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Winter Session: Zero Hour Raised for balloting, unfortunately barring the 1st one for all of one minute, most could not be raised on the floor of the house: 1. Urgent Need for Nationwide Decisive Action on Rising Food Adulteration 2. Importance of Reliable Institutions for Women’s Safety in India...

15,758 görüntüleme • 6 ay önce •via X (Twitter)

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To every Bharatiya whose heart beats for Bharat Mata. As the Modi government issues fresh guidelines mandating the full rendition of Rishi Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay’s immortal and soul-stirring composition, Vande Mataram, India’s National Song, at designated official functions, I, as a proud citizen of Bharat, extend my deepest respect, sincere affection, and heartfelt greetings to my fellow citizens who identify themselves as Bharatiya above everything else. Vande Mataram is not just our National Song but the very pulse of Bharat. It is not merely an artefact of the past but the foundation of Bharat’s glorious future. Just as Maa Durga’s fury against adharma manifested as Maa Kali and annihilated Raktabeej’s oppression, Rishi Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay’s anger against the British, after being insulted and attacked in Berhampore despite serving as Deputy Collector because he was a Bharatiya with dignity, became the mother-seed of Vande Mataram. Rishi Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay’s stay at Lalgola Palace, amid the sylvan beauty of Bengal, became a cloistered monastery for his meditation on nation, nationhood, and nationalism. From that meditation was born the hymn to Bharat Mata that reawakened Bharat Shakti and triggered the realisation of our nation’s civilisational identity. From its first publication in Bangadarshan, the literary journal Rishi Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay edited, on 7 November 1875; to its inclusion in Anandamath, published in 1882; to Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore’s rendition of the hymn at the Calcutta session of the Congress in 1896; to the prabhat pheris that marked the uprising against Banga Bhanga, the partition of Bengal in 1905; to Bhikaji Cama’s incorporation of the two magical words in the 1907 version of the Tricolour—Vande Mataram became what Sri Aurobindo described as the “Mantra of Bharat.” For countless freedom fighters of Bengal, from revolutionaries like Khudiram Bose and Kanailal Dutta to the moderates, Vande Mataram represented a shared obeisance to Bharat Mata. It was the power that fuelled the surge of nationalism and pride; it was the roar of the famous trio Lal-Bal-Pal, who used these two words to mobilise the masses. Matangini Hazra, who became the face of the rising tide of nationalist fervour, faced death at the hands of the British colonial police chanting the two immortal words—Vande Mataram. During the freedom movement, newspapers flew flags on their mastheads emblazoned with these sacred words, which remind us of our loyalty to our nation and our duty towards Bharat Mata, who has nurtured us and given us our identity as a civilisational nation. Let us not reduce this song to an annual hashtag or a ceremonial chorus. Vande Mataram runs through the veins of every Bharatiya. It is our inspiration, our motivation, the core of our identity. It is the soul of Bharat Mata, the land we bow to. Vande Mataram.

Amit Malviya

43,033 görüntüleme • 5 ay önce

Singing Vande Mataram in full is not “optional,” nor is it a matter of a State casually choosing whether to comply. The Ministry of Home Affairs guidelines are explicit: whenever Vande Mataram is rendered at official functions, the full official version is to be sung, and all six stanzas are to be played at designated government events. The guidelines further prescribe the occasions on which it must be rendered and the protocol to be followed, including standing in attention. The argument that Parliament must first pass a law before such protocols become binding on government functions is flawed. Every aspect of governance does not require a separate Act of Parliament. The Union Government routinely issues executive directions, protocols, and administrative instructions governing official ceremonies, state functions, national symbols, and public administration. These flow from the executive authority of the Union under the Constitution. A State government cannot simply declare a Union protocol governing national observances “optional” because it disagrees with it politically. If every State began selectively deciding which national protocols it would or would not follow, the very idea of uniform national observances would collapse. Vande Mataram is not a partisan slogan. It is India’s National Song and a foundational symbol of the freedom movement. Treating its prescribed rendition at official functions as a matter of political convenience says more about the insecurities of those objecting to it than about the directive itself.

Amit Malviya

47,650 görüntüleme • 1 ay önce

The attempt to portray Vande Mataram as exclusionary or unconstitutional is intellectually dishonest and historically selective. First, legally and constitutionally, Vande Mataram enjoys an honoured place in India’s national life. The Constituent Assembly did not reject it. On 24 January 1950, the Assembly adopted Jana Gana Mana as the National Anthem while explicitly according Vande Mataram equal respect and status as the National Song because of its historic role in India’s freedom struggle. To suggest that India’s constitutional founders “rejected” Vande Mataram is factually incorrect. Second, the argument that Vande Mataram is merely an ode to a goddess deliberately ignores the civilisational context of Bharat. Across Indian traditions, the motherland has long been personified as “Bharat Mata”, not as a sectarian deity, but as a cultural and emotional expression of devotion to the nation. Nations across the world employ symbolism, allegory, and personification. Britannia represents Britain, Marianne represents France, Mother Russia represents Russia. India’s cultural symbolism cannot be selectively delegitimised simply because it emerges from Indic civilisation. Third, reducing Rishi Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay to caricatures about his alleged views while ignoring the historical role of Vande Mataram is an exercise in ideological revisionism. The song became the rallying cry of India’s anti-colonial movement. Countless freedom fighters marched to the gallows chanting Vande Mataram. Revolutionaries, reformers, and patriots across regions embraced it as a symbol of resistance against British rule. Its emotional power in the national movement cannot be erased by retrospective ideological filters. Fourth, invoking the Preamble and Article 1 to deny the legitimacy of civilisational nationalism misunderstands India itself. The Constitution begins with “We, the People” because sovereignty resides in the people, not because India must become culturally rootless or severed from its ancient civilisational identity. The phrase “India, that is Bharat” itself acknowledges continuity between the modern republic and an older civilisational consciousness. Constitutional nationalism and civilisational identity are complementary, not contradictory. Fifth, the rejection of amendments invoking God or goddess in the Constituent Assembly affirmed that the Indian State would not establish an official religion. It did not require India to abandon its civilisational ethos, cultural memory, or spiritual vocabulary. Secularism in India was never meant to mean hostility toward indigenous traditions or the erasure of majority cultural symbols from public life. Finally, the claim that “religion ≠ nation” is a false binary in the Indian context. India is not a theocratic state, nor does nationalism here depend on adherence to any one faith. But India is undeniably a civilisation shaped by millennia of Indic thought, traditions, symbols, and philosophies. Respecting Vande Mataram does not make India less constitutional, less democratic, or less inclusive. It simply acknowledges the cultural soul that animated the freedom struggle and continues to inspire millions. India belongs equally to all its citizens. But India’s civilisational heritage also belongs equally to all its citizens and Vande Mataram is an inseparable part of that heritage.

Amit Malviya

55,436 görüntüleme • 2 ay önce

Understand the chronology of Vande Mataram 👇 🔹 1875: Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay ji wrote the first two verses of this song, which today is our national song. 🔹 1882: His novel Ananda Math was published, including Vande Mataram with 4 added stanzas. 🔹 1896: Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore sang this song at a Congress session. 🔹 1905: During the Bengal partition movement, Vande Mataram rose from the streets as a plea for unity. Freedom fighters like Tagore led the singing. 🔹 From students to farmers, traders to lawyers, everyone sang it. The British were shocked. 🔹 It inspired preparations for martyrdom against British rule with truth and non-violence. This song embodies the spirit of sacrifice for the motherland. ✅ This is the power of the song. 👉 In the 1930s, communal politics made it controversial. In 1937, Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose organized the Calcutta Congress session. - Modi ji cited a letter from Nehru to Netaji dated 20 October, but didn’t mention Netaji’s 17 October letter to Nehru. 👉 Netaji’s letter said: "My dear Jawahar, regarding Vande Mataram, let’s discuss at Kolkata and in the Working Committee. I’ve asked Dr. Tagore to talk with you at Shantiniketan." - Nehru replied on 20 October, acknowledging communal tensions but affirming he would meet Tagore and friends in Kolkata. - After meeting Tagore, Gurudev wrote that the two interludes always sung held deep significance and could be honored separately to respect martyrs. He added that later communal interpretations should be removed. 👉 On 28 October 1937, Congress Working Committee declared Vande Mataram the National Song. Leaders like Gandhi, Bose, Nehru, Patel, and Tagore agreed. 👉 In 1950, Dr. Rajendra Prasad declared it India’s national song in the Constituent Assembly. BJP leader Shyama Prasad Mukherjee was present, with no objections. 👉 Today’s debates on Vande Mataram, accepted by the Constituent Assembly and great leaders, insult their legacy and expose anti-constitutional intent. Congress General Secretary & MP Priyanka Gandhi Vadra ji

Congress Kerala

13,768 görüntüleme • 7 ay önce

The House of Reps today passed 39 constitutional amendment bills for a second reading. The bills are: A bill for General Elections to the Office of the President, State Governors, National Assembly, State Houses of Assembly and Local Government Area Councils shall be conducted simultaneously on the same date. A bill for the Establishment of State Police and Local Government Police. A bill to Establish the FCT House of Assembly. Court of Appeal the Final Appeal Court in Governorship, National and State Houses of Assembly Election Petitions. A bill to Provide for Compulsory Resignation of National and State Executive Members of Political Parties Seeking Elective Government Positions. A bill to Provide for the Determination of All Appeals Arising from Election Petition Tribunals Prior to Swearing-in of President-Elect, Vice-President-Elect, Governor-Elect, Deputy Governor-Elect, Members-Elect of the National and State Assembles. A bill to Vest the INEC with the Power to Conduct Local Government Area Council Elections. A bill to Require the Official Resignation from Political Party before Defection by Members of the National Assembly and State House of Assembly. A Bill for an Act to Alter the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) to grant the National Assembly Power to Alter Timelines for Election Tribunals. A Bill for an Act to Alter the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Cap. C23, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004 to Establish the National Local Government Electoral Commission as an Independent Body Responsible for Organising, Conducting, and Supervising Elections into the Offices of Chairmen and Councilors of all the Local Governments Across the Federation, Including the Area Councils of the Federal Capital Territory, ensure the Credibility, Transparency, and Fairness of Local Government Elections and Promote Democratic Governance at the Grassroots Level. A Bill for an Act to Alter the Provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 to relieve the State Independent Electoral Commissions of the powers to conduct Local Government Council elections and bestow same on the Independent National Electoral Commission. A Bill for an Act to Alter the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as altered) to Provide for Special Seats for the Physically Challenged Persons in Nigeria's Federal, State and Local Government Areas, and Legislative Houses. A Bill for an Act to Alter the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 as (amended) to provide for Six Special Seats for Special Interest Groups in the House of Representatives. A Bill for an Act to Alter the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 to Change the Name of the Auditor-General of the Federation to Auditor-General of the Federal Government. A Bill for an Act to Alter the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 to Remove the Restriction Placed on Power and Duties of the Auditor-General of the Federation and States by Sections 85(2) and 125(2) Respectively and to Insert New Sections in the Constitution that Shall Provide for the Financial Autonomy of the Offices of the Auditor-General of the Federation and of the States. A Bill for an Act to Alter the Provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 to strengthen the Office of the Auditor-General of the Federation and the Auditor-General of a State. A Bill to Establish and Empower the Political Parties Registration and Regulatory Commission to Register, Regulate, and Monitor the Organization and Operation of Political Parties. A Bill to Expand the Number of Justices of the Supreme Court, enhance Service efficiency and timely dispensation of Justices, Improve Citizens' Access to Justice and Conform with Federal Character Principles. And other amendments bills.

Imran Muhammad

196,409 görüntüleme • 1 yıl önce

I was happy to receive the "Outstanding Higher Education Stalwart of the Year" award for 2024 from The Economic Times (Economic Times) last night in Delhi. Of course, there is still so much to do. I returned from the US in 1998 to join IIT Bombay (IIT Bombay) as a faculty member. After 25 years in the IIT system (18 years as a faculty member in IIT Bombay and 7 years in IIT Delhi, of which 6 years as the Director of IIT Delhi), I am now with the BITS Pilanii as a group Vice Chancellor since March 2023. All these three institutions happen to be the Institutions of Eminence (IoE) as recognized by the Ministry of Education Ministry of Education, Govt of India. #IIT Delhi received the #IoE status during my time as the Director IIT Delhi following a highly competitive process. Higher education needs major structural #reforms in India. We are archaic when it comes to managing our best institutions. While Public institutions are dependent on Govt of India for 90% of their funding, Private institutions are dependent on tuition fee for 90% of their sustenance. Both are flawed #financial #models. We need to develop a #diversified financial model where endowments, overheads on research and tuition fee contribute an equal share. It requires major #policy tweaks. We need to seriously look at Study Now-Pay Later kind of models on the lines of Australia's HELP scheme. American higher education funding models burden the students with #debt. So much needs to be done in this space in India. Without a proper financial model in place, our institutions are totally at the mercy of bureaucrats and politicians. State #universities are already on their knees and it won't be long before the same happens with our centrally funded Institutions. Industry is the bridge between #research (generation of knowledge) and #innovation (utilization of knowledge for public good). With India ranked 66th among the 130 countries when it comes to academia-industry collaborations, it's clear what we need to do to promote innovation. It's again the Government which needs to make favorable policies for promoting #academia-#industry collaborations. Hope to see some of these #reforms taken up by the new government.

V. Ramgopal Rao, Ph.D.

11,825 görüntüleme • 2 yıl önce