your values as a party? And whilst other party leaders and other parties take donations from oil and gas companies or arms trade companies, private healthcare or gambling, Green Party councillors only have two vested interests and Those vested interests. We want to protect the communities we seek to serve and we want to protect the environment." NR (04:21.6), "Well, let's come to that, then, because most interesting, perhaps, is to look at what Greens say who are running for office. You are not. You are a member of the London assembly, you're not a Member of Parliament, you're not running in these elections. Now, you live in Hackney. Hackney happens in northeast London to be a top Green target for taking control from the Labour Party." NR (04:41.9), "So let's look at protecting communities. For example, on crime, the manifesto calls the Metropolitan Police institutionally racist, homophobic, sexist and misogynists. It goes on to say, greens cannot accept this system. It calls for safe spaces for, heroin users to shoot up, to end cautions for street prostitution and to end what the manifesto calls discriminatory policing of delivery riders." NR (05:08.8), "This is an agenda for an endless fight with the police, isn't it?" ZP (05:12.0), "I don't think so. Baroness Casey, in the last couple of years, did a review into Metropolitan Police and it was actually the findings that found it institutionally racist and misogynistic. Something that Sadiq Khan, the Mayor of London, to his credit, accepts. It is noticeable that Mark Rowley, the Commissioner of the Police, doesn't accept that, yet they continue, to work together in that way." ZP (05:31.1), "On the issue of drug harm, we have the highest drug deaths, of any country in Europe. And every single year for the past 13 years, drug deaths have increased. So I think the question anyone has, and we have in Hackney, is that the war on drugs has clearly failed. It's failed in cities right across this country, and more and more people are, often taking dangerous drugs." ZP (05:50.3), "So do we want people to buy them on the black market or on street corners? Or do we want people to go to a pharmacy or a medical health professional where, if they have an addiction to dangerous drugs, we can work with them to take a public health approach based in harm reduction." NR (06:02.7), "Public health approaches to. Is to legalise hard drugs and to legalise prostitution, you say to legalise and regulate and the regulators. It's still legalised, isn't it?" ZP (06:11.5), "No, the point is you can't just go into a shop and buy drugs, which is how it's presented in the press. Again, because I can keep talking about what councillors can do, rather than what" NR (06:18.3), "you would do if you were Prime Minister, because that's for another interview. Are you saying councillors should cut the police budget? Because that's what it seems to imply when you say, we cannot accept this system, let the council spend Money on crime reduction. Don't give that money to the police." ZP (06:33.7), "It's about reprioritizing. So it's." NR (06:35.5), "Does that mean cut in English?" ZP (06:36.7), "No. So let's look at example. We're straight back onto drugs. A lot of police time is spent on stop and search for cannabis use, for instance. It doesn't escape people's notice that that is often, in the politics of racism, if you're a young black person, I think it's something like you're 18 times more likely to be stopped and searched than your white peer, despite the fact there's no evidence that they're more likely to be dealing or using drugs." ZP (07:00.8), "And so I think it's important that we make sure the police time is spent properly, which I think is about community prevention, about cohesiveness and bringing communities together, particularly in, like, whether it means redirecting the budget." NR (07:11.4), "Does it mean the police budget?" ZP (07:12.9), "Well, it means redirecting within the police budget, so making sure that the time police are spent is spent on community safety." NR (07:18.2), "Well, it's interesting that we talked about police because, as you know, you've come under serious criticism for retweeting criticism of the action of the police officers who stopped the alleged attacker of Jews in Golda's Green. Now, you apologised for retweeting that." NR (07:34.1), "You said you should have a meeting with the head of the Met. You sent him a letter. I want to ask you a different question. You've not apologised for the content of that. Why did you empathise with the attacker, and not with police officers who feared for their own lives and were trying to protect other people's lives?" ZP (07:53.3), "I think there's two things in that that I, really clearly want to say. The first is my very first response to the attack was to be horrif, as everyone was, I'm sure. And the first thing I posted was solidarity to the victim, to the family and indeed, to people who are suffering right now, including as a Jewish man, where Jewish safety is not abstract." NR (08:12.0), "But then you posted that officers were repeatedly and violently kicking a mentally ill man in the head when he was incapacitated by a Taser, caused extreme offence to those officers, to the head of the Met and to many people. I ask you again, why did you empathise, Empathise with the attacker, not with the police officer." ZP (08:28.9), "As I said, there's two things I wanted to say, so that was the first. The second, what I want to say is two things can be true at the same Time officers are incredibly brave when they run towards scenes of crimes that most people, including myself, would want to run away from. At the same time, I think it is accurate, and that I was also traumatised, by seeing, someone handcuffed and completely, repeatedly kicked in the head." ZP (08:51.7), "Now, sure, if you'll forgive me, it is an answer," NR (08:54.4), "but it's not an answer to the question. You posted something with the power that you have, with the number of people who follows us, and not empathising in that post with the Jewish community or critically with the police officers, you empathise with the attacker. Look what they're doing to the alleged attacker." ZP (09:11.1), "I don't think it was your choice. As I say, the first thing I did was show solidarity to the victims and I thank the officers. Second, though, I think the sign of a compassionate society is how we treat people, even people who have done horrific things, because actually, the way we do justice in this country is in court." NR (09:26.0), "You said a key value of the Greens was protecting communities. What are your proposals for protecting the Jewish community?" ZP (09:33.5), "The Jewish community is not safe right now. And as I said, as a Jewish man, this isn't abstract for me. In fact, in the last six weeks alone, two people have been arrested. So how would you protect anti Semitic attacks towards me? I think there's lots that needs to happen in this country. The first is community cohesion and community building. Some of the work that I'm proudest of in London, that I see Londoners do, is where I see the Jewish community working alongside the Muslim community." NR (09:55.1), "What would you do? What would Zach Polanski do in order to reduce attacks on the Jewish community?" ZP (09:59.9), "So, first of all, to invest in that work, that community, faith work, to make sure communities stand together. Second, to make sure that the Jewish community, give them the investment that they need. In fact, what the Prime Minister has been doing to make sure that happens. I do think a police response is the last response when everything before it has failed." NR (10:17.6), "I still think you're not really answering the question about what you would do. Let me ask you this." ZP (10:21.0), "I think I do." NR (10:21.6), "Would you deal with, for example, a candidate who says Jewish people fear hate because they know they should be hated. Another one who suggested that the attacks on the ambulances was a false flag and carried out, presumably by Israel. Another of your candidates who blamed Israel for the Bondi beach terrorist attack." NR (10:41.0), "A fourth candidate who said Donald Trump was, quote, owned by Jews. And most horrifying of all, although this individual has now been arrested, one of your candidates who Reposted something saying ramming a synagogue isn't anti Semitism, it's revenge." NR (10:56.8), "What are you, Zach Polanski doing to end these disgusting messages?" ZP (11:03.5), "Those messages are all unacceptable and it's important to condemn that. The Green Party are an anti racist party and it's important that we stick to our values." NR (11:11.0), "We can't just say the words were an anti racist bar to. And I've just read you out five of the most revolting comments at a time when, according to an independent advisor, we face a national emergency of anti Semitism. I'm asking you, you're not responsible for everything they say. Of course you're not." NR (11:26.3), "You can't be." ZP (11:27.3), "I am responsible, actually." NR (11:28.2), "What are you going to do about it?" ZP (11:29.0), "I am the leader of a party. I was about to finish my sentence." NR (11:31.5), "Forgive me. Go on." ZP (11:32.4), "We're an anti racist party. And so what I've already committed to doing is making sure that we have a standardised vetting process in future. And also make sure that we have compulsory training of all our candidates to make it clear that anti Semitism is completely unwelcome in the Green Party as it is in society. It is also important to say one case of anti Semitism is one too many." ZP (11:50.5), "This is a handful of cases and actually we have over 4,500 candidates, the vast, vast majority of which are doing amazing work in their communities right now, going out there to tackle the cost of living crisis, to make sure that we're funding public services and making sure that it's about people power and community, grassroots power." NR (12:05.1), "You can dismiss one or two as, just, unrepresentative. I've just read five. I could have read 20 cases of revolting anti Semitism posted by your candidates. Now you're a new leader, how are you going to avoid becoming the new Jeremy Corbyn of British politics?" ZP (12:21.5), "Well, I think me and Jeremy are very different people and there's much, you know, the question was almost inviting me to condemn Jeremy Corbyn. I think there was lots that Jeremy Corbyn was putting forward to this country that I think was really positive. We've talked about wealth taxes, about public ownership. I also think it's important, speaking, for myself right now, that we make sure that we have this vetting process, that it's really clear that anti Semitism, Islamophobia, any form of hatred or hate, crime is not welcome." NR (12:47.3), "Do you believe that Palestine is, to coin a phrase, on the ballot this Thursday?" ZP (12:52.3), "I think lots of things are on the ballot this Thursday." NR (12:54.6), "But is Palestine on the ballot? This." ZP (12:56.2), "I think it's one of the elements, as is the climate crisis. As is." NR (12:58.7), "What does it mean Palestine is on the ballot? Because. The reason I ask you is because your candidate for mayor of Lewisham says Palestine is on the ballot this Thursday. Haringey Green Party campaign launch video. You might think it'd be about bins, you might think it'd be about schools, hospitals, it might be about cleaning up the roads." NR (13:17.2), "It is a series of councillors saying, as a council, I will take all appropriate steps to, uphold the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. Do you think council elections really should be about Palestine?" ZP (13:29.8), "I think they can be about all of those things. And I think what people have seen in this country is a genocide for two and a half years that our government is still arming, are still sharing intelligence with. And I think lots of people feel very strongly both about their local services, as they should do, and feel equally strongly about the fact that there's a reprehensible genocide happening." ZP (13:48.5), "And they vote, but the way they vote in local elections" NR (13:52.6), "should be determined by their views of Israel and Palestine." ZP (13:56.0), "I wouldn't tell anyone how their vote should be determined, but I think it's an element for lots of people in how they vote." NR (14:00.1), "And do you think that will contribute to community cohesion? Do you?" ZP (14:02.7), "I think yes, because I think, we shouldn't pit Jewish safety against a genocide in Gaza. That's conflating anti Semitism and criticism of the Israeli government. That's something Benjamin Netanyahu does regularly. And as a Jewish person, that makes me feel less safe." NR (14:16.4), "Sure. But there are lots of Jewish people who would say to you they feel unsafe if they feel that their counsellors are motivated first and foremost by Palestine. And if somebody gives that speech, for example, about Palestine being on the ballot, they are likely to think that." NR (14:34.6), "We looked for, example at Barnett Greens, where one in seven residents identify as Jewish. And it includes in its manifesto the fact that, you're standing up for Palestine. Do you think that's going to help?" ZP (14:49.0), "Well, I walk regularly on Palestinian marches with hundreds and hundreds, in fact, thousands of people, many of whom are Jewish. And there have been rabbis who have spoken out on this too. I accept, though, there are Jewish people whose views are equally as valid who, don't agree with those views." ZP (15:04.0), "And I think the job of all of us who are in public life right now is to de. Escalate tensions. And look, how do we bring people together? And I accept that's a huge challenge. And I think one of the ways we could do that is by ending our complicity in the genocide." NR (15:15.4), "Let's turn finally to another issue. We'll talk at greater length when, we're talking about the possibility of you being Prime Minister, which you have said that you would like to do. One thing that is very high on the agenda now is the soaring cost of government borrowing. What would the Greens do to cut it?" ZP (15:30.6), "Well, I think we need to make sure that we're investing. So I think there's two ways of doing that. The first is, wealth taxes, which I know we've rehearsed before, but I'll just say that's for first place." NR (15:38.4), "How does that cut government borrowing?" ZP (15:40.2), "Because ultimately it means you need to borrow less if you're." NR (15:43.0), "If you're ultimately about cutting the cost of government borrowing." ZP (15:45.5), "Yes." NR (15:45.8), "Which is soaring. It's higher than it's been any time this century because people are nervous about high spending, high taxing governments that are politically unstable." ZP (15:54.7), "I think someone who speaks brilliantly on this, who I've spoken to, is the economist Mariana Matsicatu, and she talks about the fact that a government should have a mission that should be a very clear plan of how you tackle the climate crisis, how you reduce inequality. Now, if you have a clear plan and you're borrowing for that, you're taking the market with you because they can clearly see what the return on investment is and how you're bringing money back into the." ZP (16:15.2), "That's how you reduce borrowing levels. If we don't have a plan and continue to borrow, then it feels very, very scattered, and that's why things are getting worse. We need to make sure that there's a consistent plan in place that's set out carefully that can make sure we're putting money back into our communities and investing in those communities." NR (16:29.3), "Do you think you're ready to be Prime Minister?" ZP (16:31.1), "I'm not ready right now, no. I've been leader for eight months, and there's lots of skills and lots of knowledge to get, and I think that's fine. I think I'm a human being. I'm not perfect." NR (16:38.5), "But give it two years, you will be." ZP (16:40.0), "Well, we'll see in two years time, won't we? But I'll certainly be putting in the work." NR (16:43.2), "Zach Polanski, leader of the Green Party in England and Wales, thanks very much for coming into the." ZP (16:46.3), "Thank you, Nick."

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