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window cleaning

𝐄𝐦𝐢𝐥𝐞𝐞 ᥫ᭡

48,641 subscribers

19,499 次观看 • 9 天前 •via X (Twitter)

Anya Rossi• Live Now

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Shower Nozzle Cleaning Brush: (10 Packs) இது ஒரு பயனுள்ள மற்றும் பல்நோக்கு சுத்தம் செய்யும் கருவியாகும், இது Shower Head , குழாய்கள் மற்றும் small holes, அதில் உள்ள அழுக்கு மற்றும் அடைப்புகளை அகற்றுவதற்காக வடிவமைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது. பயன்கள்: Shower Head சுத்தம் செய்தல்: ஷவர் Head களில் உள்ள சிறிய புழைகளில் தேங்கியிருக்கும் கனிம வைப்புகள்(salt deposit), அழுக்கு மற்றும் அடைப்புகளை அகற்றுவதற்கு இது மிகவும் பயனுள்ளது. இதனால் ஷவரில் நீர் பாய்ச்சல் மேம்படுகிறது. குழாய்கள் மற்றும் நாசில்கள் சுத்தம் செய்தல்: கிச்சன் மடு, குளியலறை குழாய்கள் மற்றும் ஸ்மார்ட் டாய்லெட் ஃப்ளஷிங் நாசில்களில் உள்ள அடைப்புகளை அகற்றுவதற்கு இந்த தூரிகைகள் பயன்படுகின்றன. எலக்ட்ரானிக் சாதனங்கள் சுத்தம் செய்தல்: மொபைல் போன் டேட்டா போர்ட்கள், ஸ்பீக்கர்கள், கீபோர்டுகள் மற்றும் பிற சிறிய பகுதிகளில் உள்ள தூசி மற்றும் அழுக்கை அகற்றுவதற்கு இது உதவுகிறது. பிற பயன்பாடுகள்: window slots, sliding door rails, keyboards, sinks, faucets, straws, mobile phone holes, small nozzles போன்றவற்றை சுத்தம் செய்ய பயன்படுத்தலாம். தேவைப்படும் நண்பர்கள் வாங்கிக்கங்க. Price:Rs.178 (Pack of 10) Link to buy:

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அறிவோம்கடை

29,027 次观看 • 1 年前

I spent a month in Shenzhen visiting factories and robotics companies, and the contrast with the U.S. was striking. While Figure and Boston Dynamics hide their humanoids behind closed doors, Chinese companies have massive showrooms open to the public. But what really stood out wasn't just the transparency, it was how good they are at selling. Take UBTech: they've already sold 1,200 humanoid units at $200k each to factories. And here's the kicker, these robots aren't even that useful yet. They can only pick up and drop boxes at 1/10th the speed of a human, and factories still need to hire system integrators to train them for specific tasks. My theory is that these factories are terrified of getting left behind in the robotics/AI wave. They're investing in new tech not because it's ready, but because they can't afford to wait. The second surprise was the breadth of their robotics portfolio. These companies aren't just building humanoids, they're deploying service robots everywhere: restaurants, hotels, apartments. Consumer robots are cleaning houses, pools, pet waste, dishes. They're covering the entire spectrum. But the education piece shocked me most. I picked up what I thought was a high school or college robotics textbook, it was for primary school. The government mandated AI and robotics education starting in elementary school. Almost every single school in China now has AI and robotics curriculum, complete with education robots so kids can learn by building. They're creating a generation that grows up fluent in robotics and AI. China owns the supply chain and the hardware stack. But here's what I think people are missing: the race isn't just about who can build robots faster or cheaper. The U.S. advantage has always been in the layer between hardware and human, the interaction design, the software intelligence, the intuitive interfaces that make complex technology feel natural. China is building the physical infrastructure, but they're also learning fast. Every deployed service robot, every classroom full of kids building with education kits, every factory running humanoids, that's all data collection at scale. The window for the U.S. to establish its wedge is narrowing. It's not enough to be better at AI or software anymore. We need to be building the integration layer, the intelligence that makes physical AI actually useful, not just impressive in a showroom. Because right now, China isn't just manufacturing robots. They're manufacturing a robotics-native culture, and that might be the most defensible moat of all.

I spent a month in Shenzhen visiting factories and robotics companies, and the contrast with the U.S. was striking. While Figure and Boston Dynamics hide their humanoids behind closed doors, Chinese companies have massive showrooms open to the public. But what really stood out wasn't just the transparency, it was how good they are at selling. Take UBTech: they've already sold 1,200 humanoid units at $200k each to factories. And here's the kicker, these robots aren't even that useful yet. They can only pick up and drop boxes at 1/10th the speed of a human, and factories still need to hire system integrators to train them for specific tasks. My theory is that these factories are terrified of getting left behind in the robotics/AI wave. They're investing in new tech not because it's ready, but because they can't afford to wait. The second surprise was the breadth of their robotics portfolio. These companies aren't just building humanoids, they're deploying service robots everywhere: restaurants, hotels, apartments. Consumer robots are cleaning houses, pools, pet waste, dishes. They're covering the entire spectrum. But the education piece shocked me most. I picked up what I thought was a high school or college robotics textbook, it was for primary school. The government mandated AI and robotics education starting in elementary school. Almost every single school in China now has AI and robotics curriculum, complete with education robots so kids can learn by building. They're creating a generation that grows up fluent in robotics and AI. China owns the supply chain and the hardware stack. But here's what I think people are missing: the race isn't just about who can build robots faster or cheaper. The U.S. advantage has always been in the layer between hardware and human, the interaction design, the software intelligence, the intuitive interfaces that make complex technology feel natural. China is building the physical infrastructure, but they're also learning fast. Every deployed service robot, every classroom full of kids building with education kits, every factory running humanoids, that's all data collection at scale. The window for the U.S. to establish its wedge is narrowing. It's not enough to be better at AI or software anymore. We need to be building the integration layer, the intelligence that makes physical AI actually useful, not just impressive in a showroom. Because right now, China isn't just manufacturing robots. They're manufacturing a robotics-native culture, and that might be the most defensible moat of all.

Miyu Horiuchi

90,718 次观看 • 5 个月前

🇮🇶 When Ali al-Zaidi became Iraq's new PM in May, many assumed he would simply become another Iranian-influenced caretaker in the country's long cycle of corruption and outside influence. Instead, Baghdad woke up today to something almost nobody expected; a sweeping anti-corruption crackdown targeting senior officials, political figures, and billions of dollars in alleged fraud. It's got them so spooked that many politicians are trying to flee the country. The timing of the crackdown is also significant. Over recent months, Washington has quietly shifted its approach to Iraq and Syria, emphasizing stability, sovereignty, and regional normalization rather than perpetual military involvement. Trump has made that repositioning a central feature of his Middle East policy, with Presidential Special Envoy Tom Barrack playing an increasingly visible role in encouraging internal security, reform, investment, and stronger state institutions across the region. While today's operation is entirely Iraqi, carried out by Iraq's own Counter Terrorism Service without U.S. military involvement, it unfolds against a backdrop of renewed American support for a stronger, more sovereign Iraqi state. Reports suggest investigations have uncovered up to $50 billion of corruption and fraud, with arrests extending into Parliament, the oil sector, and some of Iraq's most powerful political networks. If true, it would represent the most dramatic anti-corruption operation since the fall of Saddam Hussein. With Parliament in recess, lawmakers cannot rely on parliamentary immunity, and that window may prove decisive. Among those reportedly caught in the investigation are senior officials connected to Iraq's oil sector, where corruption has drained tens of billions from the country's wealth over two decades. One figure reportedly arrested is Adnan Jamali, General Manager of the North Oil Company, for allegedly issuing fraudulent tenders. Supporters see it as something Iraq has desperately needed for years: A Prime Minister finally willing to confront the political class. However, several reported targets are major political rivals, including prominent Sunni figures, which inevitably raises an uncomfortable question: Is this purely an anti-corruption campaign, or is corruption becoming the vehicle for settling political scores? Iraq's corruption is undeniable. For years, experts have estimated that hundreds of billions of dollars have disappeared through fraudulent contracts, insider networks, and stolen public funds since 2003. Cleaning house is long overdue, but history also offers a warning. Previous campaigns against political opponents deepened sectarian divisions and ultimately weakened national unity. If this operation is seen as selective justice rather than equal justice, today's victory could become tomorrow's political crisis. Yet there is another possibility: Zaidi may be trying to redefine Iraqi leadership. His government has surprised both regional observers and Washington by pursuing broader engagement, emphasizing Iraqi sovereignty, improving relations with international partners, and signaling a willingness to curb the influence of non-state armed groups. For a leader many initially dismissed as an Iranian-backed placeholder, that represents a remarkable political transformation. Ambassador Tom Barrack / Writer: Ian

🇮🇶 When Ali al-Zaidi became Iraq's new PM in May, many assumed he would simply become another Iranian-influenced caretaker in the country's long cycle of corruption and outside influence. Instead, Baghdad woke up today to something almost nobody expected; a sweeping anti-corruption crackdown targeting senior officials, political figures, and billions of dollars in alleged fraud. It's got them so spooked that many politicians are trying to flee the country. The timing of the crackdown is also significant. Over recent months, Washington has quietly shifted its approach to Iraq and Syria, emphasizing stability, sovereignty, and regional normalization rather than perpetual military involvement. Trump has made that repositioning a central feature of his Middle East policy, with Presidential Special Envoy Tom Barrack playing an increasingly visible role in encouraging internal security, reform, investment, and stronger state institutions across the region. While today's operation is entirely Iraqi, carried out by Iraq's own Counter Terrorism Service without U.S. military involvement, it unfolds against a backdrop of renewed American support for a stronger, more sovereign Iraqi state. Reports suggest investigations have uncovered up to $50 billion of corruption and fraud, with arrests extending into Parliament, the oil sector, and some of Iraq's most powerful political networks. If true, it would represent the most dramatic anti-corruption operation since the fall of Saddam Hussein. With Parliament in recess, lawmakers cannot rely on parliamentary immunity, and that window may prove decisive. Among those reportedly caught in the investigation are senior officials connected to Iraq's oil sector, where corruption has drained tens of billions from the country's wealth over two decades. One figure reportedly arrested is Adnan Jamali, General Manager of the North Oil Company, for allegedly issuing fraudulent tenders. Supporters see it as something Iraq has desperately needed for years: A Prime Minister finally willing to confront the political class. However, several reported targets are major political rivals, including prominent Sunni figures, which inevitably raises an uncomfortable question: Is this purely an anti-corruption campaign, or is corruption becoming the vehicle for settling political scores? Iraq's corruption is undeniable. For years, experts have estimated that hundreds of billions of dollars have disappeared through fraudulent contracts, insider networks, and stolen public funds since 2003. Cleaning house is long overdue, but history also offers a warning. Previous campaigns against political opponents deepened sectarian divisions and ultimately weakened national unity. If this operation is seen as selective justice rather than equal justice, today's victory could become tomorrow's political crisis. Yet there is another possibility: Zaidi may be trying to redefine Iraqi leadership. His government has surprised both regional observers and Washington by pursuing broader engagement, emphasizing Iraqi sovereignty, improving relations with international partners, and signaling a willingness to curb the influence of non-state armed groups. For a leader many initially dismissed as an Iranian-backed placeholder, that represents a remarkable political transformation. Ambassador Tom Barrack / Writer: Ian

Mario Nawfal

624,286 次观看 • 25 天前