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This tweet breaks down the distinction between basic administration and revolutionary struggle, debunking the myth of the "Zuma Revolution" with the hard facts. Debunking the Zuma "Revolutionary" Myth. Jacob Zuma was not a revolutionary. We must distinguish between basic governance and revolutionary transformation. If you measure success by RDP...

39,764 次观看 • 6 个月前 •via X (Twitter)

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Adv Tembeka Ngcukaitobi: “We are asking for a non-custodial punishment, and no one can sensibly say that other forms of punishment do not constitute punishment...you have a range of penal options that would reflect the society’s disapproval.” This is quite interesting coming from Adv Ngcukaitobi. In 2021, during the Zondo Commission/Jacob Zuma ConCourt proceedings, Ngcukaitobi explicitly told the court that the two years imprisonment sought by the Zondo commission was a serious penalty that took into consideration Zuma’s seniority and political standing. He further said the court should consider Zuma’s influence in society and the public nature of his disobedience. And on the question of a suspended sentence, Ngcukaitobi was unambiguous: “The question really is how long Mr Zuma should go to prison for? That he should go to prison should be clear.” To reiterate, in the Julius Malema case today, Ngcukaitobi is arguing that a custodial sentence is not the only option, that there’s a range of penal options available and that imprisonment actually achieves the opposite of what society wants. Yet in the Zuma matter, his position was the exact reverse. He told that court that a fine was out of the question, and that imprisonment was a “clear, effective remedy.” He specifically argued that a suspended sentence was inappropriate for Zuma, and that the only real question was how long Zuma should go to prison, not whether he should. So, the same advocate who argued there was essentially one appropriate punishment, i.e. direct imprisonment for Zuma, is now criticising the prosecution for allegedly thinking there is only one punishment for Malema. In Zuma’s case, whom he stringently presented as a former head of state, defying the highest court in the land, Ngcukaitobi pushed for the harshest custodial outcome available, using Zuma’s status as an aggravating factor. In Malema’s case, he is now arguing that imprisonment is counterproductive and that a person’s status should be irrelevant.

Sizwe SikaMusi

89,574 次观看 • 3 个月前

Up next at Socialism 2025, longtime Marxist theorist David McNally—now Cullen Distinguished Professor of History & Business at the University of Houston—took the mic to spell out what revolution looks like. And make no mistake: it doesn’t include the state. “Oppressed people have to create a set of revolutionary institutions to take power away from their oppressors.” That’s not metaphor—it’s a roadmap. McNally argues that while calls for a “free Palestinian state” are common, what’s really needed is a transitional revolutionary state—one deliberately designed to “wither away” and be replaced by “democratic councils of self-governance.” “Radical council democracy is not a state in the meaningful sense of the word… It is the dissolution of the state.” This isn't democratic socialism—it’s soft-coded Leninism. McNally distinguishes “self-governance” from “the state,” which he calls “an alienated and oppressive form of governance.” His ideal is a world where traditional government disappears and is replaced by “directly controlled elected councils of the oppressed.” It’s a familiar fantasy: revolution now, institutions later—maybe. Even when he acknowledges that some form of power must exist early on, it’s only to serve as a placeholder until the state can be erased. “We may need… revolutionary power as we hope to see in Palestine, but one that is constantly moving in the direction of radical self-governance from below.” What Geo Maher hinted at, McNally says outright: the state must die, and liberal democracy along with it. Socialism 2025 isn’t just airing academic critiques—it’s platforming ideologues openly theorizing the end of constitutional government. It’s not reform they’re after. It’s a reset.

Stu

31,872 次观看 • 1 年前

‘PATRIA O MUERTE!’ On this day in 1928, Argentine communist revolutionary Che Guevara was born. As a young medical student, he traveled across Latin America on his motorbike and was appalled by the sheer amount of disease, hunger, and poverty across the continent. He began to view Latin America as dominated and exploited by US capitalism, a belief that hardened after the CIA orchestrated the coup against Guatemala’s President Jacobo Arbenz, destroying much of the reforms he had implemented. In Mexico City, he met two brothers who shared his ideas; Fidel and Raul Castro. From that moment he joined the 26th of July Movement and became instrumental in the success of the Cuban Revolution and the destruction of the US-backed Batista dictatorship. In Cuba’s government, he spearheaded a successful and rapid literacy campaign, enacted land reform to distribute land from bourgeois land owners to Cuban peasants, and played a key role in defeating the CIA’s Bay of Pigs Invasion. After succeeding in Cuba, Guevara left Cuba to assist revolutionary struggles abroad. He would be captured by CIA-backed Bolivian forces. When Mario Terán, the soldier who would execute him, entered the room, Guevara reportedly said “I know you’ve come to kill me. Shoot, coward! You are only going to kill a man.” In death, Che Guevara would become the iconic symbol of revolutionary martyrdom; giving up his own life with no fear, for the cause of fighting oppression and liberating others. Hasta La Victoria Siempre!

Going Underground

20,589 次观看 • 1 个月前