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أبرز ماجاء في خطاب عضو مجلس السيادة رئيس هيئة الأركان الفريق أول ركن ياسر عبدالرحمن العطا لقوات مجلس الصحوة برئاسة الشيخ موسى هلال .. Key Highlights from the Address by the Chief of Staff of the Sudanese Armed Forces to the Sahwa Council Forces Supporting the Army Sudan –...

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القوات المسلحة السودانية

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17,821 Aufrufe • vor 19 Tagen •via X (Twitter)

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قائد متقدم سنار اللواء الركن عبد المنعم عبد الباسط من داخل مدينة سنجة : ▪︎ إنتصارات القوات المسلحة مستمرة ولن تتوقف بإذن الله فمن جبل موية إلى الدندر وإلى السوكي والآن في سنجة وفي الطريق كل مكان دنسته المليشيا . ▪︎ رسالتنا إلى مواطني مدينة سنجة بالعودة إلى مدينتهم الآمنة لتعميرها وإعادتها لسيرتها الأولى . ▪︎ هذه الحرب ستنتهي قريبا بإنتصار القوات المسلحة ولكننا لن نضع السلاح لأن المؤامرة كبيرة ولن تتوقف . ▪︎ ستظل القوات المسلحة قابضة على الزناد لتؤمن البلاد وتعيد السودان كما كان وأفضل مما كان إن شاء الله. #فيديو Commander of Sennar Advance Forces, Major General Abdel Moneim, from inside Sinja city : ▪︎ God willing, victories of Sudanese Armed Forces will continue and will not stop, it began from Jebel Moyaa to Al-Suki to Al-Dinder, and now in Sinja and on the way to every terr.itories controlled by the terr.orist Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). ▪︎ The message of the state (Government) and that of Sudanese Armed Forces to the citizens of Sinja city is return to your safe city to rebuild it and restore it to its former glory after the devastation caused by the Janjaweed militia. ▪︎ This war will soon end with victory of the Sudanese Armed Forces, however we will remain vigilant because the conspiracy is great and will not stop. ▪︎ The Sudanese Armed Forces will remain standby to secure the country from terrorism and restore Sudan as it was and better, God willing. #Video #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia
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قائد متقدم سنار اللواء الركن عبد المنعم عبد الباسط من داخل مدينة سنجة : ▪︎ إنتصارات القوات المسلحة مستمرة ولن تتوقف بإذن الله فمن جبل موية إلى الدندر وإلى السوكي والآن في سنجة وفي الطريق كل مكان دنسته المليشيا . ▪︎ رسالتنا إلى مواطني مدينة سنجة بالعودة إلى مدينتهم الآمنة لتعميرها وإعادتها لسيرتها الأولى . ▪︎ هذه الحرب ستنتهي قريبا بإنتصار القوات المسلحة ولكننا لن نضع السلاح لأن المؤامرة كبيرة ولن تتوقف . ▪︎ ستظل القوات المسلحة قابضة على الزناد لتؤمن البلاد وتعيد السودان كما كان وأفضل مما كان إن شاء الله. #فيديو Commander of Sennar Advance Forces, Major General Abdel Moneim, from inside Sinja city : ▪︎ God willing, victories of Sudanese Armed Forces will continue and will not stop, it began from Jebel Moyaa to Al-Suki to Al-Dinder, and now in Sinja and on the way to every terr.itories controlled by the terr.orist Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). ▪︎ The message of the state (Government) and that of Sudanese Armed Forces to the citizens of Sinja city is return to your safe city to rebuild it and restore it to its former glory after the devastation caused by the Janjaweed militia. ▪︎ This war will soon end with victory of the Sudanese Armed Forces, however we will remain vigilant because the conspiracy is great and will not stop. ▪︎ The Sudanese Armed Forces will remain standby to secure the country from terrorism and restore Sudan as it was and better, God willing. #Video #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia

القوات المسلحة السودانية

19,715 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

أبرز ما ورد في حديث السيد رئيس مجلس السيادة - القائد العام للقوات المسلحة الفريق أول ركن عبدالفتاح البرهان لدى إجتماعه مع القيادة الجوالة ٠٥ نوفمبر ٢٠٢٥م ▪︎ التحية للقوات المقاتلة في كل بقعة من بلادنا والتحية للشعب السوداني والرحمة والقبول للشهداء وعاجل الشفاء للجرحى والعودة الكريمة للمفقودين . ▪︎ نؤكد أنٌ حرب الكرامة معركة الشعب السوداني و نثق في أنّ هذا الشعب لن يهزم وقريباً سينتصر على هذه المليشيا وعلى داعميها من دول الاستعمار. ▪︎ سنثأر لشهدائنا ولكل الذين نكّلت بهم المليشيا المملوكة لأسرة دقلو في الفاشر والجنينة والجزيرة وفي كل بقعةٍ دنّستها. Key Points from the Address of the Chairman of the Sovereignty Council and Commander‑in‑Chief of the Sudanese Armed Forces, General Abdel Fattah al‑Burhan, during his Meeting with the Mobile Command November 5, 2025 ▪︎ We salute the courageous forces fighting across every part of our nation and extend our greetings to the Sudanese people. We pray for mercy and acceptance for our martyrs, a swift recovery for the wounded, and a dignified return for those who are missing. ▪︎ We affirm that the War of Dignity is the battle of the Sudanese people. We have full confidence that the Sudanese nation will never be defeated, and that victory over the militia and their backers among neo-colonial powers is near. ▪︎ We pledge to avenge our martyrs and all those who have suffered at the hands of the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) in Al‑Fashir, Al‑Geneina, Al‑Jazirah, and in every place they have violated. #فيديو #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #مئوية_الجيش_السوداني - الذكرى ٧١ لسودنة القيادة - نحن في الشدة بأس يتجلى #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia
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أبرز ما ورد في حديث السيد رئيس مجلس السيادة - القائد العام للقوات المسلحة الفريق أول ركن عبدالفتاح البرهان لدى إجتماعه مع القيادة الجوالة ٠٥ نوفمبر ٢٠٢٥م ▪︎ التحية للقوات المقاتلة في كل بقعة من بلادنا والتحية للشعب السوداني والرحمة والقبول للشهداء وعاجل الشفاء للجرحى والعودة الكريمة للمفقودين . ▪︎ نؤكد أنٌ حرب الكرامة معركة الشعب السوداني و نثق في أنّ هذا الشعب لن يهزم وقريباً سينتصر على هذه المليشيا وعلى داعميها من دول الاستعمار. ▪︎ سنثأر لشهدائنا ولكل الذين نكّلت بهم المليشيا المملوكة لأسرة دقلو في الفاشر والجنينة والجزيرة وفي كل بقعةٍ دنّستها. Key Points from the Address of the Chairman of the Sovereignty Council and Commander‑in‑Chief of the Sudanese Armed Forces, General Abdel Fattah al‑Burhan, during his Meeting with the Mobile Command November 5, 2025 ▪︎ We salute the courageous forces fighting across every part of our nation and extend our greetings to the Sudanese people. We pray for mercy and acceptance for our martyrs, a swift recovery for the wounded, and a dignified return for those who are missing. ▪︎ We affirm that the War of Dignity is the battle of the Sudanese people. We have full confidence that the Sudanese nation will never be defeated, and that victory over the militia and their backers among neo-colonial powers is near. ▪︎ We pledge to avenge our martyrs and all those who have suffered at the hands of the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) in Al‑Fashir, Al‑Geneina, Al‑Jazirah, and in every place they have violated. #فيديو #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #مئوية_الجيش_السوداني - الذكرى ٧١ لسودنة القيادة - نحن في الشدة بأس يتجلى #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia

القوات المسلحة السودانية

19,613 Aufrufe • vor 9 Monaten

تحتفل البلاد بالذكرى الثانية والسبعين لعيد القوات المسلحة السودانية في ١٤ أغسطس ، تأكيداً على تاريخها العريق الممتد منذ تأسيس نواتها الأولى (قوة دفاع السودان) في عام ١٩٢٥م ، و سودنة قيادتها في العام ١٩٥٤م كأول مؤسسة وطنيّة تُدار بأيادٍ سودانيةٍ خالصةٍ تمهيداً للاستقلال . يصادف الاحتفال هذا العام انتصارات متلاحقة على مليشيا الدعم السريع المملوكة لأسرة دقلو المتمردة في كل المحاور وتعزيز تأمين المواطنين في كافة الولايات المحررة و انتظام العودة الطوعية للمواطنين و إعادة الإعمار. #فيديو Sudan will commemorate the 72nd anniversary of the Sudanese Armed Forces Day on August 14, reaffirming the military’s long and deeply rooted history. Its origins date back to 1925, when the Sudan Defence Force was established more than a century ago. In 1954, its leadership was fully Sudanized, making it the first national institution to be run entirely by Sudanese hands and paving the way for the country’s independence. This year’s anniversary comes amid a series of successive victories over the rebel Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) across multiple fronts, alongside strengthened security and protection for civilians throughout the liberated states. #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #عيد_الجيش_الذكرى72 #غداً_نعود_حتماً_نعود #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia
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تحتفل البلاد بالذكرى الثانية والسبعين لعيد القوات المسلحة السودانية في ١٤ أغسطس ، تأكيداً على تاريخها العريق الممتد منذ تأسيس نواتها الأولى (قوة دفاع السودان) في عام ١٩٢٥م ، و سودنة قيادتها في العام ١٩٥٤م كأول مؤسسة وطنيّة تُدار بأيادٍ سودانيةٍ خالصةٍ تمهيداً للاستقلال . يصادف الاحتفال هذا العام انتصارات متلاحقة على مليشيا الدعم السريع المملوكة لأسرة دقلو المتمردة في كل المحاور وتعزيز تأمين المواطنين في كافة الولايات المحررة و انتظام العودة الطوعية للمواطنين و إعادة الإعمار. #فيديو Sudan will commemorate the 72nd anniversary of the Sudanese Armed Forces Day on August 14, reaffirming the military’s long and deeply rooted history. Its origins date back to 1925, when the Sudan Defence Force was established more than a century ago. In 1954, its leadership was fully Sudanized, making it the first national institution to be run entirely by Sudanese hands and paving the way for the country’s independence. This year’s anniversary comes amid a series of successive victories over the rebel Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) across multiple fronts, alongside strengthened security and protection for civilians throughout the liberated states. #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #عيد_الجيش_الذكرى72 #غداً_نعود_حتماً_نعود #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia

القوات المسلحة السودانية

23,838 Aufrufe • vor 14 Tagen

رئيس مجلس السيادة القائد العام للقوات المسلحة الفريق أول ركن عبدالفتاح البرهان يكسر البروتوكول ويحي الجماهير التي إحتشدت لإستقباله في العاصمة المالية باماكو التي يزورها اليوم وتزامنت الحشود و الإستقبال مع فرحة السودانيين في كل مكان بتطهير حاضرة ولاية الجزيرة ود مدني من دنس مليشيا آل دقلو الإرهابية #فيديو The Chairman of the Sovereignty Council and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces broke protocol today to personally greet the crowds that gathered to welcome him in Bamako, the capital of the Republic of Mali, during his official visit. The enthusiastic reception coincided with the widespread joy of Sudanese people, celebrating the liberation of Wad Madani, the capital of Al-Jazirah State, from the grip of the terr_orist Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #المقاومة_الشعبية - تحت قيادة القوات المسلحة - نحن في الشدة بأس يتجلى #حرب_الكرامة #الذكرى_٦٩_للإستقلال #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia
0:53

رئيس مجلس السيادة القائد العام للقوات المسلحة الفريق أول ركن عبدالفتاح البرهان يكسر البروتوكول ويحي الجماهير التي إحتشدت لإستقباله في العاصمة المالية باماكو التي يزورها اليوم وتزامنت الحشود و الإستقبال مع فرحة السودانيين في كل مكان بتطهير حاضرة ولاية الجزيرة ود مدني من دنس مليشيا آل دقلو الإرهابية #فيديو The Chairman of the Sovereignty Council and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces broke protocol today to personally greet the crowds that gathered to welcome him in Bamako, the capital of the Republic of Mali, during his official visit. The enthusiastic reception coincided with the widespread joy of Sudanese people, celebrating the liberation of Wad Madani, the capital of Al-Jazirah State, from the grip of the terr_orist Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #المقاومة_الشعبية - تحت قيادة القوات المسلحة - نحن في الشدة بأس يتجلى #حرب_الكرامة #الذكرى_٦٩_للإستقلال #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia

القوات المسلحة السودانية

45,783 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

مشاهد تظهر عودة مجموعة من المليشيا المملوكة لأسرة دقلو إلى حضن الوطن وصوت العقل الإثنين الماضي بقيادة القائد الهادي جكة وتسليمهم لقيادة الفرقة الرابعة مشاة بالدمازين بكامل أسلحتهم وعتادهم حيث كان في استقبالهم السيد قائد الفرقة اللواء الركن محمد عثمان محمد حمد مؤكدا أن باب العودة إلى صف الدولة والقوات المسلحة لازال مفتوحا حسب قرار السيد رئيس مجلس السيادة القائد العام الفريق أول ركن عبدالفتاح البرهان - الدمازين - ٢٥ يونيو ٢٠٢٥م - أرسلها للنشر نقيب / علي عوض علي . #فيديو Footage shows a group of former Rapid Support Militia ( Janjaweed) , returning to the national ranks under the leadership of Captain Al-Hadi Jaka. The group surrendered to the command of the 4th Infantry Division in Damazin, handing over their full arsenal and military equipment. They were received by the division commander, who affirmed that the door remains open for those willing to return to the state and align themselves with the Sudanese Armed Forces, in accordance with the directive issued by the President of the Sovereignty Council and Commander-in-Chief. Damazin, June 25, 2025 #Video #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #المقاومة_الشعبية - تحت قيادة القوات المسلحة - نحن في الشدة بأس يتجلى #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia
3:43

مشاهد تظهر عودة مجموعة من المليشيا المملوكة لأسرة دقلو إلى حضن الوطن وصوت العقل الإثنين الماضي بقيادة القائد الهادي جكة وتسليمهم لقيادة الفرقة الرابعة مشاة بالدمازين بكامل أسلحتهم وعتادهم حيث كان في استقبالهم السيد قائد الفرقة اللواء الركن محمد عثمان محمد حمد مؤكدا أن باب العودة إلى صف الدولة والقوات المسلحة لازال مفتوحا حسب قرار السيد رئيس مجلس السيادة القائد العام الفريق أول ركن عبدالفتاح البرهان - الدمازين - ٢٥ يونيو ٢٠٢٥م - أرسلها للنشر نقيب / علي عوض علي . #فيديو Footage shows a group of former Rapid Support Militia ( Janjaweed) , returning to the national ranks under the leadership of Captain Al-Hadi Jaka. The group surrendered to the command of the 4th Infantry Division in Damazin, handing over their full arsenal and military equipment. They were received by the division commander, who affirmed that the door remains open for those willing to return to the state and align themselves with the Sudanese Armed Forces, in accordance with the directive issued by the President of the Sovereignty Council and Commander-in-Chief. Damazin, June 25, 2025 #Video #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #المقاومة_الشعبية - تحت قيادة القوات المسلحة - نحن في الشدة بأس يتجلى #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia

القوات المسلحة السودانية

15,139 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

الناطق الرسمي باسم القوات المسلحة السودانية يؤكد تورط الإمارات وإثيوبيا في العدوان على البلاد Sudanese Armed Forces Spokesperson Confirms UAE and Ethiopia’s Involvement in Aggression Against the Country الخرطوم - ٠٥ مايو ٢٠٢٦م كشفت القوات المسلحة السودانية عن حزمة من الأدلة الموثقة التي تشير إلى تورط أطراف خارجية في الهجمات بالطائرات المسيّرة التي استهدفت عدة مناطق في البلاد، بما يشكل انتهاكًا لسيادة السودان وخرقًا للقانون الدولي. وخلال المؤتمر الصحفي الذي عُقد مساء أمس ، أوضح المتحدث الرسمي باسم القوات المسلحة السودانية، العميد ركن عاصم عوض عبدالوهاب محمد، أن الجهات المختصة تضع أمام الشعب السوداني والرأي العام الإقليمي والدولي أدلة موثقة تؤكد هذه المعطيات، وأن هذه الأدلة تشير إلى تورط كل من الإمارات العربية المتحدة وإثيوبيا في أعمال عدوانية استهدفت السودان. وأشار إلى أنه، استنادًا إلى بيانات مؤكدة جمعتها الجهات الرسمية، انطلقت في الأول من مارس ٢٠٢٦م ثلاث طائرات مسيّرة من مطار بحر دار داخل الأراضي الإثيوبية، ونفذت طلعات عدائية استهدفت ولايات النيل الأبيض والنيل الأزرق وشمال وجنوب كردفان. وأضاف أنه في ١٧ مارس تمكنت الدفاعات الجوية من اعتراض وإسقاط إحدى هذه المسيّرات شمال مدينة الأبيض كما أوضح أن الفرق الفنية قامت بتحليل بيانات الطائرة والتواصل مع الشركة المصنّعة، التي أكدت أن الطائرة، التي تحمل الرقم التسلسلي S88، مملوكة لدولة الإمارات العربية المتحدة، وأن تشغيلها تم من داخل الأراضي الإثيوبية، وتحديدًا من مطار بحر دار. كما بيّنت البيانات نقطة انطلاقها ومسار رحلتها إلى داخل الأجواء السودانية، حيث استهدفت مواقع في كُرْمُك ومناطق أخرى في ولاية النيل الأزرق، إضافة إلى مواقع في ولايتي شمال وجنوب كردفان. كما أشار إلى حادثة أخرى بدأت في الأول من مايو، حيث دخلت طائرة مسيّرة أخرى انطلقت من الموقع ذاته إلى الأجواء السودانية، وتمت متابعتها حتى منطقة جبل الأولياء، حيث استهدفت مطار الخرطوم الدولي ومناطق أخرى قبل أن يتم التصدي لها. وأكد المتحدث الرسمي أن هذه الأفعال تمثل عدوانًا مباشرًا على السودان، مشددًا على جاهزية القوات المسلحة للتعامل مع أي تهديد بما يحفظ سيادة البلاد وأمنها وكرامتها الوطنية. Khartoum – May 5, 2026 The Sudanese Armed Forces have revealed a set of documented evidence indicating the involvement of external parties in drone attacks that targeted multiple locations across the country, constituting a violation of Sudan’s sovereignty and a breach of international law. During a press conference, the official spokesperson of the Sudanese Armed Forces, Brigadier General Asim Awad Abdelwahab Mohamed, said that the relevant authorities are presenting documented evidence to the Sudanese public as well as to regional and international audiences. He added that this evidence indicates the involvement of both the United Arab Emirates and Ethiopia in hostile actions targeting Sudan. He stated that, based on confirmed data collected by official bodies, three drones were launched on March 1, 2026, from Bahir Dar Airport inside Ethiopian territory, carrying out hostile sorties targeting the states of White Nile, Blue Nile, and North and South Kordofan. He added that on March 17, Sudanese air defenses intercepted and shot down one of these drones north of the city of El Obeid. He further explained that technical teams analyzed the aircraft’s data and contacted the manufacturer, which confirmed that the drone, bearing serial number S88, is owned by the United Arab Emirates. It also confirmed that the drone was operated from Ethiopian territory, specifically from Bahir Dar Airport. The data identified its point of departure and traced its flight path into Sudanese airspace, where it targeted locations in Kurmuk and other areas in Blue Nile State, as well as sites in North and South Kordofan. He also referred to another incident that began on May 1, when another drone launched from the same location entered Sudanese airspace. It was tracked to the Jebel Aulia area, where it targeted Khartoum International Airport and other locations before it was intercepted. The spokesperson affirmed that these actions constitute a direct act of aggression against Sudan, stressing the readiness of the Armed Forces to respond to any threat in a manner that preserves the country’s sovereignty, security, and national dignity. #فيديو #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #الذكرى_ال٧٠_للاستقلال #غداً_نعود_حتماً_نعود #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia
4:20

الناطق الرسمي باسم القوات المسلحة السودانية يؤكد تورط الإمارات وإثيوبيا في العدوان على البلاد Sudanese Armed Forces Spokesperson Confirms UAE and Ethiopia’s Involvement in Aggression Against the Country الخرطوم - ٠٥ مايو ٢٠٢٦م كشفت القوات المسلحة السودانية عن حزمة من الأدلة الموثقة التي تشير إلى تورط أطراف خارجية في الهجمات بالطائرات المسيّرة التي استهدفت عدة مناطق في البلاد، بما يشكل انتهاكًا لسيادة السودان وخرقًا للقانون الدولي. وخلال المؤتمر الصحفي الذي عُقد مساء أمس ، أوضح المتحدث الرسمي باسم القوات المسلحة السودانية، العميد ركن عاصم عوض عبدالوهاب محمد، أن الجهات المختصة تضع أمام الشعب السوداني والرأي العام الإقليمي والدولي أدلة موثقة تؤكد هذه المعطيات، وأن هذه الأدلة تشير إلى تورط كل من الإمارات العربية المتحدة وإثيوبيا في أعمال عدوانية استهدفت السودان. وأشار إلى أنه، استنادًا إلى بيانات مؤكدة جمعتها الجهات الرسمية، انطلقت في الأول من مارس ٢٠٢٦م ثلاث طائرات مسيّرة من مطار بحر دار داخل الأراضي الإثيوبية، ونفذت طلعات عدائية استهدفت ولايات النيل الأبيض والنيل الأزرق وشمال وجنوب كردفان. وأضاف أنه في ١٧ مارس تمكنت الدفاعات الجوية من اعتراض وإسقاط إحدى هذه المسيّرات شمال مدينة الأبيض كما أوضح أن الفرق الفنية قامت بتحليل بيانات الطائرة والتواصل مع الشركة المصنّعة، التي أكدت أن الطائرة، التي تحمل الرقم التسلسلي S88، مملوكة لدولة الإمارات العربية المتحدة، وأن تشغيلها تم من داخل الأراضي الإثيوبية، وتحديدًا من مطار بحر دار. كما بيّنت البيانات نقطة انطلاقها ومسار رحلتها إلى داخل الأجواء السودانية، حيث استهدفت مواقع في كُرْمُك ومناطق أخرى في ولاية النيل الأزرق، إضافة إلى مواقع في ولايتي شمال وجنوب كردفان. كما أشار إلى حادثة أخرى بدأت في الأول من مايو، حيث دخلت طائرة مسيّرة أخرى انطلقت من الموقع ذاته إلى الأجواء السودانية، وتمت متابعتها حتى منطقة جبل الأولياء، حيث استهدفت مطار الخرطوم الدولي ومناطق أخرى قبل أن يتم التصدي لها. وأكد المتحدث الرسمي أن هذه الأفعال تمثل عدوانًا مباشرًا على السودان، مشددًا على جاهزية القوات المسلحة للتعامل مع أي تهديد بما يحفظ سيادة البلاد وأمنها وكرامتها الوطنية. Khartoum – May 5, 2026 The Sudanese Armed Forces have revealed a set of documented evidence indicating the involvement of external parties in drone attacks that targeted multiple locations across the country, constituting a violation of Sudan’s sovereignty and a breach of international law. During a press conference, the official spokesperson of the Sudanese Armed Forces, Brigadier General Asim Awad Abdelwahab Mohamed, said that the relevant authorities are presenting documented evidence to the Sudanese public as well as to regional and international audiences. He added that this evidence indicates the involvement of both the United Arab Emirates and Ethiopia in hostile actions targeting Sudan. He stated that, based on confirmed data collected by official bodies, three drones were launched on March 1, 2026, from Bahir Dar Airport inside Ethiopian territory, carrying out hostile sorties targeting the states of White Nile, Blue Nile, and North and South Kordofan. He added that on March 17, Sudanese air defenses intercepted and shot down one of these drones north of the city of El Obeid. He further explained that technical teams analyzed the aircraft’s data and contacted the manufacturer, which confirmed that the drone, bearing serial number S88, is owned by the United Arab Emirates. It also confirmed that the drone was operated from Ethiopian territory, specifically from Bahir Dar Airport. The data identified its point of departure and traced its flight path into Sudanese airspace, where it targeted locations in Kurmuk and other areas in Blue Nile State, as well as sites in North and South Kordofan. He also referred to another incident that began on May 1, when another drone launched from the same location entered Sudanese airspace. It was tracked to the Jebel Aulia area, where it targeted Khartoum International Airport and other locations before it was intercepted. The spokesperson affirmed that these actions constitute a direct act of aggression against Sudan, stressing the readiness of the Armed Forces to respond to any threat in a manner that preserves the country’s sovereignty, security, and national dignity. #فيديو #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #الذكرى_ال٧٠_للاستقلال #غداً_نعود_حتماً_نعود #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia

القوات المسلحة السودانية

74,684 Aufrufe • vor 3 Monaten

القوات المسلحة إرث عظيم وتاريخ تليد وتقاليد راسخة تعبر عن جيش عمره يزيد عن المائة عام ، فتبادل الأدوار من التعيين والترقيات والتنقلات و التقاعد تجسد أصالة التقاليد العسكرية ، وتعزز استمرارية العمل بروح الفريق وتكامل الأدوار في تطوير الاستعداد والكفاءة القتالية لحماية مكتسبات الوطن ومقدراته حسب الدستور . جاءت مراسم تسليم واستلام مهام قيادة الفرقة الرابعة مشاة أمس الأحد في أجواء عسكرية مهيبة تعكس قيم الانضباط وروح المسؤولية الوطنية، بنقل الخبرات وتعزيز روح التضامن والتكامل بين القيادات بين اللواء الركن محمد عثمان محمد القائد السابق للفرقة ، واللواء الركن إسماعيل الطيب حسين عباس القائد الجديد، وذلك بحضور ممثلي رئاسة القوات المسلحة وقادة التشكيلات والوحدات العسكرية المختلفة - الدمازين - ٢٩ سبتمبر ٢٠٢٥م - مراسل حربي/ علي عوض . #فيديو The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) boast a rich legacy, a long history, and deeply-rooted traditions that reflect a professional, national army over 100 years old. The exchange of roles—including appointments, promotions, transfers, and retirements—embodies the authenticity of the Sudanese military traditions and enhances the continuity of teamwork to develop combat readiness and efficiency to protect the nation's gains and capabilities, in accordance with the constitution. The handover ceremony of the 4th Infantry Division of the SAF took place yesterday, Sunday, in a military atmosphere that reflects the values ​​of discipline and a spirit of national responsibility, transferring the experience of the former division commander and the new commander—Damazin, September 29, 2025. #Video #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #مئوية_الجيش_السوداني - الذكرى ٧١ لسودنة القيادة - نحن في الشدة بأس يتجلى #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia
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القوات المسلحة إرث عظيم وتاريخ تليد وتقاليد راسخة تعبر عن جيش عمره يزيد عن المائة عام ، فتبادل الأدوار من التعيين والترقيات والتنقلات و التقاعد تجسد أصالة التقاليد العسكرية ، وتعزز استمرارية العمل بروح الفريق وتكامل الأدوار في تطوير الاستعداد والكفاءة القتالية لحماية مكتسبات الوطن ومقدراته حسب الدستور . جاءت مراسم تسليم واستلام مهام قيادة الفرقة الرابعة مشاة أمس الأحد في أجواء عسكرية مهيبة تعكس قيم الانضباط وروح المسؤولية الوطنية، بنقل الخبرات وتعزيز روح التضامن والتكامل بين القيادات بين اللواء الركن محمد عثمان محمد القائد السابق للفرقة ، واللواء الركن إسماعيل الطيب حسين عباس القائد الجديد، وذلك بحضور ممثلي رئاسة القوات المسلحة وقادة التشكيلات والوحدات العسكرية المختلفة - الدمازين - ٢٩ سبتمبر ٢٠٢٥م - مراسل حربي/ علي عوض . #فيديو The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) boast a rich legacy, a long history, and deeply-rooted traditions that reflect a professional, national army over 100 years old. The exchange of roles—including appointments, promotions, transfers, and retirements—embodies the authenticity of the Sudanese military traditions and enhances the continuity of teamwork to develop combat readiness and efficiency to protect the nation's gains and capabilities, in accordance with the constitution. The handover ceremony of the 4th Infantry Division of the SAF took place yesterday, Sunday, in a military atmosphere that reflects the values ​​of discipline and a spirit of national responsibility, transferring the experience of the former division commander and the new commander—Damazin, September 29, 2025. #Video #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #مئوية_الجيش_السوداني - الذكرى ٧١ لسودنة القيادة - نحن في الشدة بأس يتجلى #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia

القوات المسلحة السودانية

30,224 Aufrufe • vor 10 Monaten

Statement by Joint Force of the Armed Movement Joint Forces of the Armed Struggle Movements Military Statement To the proud masses of our people, In light of the repeated conspiracies targeting the security and safety of our homeland, the intelligence of the Joint Forces of Armed Struggle Movements, in coordination with the Sudanese Military Intelligence Authority , has been monitoring hostile activities aimed at smuggling unprecedented dangerous weapons into Sudan. These weapons were intended to be transported from a European country through Chad to Darfur, specifically to the city of El Fasher, with the goal of seizing the city using devastating arms. To the proud masses of our people, Thanks to precise intelligence monitoring from both across borders and within the country, the Special Operations Forces of the Joint Forces, in coordination with the Sudanese Army, succeeded in thwarting the delivery of these dangerous weapons. A meticulously planned military operation was carried out in the X area near Nyala at 3:00 AM on Sunday, December 1, 2024. Outcomes of the operation: •Seizure of 3 large drones capable of carrying four air-to-surface missiles each. •Seizure of 6 smaller drones capable of carrying two air-to-surface missiles each. •Elimination of over 30 mercenaries from the Rapid Support Forces militia. •Destruction of 8 military vehicles. Details of the seized weapons: The weapons included drones of the Danger Propellers model, bearing the serial number J/DF24-23-01-043A, manufactured by Woodcomp Propellers in the Czech Republic, Central Europe. These drones were modified for military purposes. Their entry into Sudan marks an unprecedented event, facilitated and funded by the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and coordinated with Chad to ensure their passage. Message to the UAE: You must understand that we are tracking all your steps from the western and northern borders. Your plans will fail no matter how much effort and conspiracy you invest. Cease tampering with our land and security. Know that you are wasting your people’s wealth on a doomed project, and defeat will be your fate in Sudan. We will remain steadfast, determined to eliminate all your regional and international mercenaries and seize your weapons, no matter their cost. We also thank you for your generosity in delivering these sophisticated weapons, valued at millions, which are now in our hands. We will use them to further your defeat. Message to the Chadian regime: The Sudanese and Chadian peoples are bound by ties of blood, history, and shared destiny. Your support for the Rapid Support Forces militia with weapons and supplies, and your facilitation of their passage through your territory, is an act of betrayal that history will not forgive. Your facilitation of these weapons and your support for the militia is a stain of shame, and you will pay a heavy price if you do not stop this recklessness. To the Sudanese people: This exceptional military achievement reflects the readiness of our forces to confront all conspiracies targeting the security and safety of our homeland. We renew our pledge to you to remain vigilant and steadfast, with our hands on the trigger, protecting the lives of our people and the resources of our nation from any external or internal threats until we achieve full liberation. Glory and immortality to our righteous martyrs. Shame and disgrace to the enemies of the homeland. Major Ahmed Hussein Mustafa Official Spokesperson of the Joint Forces of Armed Struggle Movements El Fasher December 1, 2024
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Statement by Joint Force of the Armed Movement Joint Forces of the Armed Struggle Movements Military Statement To the proud masses of our people, In light of the repeated conspiracies targeting the security and safety of our homeland, the intelligence of the Joint Forces of Armed Struggle Movements, in coordination with the Sudanese Military Intelligence Authority , has been monitoring hostile activities aimed at smuggling unprecedented dangerous weapons into Sudan. These weapons were intended to be transported from a European country through Chad to Darfur, specifically to the city of El Fasher, with the goal of seizing the city using devastating arms. To the proud masses of our people, Thanks to precise intelligence monitoring from both across borders and within the country, the Special Operations Forces of the Joint Forces, in coordination with the Sudanese Army, succeeded in thwarting the delivery of these dangerous weapons. A meticulously planned military operation was carried out in the X area near Nyala at 3:00 AM on Sunday, December 1, 2024. Outcomes of the operation: •Seizure of 3 large drones capable of carrying four air-to-surface missiles each. •Seizure of 6 smaller drones capable of carrying two air-to-surface missiles each. •Elimination of over 30 mercenaries from the Rapid Support Forces militia. •Destruction of 8 military vehicles. Details of the seized weapons: The weapons included drones of the Danger Propellers model, bearing the serial number J/DF24-23-01-043A, manufactured by Woodcomp Propellers in the Czech Republic, Central Europe. These drones were modified for military purposes. Their entry into Sudan marks an unprecedented event, facilitated and funded by the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and coordinated with Chad to ensure their passage. Message to the UAE: You must understand that we are tracking all your steps from the western and northern borders. Your plans will fail no matter how much effort and conspiracy you invest. Cease tampering with our land and security. Know that you are wasting your people’s wealth on a doomed project, and defeat will be your fate in Sudan. We will remain steadfast, determined to eliminate all your regional and international mercenaries and seize your weapons, no matter their cost. We also thank you for your generosity in delivering these sophisticated weapons, valued at millions, which are now in our hands. We will use them to further your defeat. Message to the Chadian regime: The Sudanese and Chadian peoples are bound by ties of blood, history, and shared destiny. Your support for the Rapid Support Forces militia with weapons and supplies, and your facilitation of their passage through your territory, is an act of betrayal that history will not forgive. Your facilitation of these weapons and your support for the militia is a stain of shame, and you will pay a heavy price if you do not stop this recklessness. To the Sudanese people: This exceptional military achievement reflects the readiness of our forces to confront all conspiracies targeting the security and safety of our homeland. We renew our pledge to you to remain vigilant and steadfast, with our hands on the trigger, protecting the lives of our people and the resources of our nation from any external or internal threats until we achieve full liberation. Glory and immortality to our righteous martyrs. Shame and disgrace to the enemies of the homeland. Major Ahmed Hussein Mustafa Official Spokesperson of the Joint Forces of Armed Struggle Movements El Fasher December 1, 2024

الحساب الرسمي للقوة المشتركة لحركات الكفاح المسلح

29,009 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

الكرمك تطهرت من دنس المليشيا ... والنيل الأزرق يحتشد احتفاءً بالنصر وبالقوات المسلحة السودانية Al-Kurmuk Liberated from the Violations of the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) as Blue Nile Region Celebrates Victory and the Sudanese Armed Forces الدمازين - ٠٩ يوليو ٢٠٢٦م في مشهدٍ جسَّد وحدة الصف وقوة الإرادة احتشدت جماهير إقليم النيل الأزرق بميدان المولد بمدينة الدمازين احتفالاً بتحرير مدينة الكرمك تأكيدًا للالتفاف الشعبي حول القوات المسلحة السودانية والقوات المساندة وتجديدًا للعهد بمواصلة حرب الكرامة حتى استكمال تحرير كل شبر بالإقليم. وأكّد حاكم إقليم النيل الأزرق الفريق أحمد العمدة بادي أنّ تحرير مدينة الكرمك يمثل نقطة تحول مهمة في مسار العمليات العسكرية وبداية لمرحلة عنوانها بسط الأمن والاستقرار وعودة المواطنين إلى مناطقهم مشيدًا ببطولات القوات المسلحة السودانية حيث قال "عندنا أقوى جيش في أفريقيا" والمستنفرين من الشعب السوداني الذي دعم وسند جيشه. من جانبه أوضح قائد الفرقة الرابعة مشاة اللواء الركن إسماعيل الطيب حسين أن استعادة الكرمك جاءت ثمرة لتخطيط عسكري محكم وبسالة المقاتلين في ميادين الشرف في زمن وجيز لم يتجاوز الثلاثة أشهر ، مؤكّداً أنّ القوات ستواصل عمليات التمشيط والتأمين ولن تتوقف حتى تطهير ما تبقى من المناطق وتأمين حدود الوطن مهنئاً مواطني الكرمك في معسكرات النزوج موجهاً رسالة القيادة لهم بالتريث ريثما تقوم القيادة العسكرية وحكومة الولاية بتوفير الخدمات الأساسية وتهيئة البيئة لهم . كما أكّدت محافظ محافظة الدمازين الأستاذة فواتح النور البشير أن الاحتفال القادم سيكون من داخل مدينة الكرمك بعد استكمال عمليات التأمين مشيرةً إلى أن الإقليم سيظل عصياً على كل من يحاول المساس بأمنه واستقراره. وجددت المقاومة الشعبية التزامها بمواصلة الإسناد والدعم للقوات المسلحة السودانية مؤكدة أن حرب الكرامة مستمرة حتى يتحقق النصر الكامل وأن وحدة الشعب خلف قواته المسلحة تمثل السلاح الأقوى في مواجهة التحديات. #فيديو Damazin – 9 July 2026 ▪︎ The Governor of the Blue Nile Region: The liberation of Al-Kurmuk city represents an important turning point and the beginning of a new phase focused on restoring security and stability and enabling citizens to return to their areas. ▪︎ Commander of the 4th Infantry Division: My message to the citizens of Al-Kurmuk currently staying in displacement camps is that the military leadership and the state government will work to provide basic services and create suitable conditions for their return. #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #الذكرى_ال٧٠_للاستقلال #غداً_نعود_حتماً_نعود #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia
2:32

الكرمك تطهرت من دنس المليشيا ... والنيل الأزرق يحتشد احتفاءً بالنصر وبالقوات المسلحة السودانية Al-Kurmuk Liberated from the Violations of the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) as Blue Nile Region Celebrates Victory and the Sudanese Armed Forces الدمازين - ٠٩ يوليو ٢٠٢٦م في مشهدٍ جسَّد وحدة الصف وقوة الإرادة احتشدت جماهير إقليم النيل الأزرق بميدان المولد بمدينة الدمازين احتفالاً بتحرير مدينة الكرمك تأكيدًا للالتفاف الشعبي حول القوات المسلحة السودانية والقوات المساندة وتجديدًا للعهد بمواصلة حرب الكرامة حتى استكمال تحرير كل شبر بالإقليم. وأكّد حاكم إقليم النيل الأزرق الفريق أحمد العمدة بادي أنّ تحرير مدينة الكرمك يمثل نقطة تحول مهمة في مسار العمليات العسكرية وبداية لمرحلة عنوانها بسط الأمن والاستقرار وعودة المواطنين إلى مناطقهم مشيدًا ببطولات القوات المسلحة السودانية حيث قال "عندنا أقوى جيش في أفريقيا" والمستنفرين من الشعب السوداني الذي دعم وسند جيشه. من جانبه أوضح قائد الفرقة الرابعة مشاة اللواء الركن إسماعيل الطيب حسين أن استعادة الكرمك جاءت ثمرة لتخطيط عسكري محكم وبسالة المقاتلين في ميادين الشرف في زمن وجيز لم يتجاوز الثلاثة أشهر ، مؤكّداً أنّ القوات ستواصل عمليات التمشيط والتأمين ولن تتوقف حتى تطهير ما تبقى من المناطق وتأمين حدود الوطن مهنئاً مواطني الكرمك في معسكرات النزوج موجهاً رسالة القيادة لهم بالتريث ريثما تقوم القيادة العسكرية وحكومة الولاية بتوفير الخدمات الأساسية وتهيئة البيئة لهم . كما أكّدت محافظ محافظة الدمازين الأستاذة فواتح النور البشير أن الاحتفال القادم سيكون من داخل مدينة الكرمك بعد استكمال عمليات التأمين مشيرةً إلى أن الإقليم سيظل عصياً على كل من يحاول المساس بأمنه واستقراره. وجددت المقاومة الشعبية التزامها بمواصلة الإسناد والدعم للقوات المسلحة السودانية مؤكدة أن حرب الكرامة مستمرة حتى يتحقق النصر الكامل وأن وحدة الشعب خلف قواته المسلحة تمثل السلاح الأقوى في مواجهة التحديات. #فيديو Damazin – 9 July 2026 ▪︎ The Governor of the Blue Nile Region: The liberation of Al-Kurmuk city represents an important turning point and the beginning of a new phase focused on restoring security and stability and enabling citizens to return to their areas. ▪︎ Commander of the 4th Infantry Division: My message to the citizens of Al-Kurmuk currently staying in displacement camps is that the military leadership and the state government will work to provide basic services and create suitable conditions for their return. #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #الذكرى_ال٧٠_للاستقلال #غداً_نعود_حتماً_نعود #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia

القوات المسلحة السودانية

10,763 Aufrufe • vor 1 Monat

A Circulated Video as Further Evidence of the Terrorist Nature of the Rapid Support Militia, and Why What Is Happening in Sudan Is Not a Civil War A recently circulated video has spread widely across Sudanese social media platforms, adding to an accumulating body of evidence documenting the violence and threats endured by Sudanese civilians for more than three years at the hands of the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed), which is backed by the United Arab Emirates. The footage shows three individuals. One of them, wearing the uniform of the Rapid Support Militia, is speaking to a well-known figure within the militia known by the nickname “Yajooj and Majooj.” This exchange is marked by explicit threats directed at the city of Omdurman. It begins with repeated statements about their intention to “enter on asphalt,” accompanied by assertions that they will not back down, followed by talk of “returning” to Omdurman as they had entered it before. This rhetoric, with its direct threats against civilians, clearly reflects the terrorist mindset prevailing within the militia. Within this exchange, the speaker addresses the people of Omdurman directly, stating that they have heard that residents “have gained weight, put on fat, rebuilt the city, and made it flourish again.” This statement constitutes an explicit admission that the Rapid Support Militia had previously destroyed the city, and that subsequent recovery came as a result of civilians returning and rebuilding after liberation by the Sudanese Armed Forces. This admission is immediately weaponized within a provocative threat, through the claim that the militia withdrew and deliberately allowed residents to “grow their feathers,” in preparation for returning to cut those feathers. It is widely known that the Rapid Support Militia left Khartoum and Omdurman after suffering a crushing defeat at the hands of the Sudanese Armed Forces. Nevertheless, this rhetoric is used to terrorize civilians, by threatening return, destruction, and revenge, and by transforming a military withdrawal into a tool of psychological intimidation directed at the population. The discourse then escalates to an even more explicit and dangerous level, as Yajooj and Majooj openly embraces looting, stating, “If you call us shafshafa, then we are shafshafa.” The term shafshafa is a colloquial expression referring to thugs and highway robbers who carry out violent looting outside any legal framework. This is followed by a direct threat of total destruction, as he declares that they will leave nothing behind, not even the bricks of Omdurman itself, expressing a clear intent to physically erase the city. The threats extend further to include historical and religious landmarks, with talk of removing them and taking them to Nyala. This rhetoric reflects a consistent pattern in the militia’s behavior, in which looting is presented as a deliberate choice, destruction is framed as an objective, cities are treated as spoils of war, and civilians are addressed as targets for collective punishment. These statements align with what has been documented on the ground across Sudan. Omdurman, Khartoum, Wad Madani, and large parts of Darfur have been subjected to systematic looting, arson, killings, sexual violence, and campaigns of intimidation that directly targeted civilians. What is said in this video corresponds closely with survivor testimonies, journalistic investigations, satellite imagery, and reports by humanitarian organizations. This video, along with many others, confirms that what is happening in Sudan is not a “civil war” between equal parties. Rather, it is organized violence carried out by an armed terrorist militia against civilian populations. This violence would not have reached its scale or persistence without direct external support from the authorities in Abu Dhabi, which enabled the militia to continue killing, looting, and terrorizing civilians. This support has manifested through funding, logistical assistance, the provision of weapons and mobility, as well as political and media cover, effectively prolonging the violence, turning cities into zones of systematic abuse, and forcing civilians to pay the price for this empowerment. This context further underscores that there is no moral, legal, or factual equivalence between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Militia. The former is a state institution, while the latter is built on looting, intimidation, and destruction. For Sudanese people, this video is not shocking. However, it adds yet another documented piece of evidence to a long and well-established record of violations. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
0:51

A Circulated Video as Further Evidence of the Terrorist Nature of the Rapid Support Militia, and Why What Is Happening in Sudan Is Not a Civil War A recently circulated video has spread widely across Sudanese social media platforms, adding to an accumulating body of evidence documenting the violence and threats endured by Sudanese civilians for more than three years at the hands of the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed), which is backed by the United Arab Emirates. The footage shows three individuals. One of them, wearing the uniform of the Rapid Support Militia, is speaking to a well-known figure within the militia known by the nickname “Yajooj and Majooj.” This exchange is marked by explicit threats directed at the city of Omdurman. It begins with repeated statements about their intention to “enter on asphalt,” accompanied by assertions that they will not back down, followed by talk of “returning” to Omdurman as they had entered it before. This rhetoric, with its direct threats against civilians, clearly reflects the terrorist mindset prevailing within the militia. Within this exchange, the speaker addresses the people of Omdurman directly, stating that they have heard that residents “have gained weight, put on fat, rebuilt the city, and made it flourish again.” This statement constitutes an explicit admission that the Rapid Support Militia had previously destroyed the city, and that subsequent recovery came as a result of civilians returning and rebuilding after liberation by the Sudanese Armed Forces. This admission is immediately weaponized within a provocative threat, through the claim that the militia withdrew and deliberately allowed residents to “grow their feathers,” in preparation for returning to cut those feathers. It is widely known that the Rapid Support Militia left Khartoum and Omdurman after suffering a crushing defeat at the hands of the Sudanese Armed Forces. Nevertheless, this rhetoric is used to terrorize civilians, by threatening return, destruction, and revenge, and by transforming a military withdrawal into a tool of psychological intimidation directed at the population. The discourse then escalates to an even more explicit and dangerous level, as Yajooj and Majooj openly embraces looting, stating, “If you call us shafshafa, then we are shafshafa.” The term shafshafa is a colloquial expression referring to thugs and highway robbers who carry out violent looting outside any legal framework. This is followed by a direct threat of total destruction, as he declares that they will leave nothing behind, not even the bricks of Omdurman itself, expressing a clear intent to physically erase the city. The threats extend further to include historical and religious landmarks, with talk of removing them and taking them to Nyala. This rhetoric reflects a consistent pattern in the militia’s behavior, in which looting is presented as a deliberate choice, destruction is framed as an objective, cities are treated as spoils of war, and civilians are addressed as targets for collective punishment. These statements align with what has been documented on the ground across Sudan. Omdurman, Khartoum, Wad Madani, and large parts of Darfur have been subjected to systematic looting, arson, killings, sexual violence, and campaigns of intimidation that directly targeted civilians. What is said in this video corresponds closely with survivor testimonies, journalistic investigations, satellite imagery, and reports by humanitarian organizations. This video, along with many others, confirms that what is happening in Sudan is not a “civil war” between equal parties. Rather, it is organized violence carried out by an armed terrorist militia against civilian populations. This violence would not have reached its scale or persistence without direct external support from the authorities in Abu Dhabi, which enabled the militia to continue killing, looting, and terrorizing civilians. This support has manifested through funding, logistical assistance, the provision of weapons and mobility, as well as political and media cover, effectively prolonging the violence, turning cities into zones of systematic abuse, and forcing civilians to pay the price for this empowerment. This context further underscores that there is no moral, legal, or factual equivalence between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Militia. The former is a state institution, while the latter is built on looting, intimidation, and destruction. For Sudanese people, this video is not shocking. However, it adds yet another documented piece of evidence to a long and well-established record of violations. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

19,343 Aufrufe • vor 6 Monaten

Sudan Confronts the UAE at the UN: Al-Harith Idriss Exposes Abu Dhabi’s Role in Fueling War At today’s United Nations session, Sudan’s Permanent Representative to the UN, Al-Harith Idriss, delivered a forceful response to the UAE’s attempts to manipulate the narrative surrounding the war in Sudan. The session saw repeated exchanges between the two delegations, with Sudan directly accusing the UAE of fueling the war by funding and arming the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed), while the UAE scrambled to deflect responsibility. The UAE’s Opening Statement: A False Show of Neutrality The UAE representative began by expressing concern over the suffering of the Sudanese people, highlighting the urgent need for humanitarian aid and calling for stronger mechanisms to protect civilians. The speech was carefully crafted to present the UAE as a neutral party, advocating for a ceasefire and negotiations between both sides of the conflict. However, while Abu Dhabi attempted to position itself as a peace broker, the entire world knew that it was a key player in the war, not merely an external observer. Rather than addressing its well-documented role in fueling the war, the UAE attempted to shift the blame entirely onto "two warring generals." The representative condemned the violence, called for unrestricted humanitarian access, and even suggested adding conflict-related sexual violence as an independent criterion in the UN sanctions system. Yet, the very crimes the UAE claimed to denounce were being committed by the militia it continues to support. Al-Harith Idriss Responds: Exposing the UAE’s Criminal Role Al-Harith Idriss, Sudan’s Permanent Representative to the UN, wasted no time in dismantling the UAE’s façade of neutrality. Addressing the council, he delivered an unfiltered truth: the UAE is not a bystander in this war—it is an instigator. He accused Abu Dhabi of igniting and prolonging the war in Sudan, not out of any genuine concern for peace, but to occupy Sudan, seize its resources, and establish control through its proxies. His response was clear and backed by evidence. Idriss pointed to UN reports, congressional testimonies, and investigative findings that confirm the UAE’s support for the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). He detailed how Emirati drones and weapons have been used in at least 188 bombing raids in Darfur, how UAE aircraft have landed on dirt runways in Nyala to supply arms, and how Abu Dhabi has been using Chad as a staging ground for further attacks. He also exposed the fact that while the UAE claimed to be offering humanitarian assistance, its financial support was in fact being funneled into purchasing weapons for the militia. Sudan’s representative did not stop there. He called out the UAE for attempting to whitewash its involvement by referring vaguely to "foreign elements" in Sudan, when the only foreign actor arming and funding the militia is the UAE itself. He challenged the UN Security Council to explicitly name the UAE and hold it accountable for the destruction it has caused. The UAE’s Retaliation: Deflection and Denial In response, the UAE representative took the floor again, this time resorting to outright dismissal of Sudan’s accusations. The UAE accused Sudan of spreading "misinformation" and of using the UN platform to deflect from its own role in the conflict. With feigned indignation, the UAE insisted it was not involved in the war and was not taking sides, repeating the claim that "lies remain lies, no matter how often they are repeated." The UAE also sought to put the blame back on Sudan, questioning why the Sudanese Armed Forces had not agreed to a ceasefire and suggesting that the real obstacle to peace was Sudan’s refusal to engage in negotiations. It was a predictable attempt to divert attention from the core issue—Abu Dhabi’s direct role in sustaining the war. Al-Harith Idriss Strikes Back: The War Will Not End While the UAE Arms the Militia Unmoved by the UAE’s deflections, Al-Harith Idriss took the floor once again. He reiterated that Sudan was not making baseless allegations but presenting documented evidence that the UAE has fueled the war by equipping and financing the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). He reminded the council that Sudan had submitted a 74-page official complaint detailing the UAE’s role, citing reports from neutral institutions and testimony presented to the U.S. Congress. Idriss made it clear that the war would not stop while the UAE continued to support the militia. The Sudanese Armed Forces were fighting to reclaim the country from an armed group backed by a foreign power, not engaging in a meaningless internal dispute. He called on the UN to stop pretending this was a conflict between internal factions and recognize it for what it truly is: a foreign-backed attempt to destabilize Sudan and seize control of its resources. The UAE’s Last Word: A Desperate Attempt to Save Face Despite the overwhelming evidence against it, the UAE insisted on having the final word. Its representative once again accused Sudan of misrepresenting the situation, claiming that if Sudan’s leadership truly wanted peace, it would agree to a ceasefire and engage in dialogue rather than continuing military operations. The UAE accused Sudan of blocking humanitarian aid and attempting to spread "disinformation" to shift blame. Sudan’s Stand: No Peace While the UAE Fuels War The message from Sudan was clear: this war is not about two generals—it is about a nation resisting a foreign-backed occupation. The UAE has spent billions funding and arming a terrorist militia while pretending to call for peace. But Sudan sees through the deception. Sudan left no room for doubt—the war will only end when the UAE ceases its support for the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). Until then, Sudan will continue to fight, not just for its land, but for its sovereignty, its people, and its future. #Sudan #UAEKillsSudanesePeople
12:55

Sudan Confronts the UAE at the UN: Al-Harith Idriss Exposes Abu Dhabi’s Role in Fueling War At today’s United Nations session, Sudan’s Permanent Representative to the UN, Al-Harith Idriss, delivered a forceful response to the UAE’s attempts to manipulate the narrative surrounding the war in Sudan. The session saw repeated exchanges between the two delegations, with Sudan directly accusing the UAE of fueling the war by funding and arming the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed), while the UAE scrambled to deflect responsibility. The UAE’s Opening Statement: A False Show of Neutrality The UAE representative began by expressing concern over the suffering of the Sudanese people, highlighting the urgent need for humanitarian aid and calling for stronger mechanisms to protect civilians. The speech was carefully crafted to present the UAE as a neutral party, advocating for a ceasefire and negotiations between both sides of the conflict. However, while Abu Dhabi attempted to position itself as a peace broker, the entire world knew that it was a key player in the war, not merely an external observer. Rather than addressing its well-documented role in fueling the war, the UAE attempted to shift the blame entirely onto "two warring generals." The representative condemned the violence, called for unrestricted humanitarian access, and even suggested adding conflict-related sexual violence as an independent criterion in the UN sanctions system. Yet, the very crimes the UAE claimed to denounce were being committed by the militia it continues to support. Al-Harith Idriss Responds: Exposing the UAE’s Criminal Role Al-Harith Idriss, Sudan’s Permanent Representative to the UN, wasted no time in dismantling the UAE’s façade of neutrality. Addressing the council, he delivered an unfiltered truth: the UAE is not a bystander in this war—it is an instigator. He accused Abu Dhabi of igniting and prolonging the war in Sudan, not out of any genuine concern for peace, but to occupy Sudan, seize its resources, and establish control through its proxies. His response was clear and backed by evidence. Idriss pointed to UN reports, congressional testimonies, and investigative findings that confirm the UAE’s support for the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). He detailed how Emirati drones and weapons have been used in at least 188 bombing raids in Darfur, how UAE aircraft have landed on dirt runways in Nyala to supply arms, and how Abu Dhabi has been using Chad as a staging ground for further attacks. He also exposed the fact that while the UAE claimed to be offering humanitarian assistance, its financial support was in fact being funneled into purchasing weapons for the militia. Sudan’s representative did not stop there. He called out the UAE for attempting to whitewash its involvement by referring vaguely to "foreign elements" in Sudan, when the only foreign actor arming and funding the militia is the UAE itself. He challenged the UN Security Council to explicitly name the UAE and hold it accountable for the destruction it has caused. The UAE’s Retaliation: Deflection and Denial In response, the UAE representative took the floor again, this time resorting to outright dismissal of Sudan’s accusations. The UAE accused Sudan of spreading "misinformation" and of using the UN platform to deflect from its own role in the conflict. With feigned indignation, the UAE insisted it was not involved in the war and was not taking sides, repeating the claim that "lies remain lies, no matter how often they are repeated." The UAE also sought to put the blame back on Sudan, questioning why the Sudanese Armed Forces had not agreed to a ceasefire and suggesting that the real obstacle to peace was Sudan’s refusal to engage in negotiations. It was a predictable attempt to divert attention from the core issue—Abu Dhabi’s direct role in sustaining the war. Al-Harith Idriss Strikes Back: The War Will Not End While the UAE Arms the Militia Unmoved by the UAE’s deflections, Al-Harith Idriss took the floor once again. He reiterated that Sudan was not making baseless allegations but presenting documented evidence that the UAE has fueled the war by equipping and financing the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). He reminded the council that Sudan had submitted a 74-page official complaint detailing the UAE’s role, citing reports from neutral institutions and testimony presented to the U.S. Congress. Idriss made it clear that the war would not stop while the UAE continued to support the militia. The Sudanese Armed Forces were fighting to reclaim the country from an armed group backed by a foreign power, not engaging in a meaningless internal dispute. He called on the UN to stop pretending this was a conflict between internal factions and recognize it for what it truly is: a foreign-backed attempt to destabilize Sudan and seize control of its resources. The UAE’s Last Word: A Desperate Attempt to Save Face Despite the overwhelming evidence against it, the UAE insisted on having the final word. Its representative once again accused Sudan of misrepresenting the situation, claiming that if Sudan’s leadership truly wanted peace, it would agree to a ceasefire and engage in dialogue rather than continuing military operations. The UAE accused Sudan of blocking humanitarian aid and attempting to spread "disinformation" to shift blame. Sudan’s Stand: No Peace While the UAE Fuels War The message from Sudan was clear: this war is not about two generals—it is about a nation resisting a foreign-backed occupation. The UAE has spent billions funding and arming a terrorist militia while pretending to call for peace. But Sudan sees through the deception. Sudan left no room for doubt—the war will only end when the UAE ceases its support for the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). Until then, Sudan will continue to fight, not just for its land, but for its sovereignty, its people, and its future. #Sudan #UAEKillsSudanesePeople

Sudanese Echo

20,604 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

Al-Harith Idriss Exposes UAE’s Role in Fueling War and Atrocities in Sudan Before the UN Security Council In a powerful and unprecedented right of reply before the United Nations Security Council, Sudan’s Permanent Representative, Ambassador Al-Harith Idriss, directly accused the United Arab Emirates of waging a proxy war against Sudan through its sponsorship of the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). His address came as a firm rebuttal to the statement made earlier by the UAE’s representative and laid bare the full extent of Abu Dhabi’s involvement in arming, funding, and coordinating attacks that have led to mass killings across Sudan, particularly in El Fasher. Al-Harith Idriss began his reply with a sharp assertion: “There is no civil war in Sudan. It is a war and aggression waged by the UAE through its regional proxy, the Rapid Support Militia.” He emphasized that attempts to frame the conflict as an internal power struggle between two sides are a deliberate distortion meant to conceal external aggression. The ambassador expressed astonishment that “a representative of a state whose hands are stained with the blood of innocents in Sudan” could address the Security Council as if speaking on behalf of peace and stability. “Hearing that representative talk about Sudan as though it were under Abu Dhabi’s guardianship is an insult to this Council and a mockery of the blood of the children, women, and orphans killed daily with Emirati money and weapons,” he said. Citing investigative reports by The Wall Street Journal, The Guardian, and Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab, Idriss detailed the UAE’s direct coordination with the militia. He described a sophisticated network linking military experts in eastern Libya with a satellite command center in Abu Dhabi, responsible for directing operations on Sudanese soil. According to these reports, shipments of weapons, armored vehicle engines, and advanced targeting systems—some manufactured in member states of the Security Council—have been transferred to the militia. Idriss noted that “Libyan television channels confirmed the presence of more than ten military aircraft flying daily between the UAE and eastern Libya between October 25 and 26, just before the militia’s latest assault on El Fasher.” The ambassador also referenced Yale’s Humanitarian Research Lab, which confirmed, through satellite imagery, that mass executions took place between October 26 and 28 at El Fasher’s Saudi Hospital. “All patients and staff were executed in horrific ways by the militia, and doctors and medical workers were abducted,” he said. Al-Harith Idriss condemned the UAE’s actions as “a blatant violation of the UN Charter, the Charter of the Arab League, and this Council’s resolutions, which prohibit support for terrorist and unlawful armed groups.” He questioned the hypocrisy of a state that “speaks of peace in this chamber while filling Sudan’s skies with planes and ammunition sent to those who kill women and children, loot cities, and rape girls.” The ambassador went further, accusing the UAE of attempting to fragment Sudan and control parts of its territory to plunder its resources and gold, warning that such ambitions would fail. “Sudan, which stood by the Emirati people since the founding of their state, will never forget that Abu Dhabi was among the first to betray that goodwill and conspire against Sudan’s unity and stability,” he declared. Defending the honor of the Sudanese Armed Forces, Idriss reminded the Council that Sudanese soldiers fought alongside the Allies and Britain in the battles of Eritrea, Ethiopia, and North Africa during both World Wars. “Is this proud institution now to be replaced by barbaric militias you have condemned this evening?” he asked. He concluded by warning that the UAE will be remembered in Sudan’s collective memory as a symbol of political treachery and moral decay. “The UAE’s representative should have been seated not under this dome, but among the ranks of the criminal militia his country has financed,” he said. Despite the devastation, Idriss reaffirmed the resilience of the Sudanese people, asserting that no money, weapons, or political complicity can break their will. “Sudan has faced colonialism, tyranny, and oppression—and triumphed over them all. Today, it will defeat the Emirati aggression just as it defeated every invader before,” he vowed. Al-Harith Idriss closed with words that echoed across the chamber: “Before this Emirati aggression, Sudan stands with one motto left — the honor of the rifle.” His statement was a reminder that Sudan’s struggle is one of sovereignty, dignity, and survival. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
5:52

Al-Harith Idriss Exposes UAE’s Role in Fueling War and Atrocities in Sudan Before the UN Security Council In a powerful and unprecedented right of reply before the United Nations Security Council, Sudan’s Permanent Representative, Ambassador Al-Harith Idriss, directly accused the United Arab Emirates of waging a proxy war against Sudan through its sponsorship of the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). His address came as a firm rebuttal to the statement made earlier by the UAE’s representative and laid bare the full extent of Abu Dhabi’s involvement in arming, funding, and coordinating attacks that have led to mass killings across Sudan, particularly in El Fasher. Al-Harith Idriss began his reply with a sharp assertion: “There is no civil war in Sudan. It is a war and aggression waged by the UAE through its regional proxy, the Rapid Support Militia.” He emphasized that attempts to frame the conflict as an internal power struggle between two sides are a deliberate distortion meant to conceal external aggression. The ambassador expressed astonishment that “a representative of a state whose hands are stained with the blood of innocents in Sudan” could address the Security Council as if speaking on behalf of peace and stability. “Hearing that representative talk about Sudan as though it were under Abu Dhabi’s guardianship is an insult to this Council and a mockery of the blood of the children, women, and orphans killed daily with Emirati money and weapons,” he said. Citing investigative reports by The Wall Street Journal, The Guardian, and Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab, Idriss detailed the UAE’s direct coordination with the militia. He described a sophisticated network linking military experts in eastern Libya with a satellite command center in Abu Dhabi, responsible for directing operations on Sudanese soil. According to these reports, shipments of weapons, armored vehicle engines, and advanced targeting systems—some manufactured in member states of the Security Council—have been transferred to the militia. Idriss noted that “Libyan television channels confirmed the presence of more than ten military aircraft flying daily between the UAE and eastern Libya between October 25 and 26, just before the militia’s latest assault on El Fasher.” The ambassador also referenced Yale’s Humanitarian Research Lab, which confirmed, through satellite imagery, that mass executions took place between October 26 and 28 at El Fasher’s Saudi Hospital. “All patients and staff were executed in horrific ways by the militia, and doctors and medical workers were abducted,” he said. Al-Harith Idriss condemned the UAE’s actions as “a blatant violation of the UN Charter, the Charter of the Arab League, and this Council’s resolutions, which prohibit support for terrorist and unlawful armed groups.” He questioned the hypocrisy of a state that “speaks of peace in this chamber while filling Sudan’s skies with planes and ammunition sent to those who kill women and children, loot cities, and rape girls.” The ambassador went further, accusing the UAE of attempting to fragment Sudan and control parts of its territory to plunder its resources and gold, warning that such ambitions would fail. “Sudan, which stood by the Emirati people since the founding of their state, will never forget that Abu Dhabi was among the first to betray that goodwill and conspire against Sudan’s unity and stability,” he declared. Defending the honor of the Sudanese Armed Forces, Idriss reminded the Council that Sudanese soldiers fought alongside the Allies and Britain in the battles of Eritrea, Ethiopia, and North Africa during both World Wars. “Is this proud institution now to be replaced by barbaric militias you have condemned this evening?” he asked. He concluded by warning that the UAE will be remembered in Sudan’s collective memory as a symbol of political treachery and moral decay. “The UAE’s representative should have been seated not under this dome, but among the ranks of the criminal militia his country has financed,” he said. Despite the devastation, Idriss reaffirmed the resilience of the Sudanese people, asserting that no money, weapons, or political complicity can break their will. “Sudan has faced colonialism, tyranny, and oppression—and triumphed over them all. Today, it will defeat the Emirati aggression just as it defeated every invader before,” he vowed. Al-Harith Idriss closed with words that echoed across the chamber: “Before this Emirati aggression, Sudan stands with one motto left — the honor of the rifle.” His statement was a reminder that Sudan’s struggle is one of sovereignty, dignity, and survival. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

28,412 Aufrufe • vor 9 Monaten

#TRANSCRIBED The U.S. warned that it is going to use “tools at its disposal” to hold Rwanda accountable, a "spoilers to peace”, referring to both Rwanda and M23. READ THE FULL TRANSCRIPT OF THE UNITED STATES' DURING TODAY'S UN SECURITY COUNCIL MEETING The United States is profoundly concerned and deeply disappointed by the renewed outbreak of violence in Eastern DRC. Today, I want to share additional information on the scale and sophistication of Rwanda’s involvement in the region. Since its re-emergence in 2021, Rwanda has maintained strategic control over its proxy armed group, M23, as well as M23’s political wing, the Congo River Alliance, also known as the AFC. Rwanda has deployed M23 and the AFC to further its geopolitical ambitions in Eastern DRC. Kigali has been directly involved in planning and executing the war, providing both military and political direction to M23 and the AFC. For years, the Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF) have supplied material, logistical, and training support to M23, and have fought alongside them in the DRC with approximately 5,000 to 7,000 troops as of early December — not accounting for any additional deployments during the recent escalation. In recent months, Rwanda has deployed multiple surface-to-air missile systems and other heavy, sophisticated weaponry into North and South Kivu to support M23 in its ongoing conflict with the DRC. Just this past weekend, M23 and Rwandan forces launched an offensive to seize Uvira, with RDF forces co-located on the frontlines with M23 fighters. We also have credible reports of increased use of suicide drones and artillery by both M23 and Rwanda, including artillery strikes into Burundi. Rather than a march toward peace — as seen in recent weeks under the leadership of President Trump through the Washington Accords — Rwanda is instead dragging the region back into greater instability and war. In light of the commitments made in Washington, we are deeply concerned about the continued presence of Rwandan military forces on Congolese soil in support of M23. The United States will use every tool at our disposal to hold accountable the spoilers of peace. We call on Rwanda to uphold its commitments and to fully recognize the Democratic Republic of Congo’s sovereign right to defend its territory, including the right to invite Burundian forces onto its land in response to aggression. We are engaging with all parties to urge restraint and to prevent further escalation — including calling for an end to hostile and ethnically charged anti-Tutsi rhetoric. As this Council continues to negotiate the renewal of the MONUSCO mandate, the United States will seek to ensure that the mission is empowered to support both the Doha and Washington agreements. While the parties themselves bear full responsibility for implementing these agreements, MONUSCO must have the freedom and capability to operate — including unimpeded mobility and logistical support. It is a sad hypocrisy that UN peacekeepers are under siege from forces backed by a UN member state — a state which also contributes troops to peacekeeping missions. The months-long M23 blockade on MONUSCO has severely impaired its ability to operate in and around Goma, as many have highlighted today. Furthermore, Rwanda continues to deploy surface-to-air missiles and conducts spoofing and jamming operations, effectively grounding MONUSCO’s air assets. Under such conditions, how can MONUSCO succeed? We demand the immediate cessation of these obstructions, which violate Rwanda’s and M23’s obligations under the Doha and Washington Agreements. The United States remains firm in its support for MONUSCO and its critical role in realizing these historic agreements, which we believe hold the potential to finally end decades of suffering in Eastern DRC.
5:39

#TRANSCRIBED The U.S. warned that it is going to use “tools at its disposal” to hold Rwanda accountable, a "spoilers to peace”, referring to both Rwanda and M23. READ THE FULL TRANSCRIPT OF THE UNITED STATES' DURING TODAY'S UN SECURITY COUNCIL MEETING The United States is profoundly concerned and deeply disappointed by the renewed outbreak of violence in Eastern DRC. Today, I want to share additional information on the scale and sophistication of Rwanda’s involvement in the region. Since its re-emergence in 2021, Rwanda has maintained strategic control over its proxy armed group, M23, as well as M23’s political wing, the Congo River Alliance, also known as the AFC. Rwanda has deployed M23 and the AFC to further its geopolitical ambitions in Eastern DRC. Kigali has been directly involved in planning and executing the war, providing both military and political direction to M23 and the AFC. For years, the Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF) have supplied material, logistical, and training support to M23, and have fought alongside them in the DRC with approximately 5,000 to 7,000 troops as of early December — not accounting for any additional deployments during the recent escalation. In recent months, Rwanda has deployed multiple surface-to-air missile systems and other heavy, sophisticated weaponry into North and South Kivu to support M23 in its ongoing conflict with the DRC. Just this past weekend, M23 and Rwandan forces launched an offensive to seize Uvira, with RDF forces co-located on the frontlines with M23 fighters. We also have credible reports of increased use of suicide drones and artillery by both M23 and Rwanda, including artillery strikes into Burundi. Rather than a march toward peace — as seen in recent weeks under the leadership of President Trump through the Washington Accords — Rwanda is instead dragging the region back into greater instability and war. In light of the commitments made in Washington, we are deeply concerned about the continued presence of Rwandan military forces on Congolese soil in support of M23. The United States will use every tool at our disposal to hold accountable the spoilers of peace. We call on Rwanda to uphold its commitments and to fully recognize the Democratic Republic of Congo’s sovereign right to defend its territory, including the right to invite Burundian forces onto its land in response to aggression. We are engaging with all parties to urge restraint and to prevent further escalation — including calling for an end to hostile and ethnically charged anti-Tutsi rhetoric. As this Council continues to negotiate the renewal of the MONUSCO mandate, the United States will seek to ensure that the mission is empowered to support both the Doha and Washington agreements. While the parties themselves bear full responsibility for implementing these agreements, MONUSCO must have the freedom and capability to operate — including unimpeded mobility and logistical support. It is a sad hypocrisy that UN peacekeepers are under siege from forces backed by a UN member state — a state which also contributes troops to peacekeeping missions. The months-long M23 blockade on MONUSCO has severely impaired its ability to operate in and around Goma, as many have highlighted today. Furthermore, Rwanda continues to deploy surface-to-air missiles and conducts spoofing and jamming operations, effectively grounding MONUSCO’s air assets. Under such conditions, how can MONUSCO succeed? We demand the immediate cessation of these obstructions, which violate Rwanda’s and M23’s obligations under the Doha and Washington Agreements. The United States remains firm in its support for MONUSCO and its critical role in realizing these historic agreements, which we believe hold the potential to finally end decades of suffering in Eastern DRC.

Xtrafrica

43,924 Aufrufe • vor 8 Monaten

🎥 Below is a condensed transcript of Channel 4’s Lindsey Hilsum interviewing Sudan’s Prime Minister Kamil Idris at the Munich Security Conference on Saturday, February 14, 2026. —— Lindsey Hilsum: Ladies and gentlemen, thank you very much for coming to this session on the devastating three-year war in Sudan. I’m grateful to the Munich Security Conference for putting this on the main stage. This war matters. Fourteen million displaced. Thirty million needing aid. Seven million facing famine. This war is spreading. It is not stopping. Humanitarian aid is vital, but we need to stop the war. Let me welcome Kamil Idris, Prime Minister of Sudan. Mr. Idris was appointed last year by the Transitional Sovereignty Council of the Sudanese Armed Forces. Not all countries recognize him as Prime Minister, but he is a key figure in any potential peace process. Mr. Idris, there are multiple peace initiatives underway. One — the Peace Roadmap you presented to the UN — appeared to require the Rapid Support Forces to surrender completely. How does that work as a peace process? ⸻ Kamil Idris: Thank you. Good evening. Please allow me to establish six important points. ⸻ Lindsey Hilsum: Three. ⸻ Kamil Idris: Six. ⸻ Lindsey Hilsum: There’s no way that’s going to happen. ⸻ Kamil Idris: I will be brief. Sudan is a historic nation, an ancient civilization. I commend the tripartite peace initiative led by President Donald Trump, President El-Sisi of Egypt, and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia. We thank them for their efforts. We have also launched our own Sudanese UN peace initiative, presented before the Security Council. It complements those efforts. ⸻ Lindsey Hilsum: Your proposal involves the other side surrendering territory and going into camps to be vetted. Where is the compromise? You make peace with your enemy, not your friend. ⸻ Kamil Idris: This initiative restores one authority, one nation, one country. Its core is protection of civilians and the rule of law. A ceasefire alone is not a solution. A truce without complementary arrangements — DDR, relocation of militias — will fail. These are not militias. These are mercenaries. Many are from Colombia, Ukraine and elsewhere. ⸻ Lindsey Hilsum: What about the United Arab Emirates? ⸻ Kamil Idris: The UAE must stop providing weapons and assistance to these mercenaries. Once that stops, we can enter serious talks with them. We have evidence beyond reasonable doubt from UN bodies and respected institutions. ⸻ Lindsey Hilsum: Have you spoken to the Rapid Support Forces? ⸻ Kamil Idris: The RSF as it was established has been dissolved. What remains is a combination of militias and mercenaries. ⸻ Lindsey Hilsum: If you deny your enemy exists, who do you make peace with? ⸻ Kamil Idris: We are fighting mercenaries. This is a threat to international peace. ⸻ Lindsey Hilsum: What about the United Arab Emirates? ⸻ Kamil Idris: The UAE must stop providing weapons and assistance to these mercenaries. Once they stop, we can enter serious talks. We have evidence beyond reasonable doubt from UN bodies and respected institutions. ⸻ Philippe Bolopion, Human Rights Watch: We recognize the RSF has committed atrocities. But there is also evidence that your forces have committed serious violations, including indiscriminate bombing. What are you doing to ensure your troops are not committing abuses? ⸻ Kamil Idris: These are war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by armed forces attacking national institutions. The Sudanese army is acting in self-defense under constitutional obligation to defend the country and its people. The atrocities committed go beyond the description of words. If I were negotiating with the ICC, I would upgrade the classification of these crimes. ⸻ Lindsey Hilsum: Mr. Idris, time has gone quickly. Thank you.
16:19

🎥 Below is a condensed transcript of Channel 4’s Lindsey Hilsum interviewing Sudan’s Prime Minister Kamil Idris at the Munich Security Conference on Saturday, February 14, 2026. —— Lindsey Hilsum: Ladies and gentlemen, thank you very much for coming to this session on the devastating three-year war in Sudan. I’m grateful to the Munich Security Conference for putting this on the main stage. This war matters. Fourteen million displaced. Thirty million needing aid. Seven million facing famine. This war is spreading. It is not stopping. Humanitarian aid is vital, but we need to stop the war. Let me welcome Kamil Idris, Prime Minister of Sudan. Mr. Idris was appointed last year by the Transitional Sovereignty Council of the Sudanese Armed Forces. Not all countries recognize him as Prime Minister, but he is a key figure in any potential peace process. Mr. Idris, there are multiple peace initiatives underway. One — the Peace Roadmap you presented to the UN — appeared to require the Rapid Support Forces to surrender completely. How does that work as a peace process? ⸻ Kamil Idris: Thank you. Good evening. Please allow me to establish six important points. ⸻ Lindsey Hilsum: Three. ⸻ Kamil Idris: Six. ⸻ Lindsey Hilsum: There’s no way that’s going to happen. ⸻ Kamil Idris: I will be brief. Sudan is a historic nation, an ancient civilization. I commend the tripartite peace initiative led by President Donald Trump, President El-Sisi of Egypt, and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia. We thank them for their efforts. We have also launched our own Sudanese UN peace initiative, presented before the Security Council. It complements those efforts. ⸻ Lindsey Hilsum: Your proposal involves the other side surrendering territory and going into camps to be vetted. Where is the compromise? You make peace with your enemy, not your friend. ⸻ Kamil Idris: This initiative restores one authority, one nation, one country. Its core is protection of civilians and the rule of law. A ceasefire alone is not a solution. A truce without complementary arrangements — DDR, relocation of militias — will fail. These are not militias. These are mercenaries. Many are from Colombia, Ukraine and elsewhere. ⸻ Lindsey Hilsum: What about the United Arab Emirates? ⸻ Kamil Idris: The UAE must stop providing weapons and assistance to these mercenaries. Once that stops, we can enter serious talks with them. We have evidence beyond reasonable doubt from UN bodies and respected institutions. ⸻ Lindsey Hilsum: Have you spoken to the Rapid Support Forces? ⸻ Kamil Idris: The RSF as it was established has been dissolved. What remains is a combination of militias and mercenaries. ⸻ Lindsey Hilsum: If you deny your enemy exists, who do you make peace with? ⸻ Kamil Idris: We are fighting mercenaries. This is a threat to international peace. ⸻ Lindsey Hilsum: What about the United Arab Emirates? ⸻ Kamil Idris: The UAE must stop providing weapons and assistance to these mercenaries. Once they stop, we can enter serious talks. We have evidence beyond reasonable doubt from UN bodies and respected institutions. ⸻ Philippe Bolopion, Human Rights Watch: We recognize the RSF has committed atrocities. But there is also evidence that your forces have committed serious violations, including indiscriminate bombing. What are you doing to ensure your troops are not committing abuses? ⸻ Kamil Idris: These are war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by armed forces attacking national institutions. The Sudanese army is acting in self-defense under constitutional obligation to defend the country and its people. The atrocities committed go beyond the description of words. If I were negotiating with the ICC, I would upgrade the classification of these crimes. ⸻ Lindsey Hilsum: Mr. Idris, time has gone quickly. Thank you.

Drop Site

26,101 Aufrufe • vor 6 Monaten

Canadian Sniper Rifles Found with UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia as CBC Investigation Highlights UAE Role in Regional Arms Flows A visual investigation by Canada’s CBC News has revealed that Canadian-made sniper rifles have appeared in the hands of fighters from Sudan’s UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, as well as a Libyan militia and Yemeni arms dealers, despite arms embargoes and sanctions linked to these conflict zones. The most disturbing part of the investigation concerns Sudan. CBC documented a video showing a fighter from the Rapid Support Militia abusing detainees on the back of a truck. The fighter is seen slapping one presumed captive and striking another with the stock of a Canadian-made rifle. CBC said it blurred parts of the footage because some of those involved may be underage. According to CBC, the weapon visible in the video is a Sterling Cross XLCR precision rifle, manufactured by Sterling Cross, a small-arms company based in Abbotsford, British Columbia. CBC had previously reported in November that XLCR rifles had been photographed in Sudan and used by the Rapid Support Militia. CBC said the images and videos were first provided by an online user known as streakingdelilah. The Canadian broadcaster then independently sourced and verified the material, sharing it with researchers at Bellingcat and the Centre for Information Resilience, which runs the Sudan Witness project. Sebastian Vandermeersch, a Bellingcat researcher, described the Sudan video as one of the clearest examples of a fighter holding a Canadian weapon while committing obvious abuses against a captive. Although the video was shared recently, CBC reported that it was likely filmed in June 2024, when the Rapid Support Militia captured Jebel Moya, an area south of Khartoum. Bellingcat geolocated the footage to that area and also identified additional videos from Jebel Moya showing detainees subjected to degrading treatment, including being forced to imitate animal sounds or pledge allegiance to the Rapid Support Militia. The investigation places the Sudan case within a wider regional pattern. Similar Canadian-made rifles were also traced to Libya and Yemen. In Yemen, videos led CBC to an illicit arms market in Sanaa, where machine guns, sniper rifles and at least one rocket launcher were displayed. One Yemeni arms dealer confirmed in a voice message that such weapons are smuggled into the country. In Libya, CBC geolocated images of another Sterling Cross rifle and linked them to a social media page connected to the Judicial Security Apparatus, associated with the Special Deterrence Force, known as RADA. Libya researcher Wolfram Lacher said the force had been involved in armed conflicts and also controls Mitiga prison, a facility known for abuse, torture and arbitrary detention. CBC noted that prison conditions were so severe that the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for RADA leaders over crimes against humanity. The UAE emerges in the CBC investigation as the common thread connecting Sudan, Libya and Yemen. Experts interviewed by CBC pointed to the United Arab Emirates as a central player in rerouting weapons to armed groups across the region. “The thread that binds these three cases together is that you have UAE support for clients in these conflicts,” Lacher told CBC, adding that these are three cases in which the UAE is known to have massively supplied weapons. Emadeddin Badi, a senior fellow at the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, said the actors supported by the UAE are generally “non-state armed groups with a track record of brutality and crimes against humanity.” CBC contacted the UAE Embassy for comment but received no response. The investigation also noted that the UAE has previously denied involvement in Sudan and Libya, and said in 2025 that it would withdraw its forces from Yemen. Canadian government export reports show that 113 rifles were shipped from Canada to the UAE in 2019 and 2020. In March 2019, Sterling Cross posted an image on Instagram showing roughly 80 XLCR rifles being inspected before delivery. The findings come amid growing international scrutiny of the UAE’s role in Sudan’s war. The Rapid Support Militia, backed by the UAE, has been accused of widespread atrocities against civilians in Darfur, Khartoum, Gezira, Kordofan and other parts of the country. CBC’s investigation adds a new dimension to the arms file by showing Canadian-made weapons in the hands of the militia, while experts point to the UAE as a central actor in regional weapons diversion networks. After the investigation was published, Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Anita Anand told CBC that she was “very concerned” about where Canadian weapons were ending up. She said it was unacceptable for Canada’s permitting process to allow military material to reach conflict zones, and said possible breaches of the permitting process could require enforcement by Canadian authorities. Kelsey Gallagher of Project Ploughshares, a Canadian peace research institute, said the repeated appearance of Canadian weapons in violation of UN arms embargoes shows a pattern of illicit diversion that requires action from the Canadian government. For Sudanese people, the importance of this investigation is clear. It provides new visual evidence of the type of weaponry reaching the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, and of how these weapons are being used against civilians and detainees. It also increases pressure on Western governments, especially Canada, to review their military exports and end-use controls. Most importantly, the investigation points directly to the UAE. Experts cited by CBC identify the UAE as the common factor in weapons flows to armed groups in Sudan, Libya and Yemen. In Sudan, that means the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, a force using foreign-supplied weapons while committing abuses against Sudanese civilians and captives. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
0:32

Canadian Sniper Rifles Found with UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia as CBC Investigation Highlights UAE Role in Regional Arms Flows A visual investigation by Canada’s CBC News has revealed that Canadian-made sniper rifles have appeared in the hands of fighters from Sudan’s UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, as well as a Libyan militia and Yemeni arms dealers, despite arms embargoes and sanctions linked to these conflict zones. The most disturbing part of the investigation concerns Sudan. CBC documented a video showing a fighter from the Rapid Support Militia abusing detainees on the back of a truck. The fighter is seen slapping one presumed captive and striking another with the stock of a Canadian-made rifle. CBC said it blurred parts of the footage because some of those involved may be underage. According to CBC, the weapon visible in the video is a Sterling Cross XLCR precision rifle, manufactured by Sterling Cross, a small-arms company based in Abbotsford, British Columbia. CBC had previously reported in November that XLCR rifles had been photographed in Sudan and used by the Rapid Support Militia. CBC said the images and videos were first provided by an online user known as streakingdelilah. The Canadian broadcaster then independently sourced and verified the material, sharing it with researchers at Bellingcat and the Centre for Information Resilience, which runs the Sudan Witness project. Sebastian Vandermeersch, a Bellingcat researcher, described the Sudan video as one of the clearest examples of a fighter holding a Canadian weapon while committing obvious abuses against a captive. Although the video was shared recently, CBC reported that it was likely filmed in June 2024, when the Rapid Support Militia captured Jebel Moya, an area south of Khartoum. Bellingcat geolocated the footage to that area and also identified additional videos from Jebel Moya showing detainees subjected to degrading treatment, including being forced to imitate animal sounds or pledge allegiance to the Rapid Support Militia. The investigation places the Sudan case within a wider regional pattern. Similar Canadian-made rifles were also traced to Libya and Yemen. In Yemen, videos led CBC to an illicit arms market in Sanaa, where machine guns, sniper rifles and at least one rocket launcher were displayed. One Yemeni arms dealer confirmed in a voice message that such weapons are smuggled into the country. In Libya, CBC geolocated images of another Sterling Cross rifle and linked them to a social media page connected to the Judicial Security Apparatus, associated with the Special Deterrence Force, known as RADA. Libya researcher Wolfram Lacher said the force had been involved in armed conflicts and also controls Mitiga prison, a facility known for abuse, torture and arbitrary detention. CBC noted that prison conditions were so severe that the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for RADA leaders over crimes against humanity. The UAE emerges in the CBC investigation as the common thread connecting Sudan, Libya and Yemen. Experts interviewed by CBC pointed to the United Arab Emirates as a central player in rerouting weapons to armed groups across the region. “The thread that binds these three cases together is that you have UAE support for clients in these conflicts,” Lacher told CBC, adding that these are three cases in which the UAE is known to have massively supplied weapons. Emadeddin Badi, a senior fellow at the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, said the actors supported by the UAE are generally “non-state armed groups with a track record of brutality and crimes against humanity.” CBC contacted the UAE Embassy for comment but received no response. The investigation also noted that the UAE has previously denied involvement in Sudan and Libya, and said in 2025 that it would withdraw its forces from Yemen. Canadian government export reports show that 113 rifles were shipped from Canada to the UAE in 2019 and 2020. In March 2019, Sterling Cross posted an image on Instagram showing roughly 80 XLCR rifles being inspected before delivery. The findings come amid growing international scrutiny of the UAE’s role in Sudan’s war. The Rapid Support Militia, backed by the UAE, has been accused of widespread atrocities against civilians in Darfur, Khartoum, Gezira, Kordofan and other parts of the country. CBC’s investigation adds a new dimension to the arms file by showing Canadian-made weapons in the hands of the militia, while experts point to the UAE as a central actor in regional weapons diversion networks. After the investigation was published, Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Anita Anand told CBC that she was “very concerned” about where Canadian weapons were ending up. She said it was unacceptable for Canada’s permitting process to allow military material to reach conflict zones, and said possible breaches of the permitting process could require enforcement by Canadian authorities. Kelsey Gallagher of Project Ploughshares, a Canadian peace research institute, said the repeated appearance of Canadian weapons in violation of UN arms embargoes shows a pattern of illicit diversion that requires action from the Canadian government. For Sudanese people, the importance of this investigation is clear. It provides new visual evidence of the type of weaponry reaching the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, and of how these weapons are being used against civilians and detainees. It also increases pressure on Western governments, especially Canada, to review their military exports and end-use controls. Most importantly, the investigation points directly to the UAE. Experts cited by CBC identify the UAE as the common factor in weapons flows to armed groups in Sudan, Libya and Yemen. In Sudan, that means the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, a force using foreign-supplied weapons while committing abuses against Sudanese civilians and captives. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

52,065 Aufrufe • vor 2 Monaten

Summer Holiday Photos Place the UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia Leader in the Emirates as Atrocities Continue Across Sudan A series of photographs circulated on Sudanese social media this month that, at first glance, appeared entirely ordinary. A spacious courtyard at dusk, a customised Mercedes parked on a quiet street, and an older man sitting on a pale sofa with a child on his lap. They could easily have been photographs from any family summer holiday, far removed from the war, famine and mass graves that have come to define Sudan’s landscape. The older man in the photographs, however, is Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, better known as Hemedti, commander of the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, the paramilitary force commonly associated with the Janjaweed. In January 2025, the United States sanctioned Hemedti by name as it formally determined that members of the Rapid Support Militia and allied militias had committed genocide in Darfur. The decision came after nearly two years of war in which atrocities attributed to the militia had spread across large parts of Sudan. In El Geneina, Human Rights Watch documented an ethnic cleansing campaign against the Masalit that included mass killings, rape, looting and forced displacement, among the most horrific episodes of violence since the war began. In Khartoum, the militia controlled large areas of the capital for months. Civilian homes and buildings were turned into military positions and detention facilities. As the Sudanese army advanced and retook areas previously held by the militia, detention sites, graves and bodies began to emerge, alongside testimony from survivors describing torture, starvation, humiliation and detention in brutal conditions. The period of militia control over large parts of Khartoum, Omdurman and Bahri was also marked by widespread looting of homes and property, the occupation of civilian residences, and repeated accounts of rape and sexual violence. The same devastation then spread into Gezira State after the militia entered the region in December 2023. Towns and villages were subjected to killings, looting and attacks, forcing hundreds of thousands of people to flee. Many of them had already escaped Khartoum and had gone to Gezira in search of safety. In June 2024, Wad Al-Noura became the site of one of the militia’s most notorious massacres in the state. Months later, a wave of attacks swept through villages in eastern Gezira, with Al-Sireha among the communities subjected to large-scale killings. The violence extended across dozens of villages and towns amid reports of killings, looting, arson, sexual violence and forced displacement. The pattern repeated itself across different parts of Sudan: the militia entered civilian communities, killings and looting followed, homes were occupied, people were detained, sexual violence was reported, and entire populations were forced to abandon their towns and villages. El Fasher became one of the bloodiest chapters in that trajectory. After a prolonged siege, the city fell to the Rapid Support Militia. United Nations investigators documented the killing of more than 6,000 people during the first three days, while the fate of an estimated 150,000 residents remained unknown. The UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan subsequently concluded that the violations committed there bore hallmarks of genocide. As the geographical scale of these atrocities expanded and the war continued year after year, another question became central to international investigations: where was the militia obtaining the weapons, financing and supplies that allowed it to sustain its military capabilities? The Rapid Support Militia continued fighting on multiple fronts, acquiring weapons, ammunition, vehicles and drones while also deploying foreign fighters in a war stretching from Darfur to Khartoum, Gezira, Kordofan and El Fasher. From the early months of the conflict, evidence began accumulating around the UAE’s role in the supply network supporting the militia. In a report dated January 15, 2024, the UN Panel of Experts on Sudan said information it had gathered concerning the transfer of weapons and ammunition to the Rapid Support Militia through Amdjarass airport in eastern Chad was “credible.” In July 2024, The Guardian published an investigation into Emirati passports and documents discovered among equipment linked to the militia in Sudan. In September, The New York Times investigated UAE activity in Amdjarass and allegations that the humanitarian operation there was running alongside a pipeline supplying weapons and other support to the militia. The following month, The Washington Post published an investigation based on weapons captured by the Sudanese army, together with US assessments and reports, linking equipment and ammunition found in the hands of the Rapid Support Militia to the UAE. In November 2024, Amnesty International identified the French-made Galix defence system installed on UAE-manufactured Nimr Ajban armoured vehicles used by the militia. Flight data then revealed another dimension of the supply network. In December 2024, Reuters tracked at least 86 flights from the UAE to Amdjarass since the war began. A significant number were operated by companies previously linked in UN reporting to arms-transfer operations in the region. Researcher Justin Lynch also contributed to tracking and analysing flight and supply networks connecting these routes to the Rapid Support Militia. By early 2025, the issue had reached the level of official scrutiny in Washington. On January 24, Senator Chris Van Hollen and Representative Sara Jacobs said that, based on a briefing from the Biden administration and other reporting, they had confirmed that the UAE was continuing to provide weapons to the militia despite earlier assurances to Washington that it would stop. Over the following months, further evidence emerged from weapons stockpiles and supply convoys themselves. In April 2025, an investigation by France 24’s Observers team traced Bulgarian-made mortar rounds found in Darfur to a transaction involving an Emirati buyer, with the UAE Armed Forces listed in documentation as the end user. On April 29, Reuters, in an investigation involving journalist Reade Levinson, reported that the UN Panel of Experts was examining how Bulgarian ammunition officially exported to the UAE had ended up in a Rapid Support Militia supply convoy in Darfur. Bulgaria said it had never authorised the ammunition to be re-exported to Sudan. In May 2025, Amnesty International identified Chinese-made GB50A guided bombs and AH-4 155mm howitzers in the possession of the Rapid Support Militia. The organisation concluded that the weapons were “almost certainly” re-exported to Sudan by the UAE. As the investigations widened, a broader network emerged involving mercenaries, financing, companies and regional logistics. Beginning in 2024, Colombian investigative outlet La Silla Vacía exposed details of the recruitment of former Colombian soldiers to fight alongside the Rapid Support Militia. Subsequent investigations traced the networks used to recruit and transport these fighters, with UAE-based companies and routes repeatedly appearing in the reporting. Bellingcat has also investigated weapons and supply routes associated with the militia, while a joint investigation by Lighthouse Reports and its partners uncovered training camps, sites used to prepare weapons and vehicles, and supply convoys in eastern Libya connected to the Rapid Support Militia, along with Colombian mercenaries operating within the same network. On the financial side, The Sentry documented networks involving companies, gold trading, financing and property linked to senior Rapid Support Militia figures, including businesses and activities operating from within the UAE. These findings added a financial and commercial dimension to the military and logistical picture. In October 2025, The Wall Street Journal reported that US intelligence agencies had detected an increase in the flow of Emirati weapons to the militia, including drones, light and heavy weapons, vehicles, artillery, mortars and ammunition. The UAE continues to deny providing military support to the Rapid Support Militia. Over the course of the war, however, a substantial body of reporting and investigation has accumulated from the UN Panel of Experts, US assessments and sources, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, The Guardian, Reuters, France 24, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Lighthouse Reports, Bellingcat and The Sentry. These are multiple, independent sources using different investigative methods. Flight records, export documentation, weapons and ammunition analysis, corporate and property records, satellite imagery and testimony from people on the ground have each exposed different parts of a support network that helped sustain the militia’s war. Alongside the evidence concerning weapons, financing and logistics, direct indications of Hemedti’s own presence inside the UAE also emerged during the conflict. In June 2025, The New York Times reported, citing US officials, that Hemedti had stayed at a protected residence in Abu Dhabi, where he recorded video addresses to his supporters in Sudan. The Sentry also documented his personal ownership of three apartments in Dubai, close to Al Minhad military airbase. The photographs that surfaced this month add another dimension to those reports. Hemedti appears once again inside the UAE, this time in quiet family photographs, while the war led by his militia continues in Sudan and the consequences of its atrocities stretch from El Geneina to Khartoum, Gezira and El Fasher. The information is there. The investigations have been published. The evidence continues to accumulate. The question becomes more urgent with every new investigation: how much more evidence does the world need before it acts? #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
4:54

Summer Holiday Photos Place the UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia Leader in the Emirates as Atrocities Continue Across Sudan A series of photographs circulated on Sudanese social media this month that, at first glance, appeared entirely ordinary. A spacious courtyard at dusk, a customised Mercedes parked on a quiet street, and an older man sitting on a pale sofa with a child on his lap. They could easily have been photographs from any family summer holiday, far removed from the war, famine and mass graves that have come to define Sudan’s landscape. The older man in the photographs, however, is Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, better known as Hemedti, commander of the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, the paramilitary force commonly associated with the Janjaweed. In January 2025, the United States sanctioned Hemedti by name as it formally determined that members of the Rapid Support Militia and allied militias had committed genocide in Darfur. The decision came after nearly two years of war in which atrocities attributed to the militia had spread across large parts of Sudan. In El Geneina, Human Rights Watch documented an ethnic cleansing campaign against the Masalit that included mass killings, rape, looting and forced displacement, among the most horrific episodes of violence since the war began. In Khartoum, the militia controlled large areas of the capital for months. Civilian homes and buildings were turned into military positions and detention facilities. As the Sudanese army advanced and retook areas previously held by the militia, detention sites, graves and bodies began to emerge, alongside testimony from survivors describing torture, starvation, humiliation and detention in brutal conditions. The period of militia control over large parts of Khartoum, Omdurman and Bahri was also marked by widespread looting of homes and property, the occupation of civilian residences, and repeated accounts of rape and sexual violence. The same devastation then spread into Gezira State after the militia entered the region in December 2023. Towns and villages were subjected to killings, looting and attacks, forcing hundreds of thousands of people to flee. Many of them had already escaped Khartoum and had gone to Gezira in search of safety. In June 2024, Wad Al-Noura became the site of one of the militia’s most notorious massacres in the state. Months later, a wave of attacks swept through villages in eastern Gezira, with Al-Sireha among the communities subjected to large-scale killings. The violence extended across dozens of villages and towns amid reports of killings, looting, arson, sexual violence and forced displacement. The pattern repeated itself across different parts of Sudan: the militia entered civilian communities, killings and looting followed, homes were occupied, people were detained, sexual violence was reported, and entire populations were forced to abandon their towns and villages. El Fasher became one of the bloodiest chapters in that trajectory. After a prolonged siege, the city fell to the Rapid Support Militia. United Nations investigators documented the killing of more than 6,000 people during the first three days, while the fate of an estimated 150,000 residents remained unknown. The UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan subsequently concluded that the violations committed there bore hallmarks of genocide. As the geographical scale of these atrocities expanded and the war continued year after year, another question became central to international investigations: where was the militia obtaining the weapons, financing and supplies that allowed it to sustain its military capabilities? The Rapid Support Militia continued fighting on multiple fronts, acquiring weapons, ammunition, vehicles and drones while also deploying foreign fighters in a war stretching from Darfur to Khartoum, Gezira, Kordofan and El Fasher. From the early months of the conflict, evidence began accumulating around the UAE’s role in the supply network supporting the militia. In a report dated January 15, 2024, the UN Panel of Experts on Sudan said information it had gathered concerning the transfer of weapons and ammunition to the Rapid Support Militia through Amdjarass airport in eastern Chad was “credible.” In July 2024, The Guardian published an investigation into Emirati passports and documents discovered among equipment linked to the militia in Sudan. In September, The New York Times investigated UAE activity in Amdjarass and allegations that the humanitarian operation there was running alongside a pipeline supplying weapons and other support to the militia. The following month, The Washington Post published an investigation based on weapons captured by the Sudanese army, together with US assessments and reports, linking equipment and ammunition found in the hands of the Rapid Support Militia to the UAE. In November 2024, Amnesty International identified the French-made Galix defence system installed on UAE-manufactured Nimr Ajban armoured vehicles used by the militia. Flight data then revealed another dimension of the supply network. In December 2024, Reuters tracked at least 86 flights from the UAE to Amdjarass since the war began. A significant number were operated by companies previously linked in UN reporting to arms-transfer operations in the region. Researcher Justin Lynch also contributed to tracking and analysing flight and supply networks connecting these routes to the Rapid Support Militia. By early 2025, the issue had reached the level of official scrutiny in Washington. On January 24, Senator Chris Van Hollen and Representative Sara Jacobs said that, based on a briefing from the Biden administration and other reporting, they had confirmed that the UAE was continuing to provide weapons to the militia despite earlier assurances to Washington that it would stop. Over the following months, further evidence emerged from weapons stockpiles and supply convoys themselves. In April 2025, an investigation by France 24’s Observers team traced Bulgarian-made mortar rounds found in Darfur to a transaction involving an Emirati buyer, with the UAE Armed Forces listed in documentation as the end user. On April 29, Reuters, in an investigation involving journalist Reade Levinson, reported that the UN Panel of Experts was examining how Bulgarian ammunition officially exported to the UAE had ended up in a Rapid Support Militia supply convoy in Darfur. Bulgaria said it had never authorised the ammunition to be re-exported to Sudan. In May 2025, Amnesty International identified Chinese-made GB50A guided bombs and AH-4 155mm howitzers in the possession of the Rapid Support Militia. The organisation concluded that the weapons were “almost certainly” re-exported to Sudan by the UAE. As the investigations widened, a broader network emerged involving mercenaries, financing, companies and regional logistics. Beginning in 2024, Colombian investigative outlet La Silla Vacía exposed details of the recruitment of former Colombian soldiers to fight alongside the Rapid Support Militia. Subsequent investigations traced the networks used to recruit and transport these fighters, with UAE-based companies and routes repeatedly appearing in the reporting. Bellingcat has also investigated weapons and supply routes associated with the militia, while a joint investigation by Lighthouse Reports and its partners uncovered training camps, sites used to prepare weapons and vehicles, and supply convoys in eastern Libya connected to the Rapid Support Militia, along with Colombian mercenaries operating within the same network. On the financial side, The Sentry documented networks involving companies, gold trading, financing and property linked to senior Rapid Support Militia figures, including businesses and activities operating from within the UAE. These findings added a financial and commercial dimension to the military and logistical picture. In October 2025, The Wall Street Journal reported that US intelligence agencies had detected an increase in the flow of Emirati weapons to the militia, including drones, light and heavy weapons, vehicles, artillery, mortars and ammunition. The UAE continues to deny providing military support to the Rapid Support Militia. Over the course of the war, however, a substantial body of reporting and investigation has accumulated from the UN Panel of Experts, US assessments and sources, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, The Guardian, Reuters, France 24, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Lighthouse Reports, Bellingcat and The Sentry. These are multiple, independent sources using different investigative methods. Flight records, export documentation, weapons and ammunition analysis, corporate and property records, satellite imagery and testimony from people on the ground have each exposed different parts of a support network that helped sustain the militia’s war. Alongside the evidence concerning weapons, financing and logistics, direct indications of Hemedti’s own presence inside the UAE also emerged during the conflict. In June 2025, The New York Times reported, citing US officials, that Hemedti had stayed at a protected residence in Abu Dhabi, where he recorded video addresses to his supporters in Sudan. The Sentry also documented his personal ownership of three apartments in Dubai, close to Al Minhad military airbase. The photographs that surfaced this month add another dimension to those reports. Hemedti appears once again inside the UAE, this time in quiet family photographs, while the war led by his militia continues in Sudan and the consequences of its atrocities stretch from El Geneina to Khartoum, Gezira and El Fasher. The information is there. The investigations have been published. The evidence continues to accumulate. The question becomes more urgent with every new investigation: how much more evidence does the world need before it acts? #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

116,044 Aufrufe • vor 4 Tagen

//The Wire//2300Z January 26, 2026// //ROUTINE// //BLUF: VIOLENCE ESCALATES IN MINNEAPOLIS AS COUNTER-ICE GROUPS CONTINUE TO OPERATE FREELY. UNREST EMERGES IN MAINE AS ANTI-ICE PROTESTS CONTINUE.// -----BEGIN TEARLINE----- -HomeFront- Maine: Anti-ICE demonstrations have begun to increase in Portland, which have continued in the same manner as observed in Minneapolis. Friday night, activists conducted disruption/noise-making efforts outside several hotels in Portland, which were suspected of housing ICE agents. Minnesota: The situation in Minneapolis has continued to deteriorate, as riots became more violent and more organized over the weekend. In the vicinity of the shooting site along Nicollet Avenue, civil unrest remained constant throughout the day of the shooting, with many different roadblocks being emplaced on the cardinal points surrounding the site. Similarly, every business on this street that had outdoor decorations, dumpsters, or anything else, found their property stolen so as to emplace the ANTIFA-style roadblocks that are customary of that organization. These roadblocks prevented the free flow of traffic, and remained in place until local police cleared the roadway in the early hours of the next morning. Throughout Saturday night, instances of vandalism were reported, such as graffiti being spray painted at a Pizza restaurant on the corner of 27th and Nicollet. This restaurant is currently abandoned (and is therefore undefended Key Terrain) after closing down last year. Across the street from the Black Sheep Pizza Reference Point, two armed representatives of the Socialist Rifle Association (SRA) were observed posted up at the intersection of Nicollet and E 27th Street, conducting a short Presence Patrol operation. Sunday morning, Area Denial operations were also noted around the city at large. At least one individual was arrested after emplacing homemade caltrops on the roadway, which were set up as vehicle obstacles in areas where federal forces were conducting patrols. On the Civil Unrest front, Sunday evening riots were reported at area hotels, which have also become increasingly more violent. Several situations have been reported involving federal agents being swarmed. Overnight, federal Division of Prisons officers were attacked and wounded by rioters who attacked them at the Hilton Home2 Suites east of the University. Concerning the composition and disposition of other forces, National Guard troops under the command of Gov. Walz have established a position adjacent to the Whipple Federal building, which is serving as a support site for protesters. Over the weekend, Walz's soldiers provided materiel aid to the protest group outside the Whipple Federal building, which took the form of handing out free hot chocolate and donuts to the demonstrators. This was mostly a squad-sized effort for PR purposes, and not a persistently occupied position. -----END TEARLINE----- Analyst Comments: In addition to the tactical situation on the ground in Minneapolis, one of the group chats used to coordinate the unrest activities was leaked over the weekend. This group chat is being used to dox and harass ICE agents, plan violence at riots, and coordinate and liaise with ICEWatch and Defend612 cells throughout the city. This Signal chat leak also identified several businesses which are specifically working with ICEWatch to host space at their venues for Observation Posts to be stood up. Most restaurants and storefronts in Minneapolis have signs on their doors banning ICE from entering, but the active steps to provide materiel aid to ICEWatch personnel is another point of escalation that has been occurring for some time, without much notice. In terms of other forces on the ground, local law enforcement and National Guard forces are either being ordered to stand down and not assist federal agents, or are being given menial taskings far away from the actual conflict zones, and therefore are combat ineffective. For context, Gov. Walz has also ordered his troops to change their uniform posture for identification purposes. Forces under the command of Gov. Walz are wearing Yellow Vests, separating them out from any Federal troops that may be deployed to the area. More broadly, rioters have transitioned out of the phase of only causing civil unrest, and are getting more powerful and organized as directed by the State. Politicians at the city and state level are doing everything in their power to stoke up the violence, which now includes directly leading and liaising with the groups responsible for the unrest, as indicated by the Signal chat leaks. It is this organization that sets the Minneapolis situation apart from other instances of civil unrest, and it is also why the use of Lethal Force will continually be applied when all other options to control the situation have failed. Federal agents cannot (and should not) be expected to allow themselves to be dragged by a crowd and beaten to death in the streets, and if there is a reasonable perception of that being a possibility the use of force will be justified. Therefore, more small arms engagements are a certainty as long as the attacks on ICE agents are being directed by groups linked to State officials. However, even though Minneapolis is grabbing all of the headlines right now, other efforts are underway in other areas. Large-scale protests are growing in nearly every state, from Utah to Georgia. Due to the increased ICE operations, Maine is likely to be host to an elevated level of unrest for some time as demonstrators use the same Minneapolis playbook in other areas. As such, many other states are likely to witness increased protest activity by proxy, as long as the situation in Minneapolis remains hot. Analyst: S2A1 Research: Disclaimer: No LLMs were used in the writing of this report. //END REPORT//
4:54

//The Wire//2300Z January 26, 2026// //ROUTINE// //BLUF: VIOLENCE ESCALATES IN MINNEAPOLIS AS COUNTER-ICE GROUPS CONTINUE TO OPERATE FREELY. UNREST EMERGES IN MAINE AS ANTI-ICE PROTESTS CONTINUE.// -----BEGIN TEARLINE----- -HomeFront- Maine: Anti-ICE demonstrations have begun to increase in Portland, which have continued in the same manner as observed in Minneapolis. Friday night, activists conducted disruption/noise-making efforts outside several hotels in Portland, which were suspected of housing ICE agents. Minnesota: The situation in Minneapolis has continued to deteriorate, as riots became more violent and more organized over the weekend. In the vicinity of the shooting site along Nicollet Avenue, civil unrest remained constant throughout the day of the shooting, with many different roadblocks being emplaced on the cardinal points surrounding the site. Similarly, every business on this street that had outdoor decorations, dumpsters, or anything else, found their property stolen so as to emplace the ANTIFA-style roadblocks that are customary of that organization. These roadblocks prevented the free flow of traffic, and remained in place until local police cleared the roadway in the early hours of the next morning. Throughout Saturday night, instances of vandalism were reported, such as graffiti being spray painted at a Pizza restaurant on the corner of 27th and Nicollet. This restaurant is currently abandoned (and is therefore undefended Key Terrain) after closing down last year. Across the street from the Black Sheep Pizza Reference Point, two armed representatives of the Socialist Rifle Association (SRA) were observed posted up at the intersection of Nicollet and E 27th Street, conducting a short Presence Patrol operation. Sunday morning, Area Denial operations were also noted around the city at large. At least one individual was arrested after emplacing homemade caltrops on the roadway, which were set up as vehicle obstacles in areas where federal forces were conducting patrols. On the Civil Unrest front, Sunday evening riots were reported at area hotels, which have also become increasingly more violent. Several situations have been reported involving federal agents being swarmed. Overnight, federal Division of Prisons officers were attacked and wounded by rioters who attacked them at the Hilton Home2 Suites east of the University. Concerning the composition and disposition of other forces, National Guard troops under the command of Gov. Walz have established a position adjacent to the Whipple Federal building, which is serving as a support site for protesters. Over the weekend, Walz's soldiers provided materiel aid to the protest group outside the Whipple Federal building, which took the form of handing out free hot chocolate and donuts to the demonstrators. This was mostly a squad-sized effort for PR purposes, and not a persistently occupied position. -----END TEARLINE----- Analyst Comments: In addition to the tactical situation on the ground in Minneapolis, one of the group chats used to coordinate the unrest activities was leaked over the weekend. This group chat is being used to dox and harass ICE agents, plan violence at riots, and coordinate and liaise with ICEWatch and Defend612 cells throughout the city. This Signal chat leak also identified several businesses which are specifically working with ICEWatch to host space at their venues for Observation Posts to be stood up. Most restaurants and storefronts in Minneapolis have signs on their doors banning ICE from entering, but the active steps to provide materiel aid to ICEWatch personnel is another point of escalation that has been occurring for some time, without much notice. In terms of other forces on the ground, local law enforcement and National Guard forces are either being ordered to stand down and not assist federal agents, or are being given menial taskings far away from the actual conflict zones, and therefore are combat ineffective. For context, Gov. Walz has also ordered his troops to change their uniform posture for identification purposes. Forces under the command of Gov. Walz are wearing Yellow Vests, separating them out from any Federal troops that may be deployed to the area. More broadly, rioters have transitioned out of the phase of only causing civil unrest, and are getting more powerful and organized as directed by the State. Politicians at the city and state level are doing everything in their power to stoke up the violence, which now includes directly leading and liaising with the groups responsible for the unrest, as indicated by the Signal chat leaks. It is this organization that sets the Minneapolis situation apart from other instances of civil unrest, and it is also why the use of Lethal Force will continually be applied when all other options to control the situation have failed. Federal agents cannot (and should not) be expected to allow themselves to be dragged by a crowd and beaten to death in the streets, and if there is a reasonable perception of that being a possibility the use of force will be justified. Therefore, more small arms engagements are a certainty as long as the attacks on ICE agents are being directed by groups linked to State officials. However, even though Minneapolis is grabbing all of the headlines right now, other efforts are underway in other areas. Large-scale protests are growing in nearly every state, from Utah to Georgia. Due to the increased ICE operations, Maine is likely to be host to an elevated level of unrest for some time as demonstrators use the same Minneapolis playbook in other areas. As such, many other states are likely to witness increased protest activity by proxy, as long as the situation in Minneapolis remains hot. Analyst: S2A1 Research: Disclaimer: No LLMs were used in the writing of this report. //END REPORT//

S2 Underground

145,407 Aufrufe • vor 6 Monaten

#TheManLeadingTheM23InDRC Who is Corneille Nangaa, the man leading the M23 rebels? Former election-chief-turned-rebel-leader Corneille Nangaa has gone from overseeing Congo’s contested 2018 election to leading a powerful insurgency against the DRC’s President Félix Tshisekedi. Now head of the Congo River Alliance (CRA) and allied with the Rwanda-backed M23, Corneille Nangaa Yubeluo has seized key cities, including Goma, and vows to march on Kinshasa. Sentenced to death in absentia, he remains at the centre of the DRC’s escalating conflict. How did he rise to power? Born on 9 July 1970 in what is now Haut-Uele Province in the DRC, Nangaa started his career far from the battlefield. He studied economics at the University of Kinshasa before working with international organisations, including the UN Development Programme. His political breakthrough came in 2015 when he was appointed president of the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) under then-president Joseph Kabila. He was responsible for organising the delayed 2018 elections and controversially declared Félix Tshisekedi the winner. His tenure at CENI ended in 2021 amid allegations of electoral fraud and US sanctions for “undermining DRC elections“. Why did he turn against the Congolese government? Initially aligned with the ruling elite, Nangaa later distanced himself from President Tshisekedi. Ahead of the 2023 elections, Nangaa said that the 2018 result had been manipulated in a secret deal between Tshisekedi and Kabila, which Tshisekedi denies. In August 2023, Nangaa reemerged as a key figure in the DRC’s armed conflicts, launching the CRA – a coalition of 17 political parties, two political groups and armed militias. Among them was the March 23 Movement (M23), an insurgent group backed by Rwanda. Nangaa has since positioned himself as a leading figure in the rebellion against Tshisekedi’s government. What is Nangaa’s role in the conflict? By early 2025, Nangaa and M23 had taken control of Goma, the capital of North Kivu, and were advancing towards Bukavu. In a press conference from Goma, he reiterated that Tshisekedi had never legitimately won the presidency and stated: “If I created the monster, I think it is up to me to defeat it.” He and his allies have made it clear that their ultimate objective is to seize power in Kinshasa. The conflict has led to widespread violence, with more than 100 people killed and hundreds more injured. Hospitals in Goma are overwhelmed, and the city is grappling with water and electricity shortages. Diplomatic efforts to end the fighting have made little progress, and regional bodies like the Southern African Development Community (SADC) are debating whether to withdraw their peacekeeping forces. Why was he sentenced to death? In August 2024, a military court in Kinshasa sentenced Nangaa, along with several M23 leaders, to death in absentia for treason, war crimes and insurrection. The US and EU imposed further sanctions on him and his coalition for “fueling instability” and attempting to overthrow the Congolese government. Despite the sentence, Nangaa remains active on the battlefield. His alliance is expanding its influence beyond North Kivu, with reports suggesting he aims to extend operations to the mineral-rich southeast, particularly Katanga, where opposition to Tshisekedi is strong. His strategy appears to be not only military but also political and is seeking broader support beyond the Tutsi community, historically associated with M23. What’s next for the M23 rebellion? As the CRA and M23 consolidate power in the east, the DRC’s government finds itself increasingly isolated. Calls for dialogue with M23 are growing within regional blocs, but Tshisekedi remains firm in refusing negotiations. Meanwhile, Rwandan President Paul Kagame has dismissed international criticism and warned South Africa – whose troops are deployed in the region – not to interfere. - The Africa Report.
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#TheManLeadingTheM23InDRC Who is Corneille Nangaa, the man leading the M23 rebels? Former election-chief-turned-rebel-leader Corneille Nangaa has gone from overseeing Congo’s contested 2018 election to leading a powerful insurgency against the DRC’s President Félix Tshisekedi. Now head of the Congo River Alliance (CRA) and allied with the Rwanda-backed M23, Corneille Nangaa Yubeluo has seized key cities, including Goma, and vows to march on Kinshasa. Sentenced to death in absentia, he remains at the centre of the DRC’s escalating conflict. How did he rise to power? Born on 9 July 1970 in what is now Haut-Uele Province in the DRC, Nangaa started his career far from the battlefield. He studied economics at the University of Kinshasa before working with international organisations, including the UN Development Programme. His political breakthrough came in 2015 when he was appointed president of the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) under then-president Joseph Kabila. He was responsible for organising the delayed 2018 elections and controversially declared Félix Tshisekedi the winner. His tenure at CENI ended in 2021 amid allegations of electoral fraud and US sanctions for “undermining DRC elections“. Why did he turn against the Congolese government? Initially aligned with the ruling elite, Nangaa later distanced himself from President Tshisekedi. Ahead of the 2023 elections, Nangaa said that the 2018 result had been manipulated in a secret deal between Tshisekedi and Kabila, which Tshisekedi denies. In August 2023, Nangaa reemerged as a key figure in the DRC’s armed conflicts, launching the CRA – a coalition of 17 political parties, two political groups and armed militias. Among them was the March 23 Movement (M23), an insurgent group backed by Rwanda. Nangaa has since positioned himself as a leading figure in the rebellion against Tshisekedi’s government. What is Nangaa’s role in the conflict? By early 2025, Nangaa and M23 had taken control of Goma, the capital of North Kivu, and were advancing towards Bukavu. In a press conference from Goma, he reiterated that Tshisekedi had never legitimately won the presidency and stated: “If I created the monster, I think it is up to me to defeat it.” He and his allies have made it clear that their ultimate objective is to seize power in Kinshasa. The conflict has led to widespread violence, with more than 100 people killed and hundreds more injured. Hospitals in Goma are overwhelmed, and the city is grappling with water and electricity shortages. Diplomatic efforts to end the fighting have made little progress, and regional bodies like the Southern African Development Community (SADC) are debating whether to withdraw their peacekeeping forces. Why was he sentenced to death? In August 2024, a military court in Kinshasa sentenced Nangaa, along with several M23 leaders, to death in absentia for treason, war crimes and insurrection. The US and EU imposed further sanctions on him and his coalition for “fueling instability” and attempting to overthrow the Congolese government. Despite the sentence, Nangaa remains active on the battlefield. His alliance is expanding its influence beyond North Kivu, with reports suggesting he aims to extend operations to the mineral-rich southeast, particularly Katanga, where opposition to Tshisekedi is strong. His strategy appears to be not only military but also political and is seeking broader support beyond the Tutsi community, historically associated with M23. What’s next for the M23 rebellion? As the CRA and M23 consolidate power in the east, the DRC’s government finds itself increasingly isolated. Calls for dialogue with M23 are growing within regional blocs, but Tshisekedi remains firm in refusing negotiations. Meanwhile, Rwandan President Paul Kagame has dismissed international criticism and warned South Africa – whose troops are deployed in the region – not to interfere. - The Africa Report.

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