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أبرز ماجاء في خطاب عضو مجلس السيادة رئيس هيئة الأركان الفريق أول ركن ياسر عبدالرحمن العطا لقوات مجلس الصحوة برئاسة الشيخ موسى هلال .. Key Highlights from the Address by the Chief of Staff of the Sudanese Armed Forces to the Sahwa Council Forces Supporting the Army Sudan –...

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القوات المسلحة السودانية

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17,821 Aufrufe • vor 2 Monaten •via X (Twitter)

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أبرز ماورد في حديث رئيس هيئة الأركان الفريق أول ركن ياسر عبدالرحمن العطا أثناء تفقده القوات المرابطة .. Key highlights from the remarks by the Chief of Staff of the Sudanese Armed Forces during his inspection of the forces stationed on the front lines: ١ سبتمبر ٢٠٢٦م ▪︎ أنقل إليكم تحيات رئيس مجلس السيادة القائد العام للقوات المسلحة السودانية. ▪︎ نسأل الله أن يتقبل الشهداء ويشفي الجرحى ويعيد المأسورين والمفقودين والمختفين قسرياً بواسطة مليشيا الدعم السريع المملوكة لأسرة دقلو. ▪︎ التحرك في المرحلة القادمة سيكون دون توقف لكل القوات سواء المرابطة أو التي على الخطوط الأمامية. ▪︎ المليشيا مارست القتل الممنهج في الجنينة والفاشر والنيل الأزرق على أساس عرقي . ▪︎ نحن نقاتل من أجل حماية المواطن وليس بدافع الانتقام لأننا جيش مهني قومي وليس مليشيا جنجويد فالقوات المسلحة السودانية لاتنهب ولا تقتل ولا تغتصب. ▪︎ المليشيا تستغل العمد والإدارات الأهلية لتجنيد الأطفال والدفع بهم للقتال بفزاعة حماية النساء من الاغتصاب والقتل . ▪︎ نطمئن أهلنا في دارفور أننا قادمون لحمايتهم من انتهاكات المليشيا المتمردة المتفلتة ولتوفير الأمن والاستقرار كما تنعم بها بقية الولايات التي تم تطهيرها من التمرد. Key highlights from the remarks by the Chief of Staff of the Sudanese Armed Forces during his inspection of the forces stationed on the front lines: September 1, 2026 ▪︎ The operation to clear the area of the insurgency in the next phase will proceed without interruption, involving all forces, whether those stationed in their positions or those deployed on the front lines. ▪︎ The Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) carried out systematic killings in Geneina, El Fasher, and Blue Nile State on an ethnic basis. ▪︎ The Sudanese state and the Sudanese Armed Forces are fighting to protect civilians, not out of a desire for revenge. They are a professional, national army, unlike the Janjaweed militia, which is owned by individuals. The Sudanese Armed Forces do not loot, kill, or commit rape. ▪︎ The Janjaweed militia exploits traditional community administrations to recruit minors and send them to fight. ▪︎ We reassure our people in Darfur that we are coming to protect them from the violations committed by the rebellious and lawless Janjaweed militia, and to provide them with the security and stability enjoyed by the rest of the country’s states, which have been cleared of the rebellion. #فيديو #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #عيد_الجيش_الذكرى٧٢ #غداً_نعود_حتماً_نعود #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia
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أبرز ماورد في حديث رئيس هيئة الأركان الفريق أول ركن ياسر عبدالرحمن العطا أثناء تفقده القوات المرابطة .. Key highlights from the remarks by the Chief of Staff of the Sudanese Armed Forces during his inspection of the forces stationed on the front lines: ١ سبتمبر ٢٠٢٦م ▪︎ أنقل إليكم تحيات رئيس مجلس السيادة القائد العام للقوات المسلحة السودانية. ▪︎ نسأل الله أن يتقبل الشهداء ويشفي الجرحى ويعيد المأسورين والمفقودين والمختفين قسرياً بواسطة مليشيا الدعم السريع المملوكة لأسرة دقلو. ▪︎ التحرك في المرحلة القادمة سيكون دون توقف لكل القوات سواء المرابطة أو التي على الخطوط الأمامية. ▪︎ المليشيا مارست القتل الممنهج في الجنينة والفاشر والنيل الأزرق على أساس عرقي . ▪︎ نحن نقاتل من أجل حماية المواطن وليس بدافع الانتقام لأننا جيش مهني قومي وليس مليشيا جنجويد فالقوات المسلحة السودانية لاتنهب ولا تقتل ولا تغتصب. ▪︎ المليشيا تستغل العمد والإدارات الأهلية لتجنيد الأطفال والدفع بهم للقتال بفزاعة حماية النساء من الاغتصاب والقتل . ▪︎ نطمئن أهلنا في دارفور أننا قادمون لحمايتهم من انتهاكات المليشيا المتمردة المتفلتة ولتوفير الأمن والاستقرار كما تنعم بها بقية الولايات التي تم تطهيرها من التمرد. Key highlights from the remarks by the Chief of Staff of the Sudanese Armed Forces during his inspection of the forces stationed on the front lines: September 1, 2026 ▪︎ The operation to clear the area of the insurgency in the next phase will proceed without interruption, involving all forces, whether those stationed in their positions or those deployed on the front lines. ▪︎ The Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) carried out systematic killings in Geneina, El Fasher, and Blue Nile State on an ethnic basis. ▪︎ The Sudanese state and the Sudanese Armed Forces are fighting to protect civilians, not out of a desire for revenge. They are a professional, national army, unlike the Janjaweed militia, which is owned by individuals. The Sudanese Armed Forces do not loot, kill, or commit rape. ▪︎ The Janjaweed militia exploits traditional community administrations to recruit minors and send them to fight. ▪︎ We reassure our people in Darfur that we are coming to protect them from the violations committed by the rebellious and lawless Janjaweed militia, and to provide them with the security and stability enjoyed by the rest of the country’s states, which have been cleared of the rebellion. #فيديو #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #عيد_الجيش_الذكرى٧٢ #غداً_نعود_حتماً_نعود #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia

القوات المسلحة السودانية

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قائد متقدم سنار اللواء الركن عبد المنعم عبد الباسط من داخل مدينة سنجة : ▪︎ إنتصارات القوات المسلحة مستمرة ولن تتوقف بإذن الله فمن جبل موية إلى الدندر وإلى السوكي والآن في سنجة وفي الطريق كل مكان دنسته المليشيا . ▪︎ رسالتنا إلى مواطني مدينة سنجة بالعودة إلى مدينتهم الآمنة لتعميرها وإعادتها لسيرتها الأولى . ▪︎ هذه الحرب ستنتهي قريبا بإنتصار القوات المسلحة ولكننا لن نضع السلاح لأن المؤامرة كبيرة ولن تتوقف . ▪︎ ستظل القوات المسلحة قابضة على الزناد لتؤمن البلاد وتعيد السودان كما كان وأفضل مما كان إن شاء الله. #فيديو Commander of Sennar Advance Forces, Major General Abdel Moneim, from inside Sinja city : ▪︎ God willing, victories of Sudanese Armed Forces will continue and will not stop, it began from Jebel Moyaa to Al-Suki to Al-Dinder, and now in Sinja and on the way to every terr.itories controlled by the terr.orist Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). ▪︎ The message of the state (Government) and that of Sudanese Armed Forces to the citizens of Sinja city is return to your safe city to rebuild it and restore it to its former glory after the devastation caused by the Janjaweed militia. ▪︎ This war will soon end with victory of the Sudanese Armed Forces, however we will remain vigilant because the conspiracy is great and will not stop. ▪︎ The Sudanese Armed Forces will remain standby to secure the country from terrorism and restore Sudan as it was and better, God willing. #Video #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia
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قائد متقدم سنار اللواء الركن عبد المنعم عبد الباسط من داخل مدينة سنجة : ▪︎ إنتصارات القوات المسلحة مستمرة ولن تتوقف بإذن الله فمن جبل موية إلى الدندر وإلى السوكي والآن في سنجة وفي الطريق كل مكان دنسته المليشيا . ▪︎ رسالتنا إلى مواطني مدينة سنجة بالعودة إلى مدينتهم الآمنة لتعميرها وإعادتها لسيرتها الأولى . ▪︎ هذه الحرب ستنتهي قريبا بإنتصار القوات المسلحة ولكننا لن نضع السلاح لأن المؤامرة كبيرة ولن تتوقف . ▪︎ ستظل القوات المسلحة قابضة على الزناد لتؤمن البلاد وتعيد السودان كما كان وأفضل مما كان إن شاء الله. #فيديو Commander of Sennar Advance Forces, Major General Abdel Moneim, from inside Sinja city : ▪︎ God willing, victories of Sudanese Armed Forces will continue and will not stop, it began from Jebel Moyaa to Al-Suki to Al-Dinder, and now in Sinja and on the way to every terr.itories controlled by the terr.orist Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). ▪︎ The message of the state (Government) and that of Sudanese Armed Forces to the citizens of Sinja city is return to your safe city to rebuild it and restore it to its former glory after the devastation caused by the Janjaweed militia. ▪︎ This war will soon end with victory of the Sudanese Armed Forces, however we will remain vigilant because the conspiracy is great and will not stop. ▪︎ The Sudanese Armed Forces will remain standby to secure the country from terrorism and restore Sudan as it was and better, God willing. #Video #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia

القوات المسلحة السودانية

19,715 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

تحتفل البلاد بالذكرى الثانية والسبعين لعيد القوات المسلحة السودانية في ١٤ أغسطس ، تأكيداً على تاريخها العريق الممتد منذ تأسيس نواتها الأولى (قوة دفاع السودان) في عام ١٩٢٥م ، و سودنة قيادتها في العام ١٩٥٤م كأول مؤسسة وطنيّة تُدار بأيادٍ سودانيةٍ خالصةٍ تمهيداً للاستقلال . يصادف الاحتفال هذا العام انتصارات متلاحقة على مليشيا الدعم السريع المملوكة لأسرة دقلو المتمردة في كل المحاور وتعزيز تأمين المواطنين في كافة الولايات المحررة و انتظام العودة الطوعية للمواطنين و إعادة الإعمار. #فيديو Sudan will commemorate the 72nd anniversary of the Sudanese Armed Forces Day on August 14, reaffirming the military’s long and deeply rooted history. Its origins date back to 1925, when the Sudan Defence Force was established more than a century ago. In 1954, its leadership was fully Sudanized, making it the first national institution to be run entirely by Sudanese hands and paving the way for the country’s independence. This year’s anniversary comes amid a series of successive victories over the rebel Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) across multiple fronts, alongside strengthened security and protection for civilians throughout the liberated states. #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #عيد_الجيش_الذكرى72 #غداً_نعود_حتماً_نعود #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia
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تحتفل البلاد بالذكرى الثانية والسبعين لعيد القوات المسلحة السودانية في ١٤ أغسطس ، تأكيداً على تاريخها العريق الممتد منذ تأسيس نواتها الأولى (قوة دفاع السودان) في عام ١٩٢٥م ، و سودنة قيادتها في العام ١٩٥٤م كأول مؤسسة وطنيّة تُدار بأيادٍ سودانيةٍ خالصةٍ تمهيداً للاستقلال . يصادف الاحتفال هذا العام انتصارات متلاحقة على مليشيا الدعم السريع المملوكة لأسرة دقلو المتمردة في كل المحاور وتعزيز تأمين المواطنين في كافة الولايات المحررة و انتظام العودة الطوعية للمواطنين و إعادة الإعمار. #فيديو Sudan will commemorate the 72nd anniversary of the Sudanese Armed Forces Day on August 14, reaffirming the military’s long and deeply rooted history. Its origins date back to 1925, when the Sudan Defence Force was established more than a century ago. In 1954, its leadership was fully Sudanized, making it the first national institution to be run entirely by Sudanese hands and paving the way for the country’s independence. This year’s anniversary comes amid a series of successive victories over the rebel Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) across multiple fronts, alongside strengthened security and protection for civilians throughout the liberated states. #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #عيد_الجيش_الذكرى72 #غداً_نعود_حتماً_نعود #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia

القوات المسلحة السودانية

24,267 Aufrufe • vor 2 Monaten

مشاهد تظهر عودة مجموعة من المليشيا المملوكة لأسرة دقلو إلى حضن الوطن وصوت العقل الإثنين الماضي بقيادة القائد الهادي جكة وتسليمهم لقيادة الفرقة الرابعة مشاة بالدمازين بكامل أسلحتهم وعتادهم حيث كان في استقبالهم السيد قائد الفرقة اللواء الركن محمد عثمان محمد حمد مؤكدا أن باب العودة إلى صف الدولة والقوات المسلحة لازال مفتوحا حسب قرار السيد رئيس مجلس السيادة القائد العام الفريق أول ركن عبدالفتاح البرهان - الدمازين - ٢٥ يونيو ٢٠٢٥م - أرسلها للنشر نقيب / علي عوض علي . #فيديو Footage shows a group of former Rapid Support Militia ( Janjaweed) , returning to the national ranks under the leadership of Captain Al-Hadi Jaka. The group surrendered to the command of the 4th Infantry Division in Damazin, handing over their full arsenal and military equipment. They were received by the division commander, who affirmed that the door remains open for those willing to return to the state and align themselves with the Sudanese Armed Forces, in accordance with the directive issued by the President of the Sovereignty Council and Commander-in-Chief. Damazin, June 25, 2025 #Video #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #المقاومة_الشعبية - تحت قيادة القوات المسلحة - نحن في الشدة بأس يتجلى #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia
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مشاهد تظهر عودة مجموعة من المليشيا المملوكة لأسرة دقلو إلى حضن الوطن وصوت العقل الإثنين الماضي بقيادة القائد الهادي جكة وتسليمهم لقيادة الفرقة الرابعة مشاة بالدمازين بكامل أسلحتهم وعتادهم حيث كان في استقبالهم السيد قائد الفرقة اللواء الركن محمد عثمان محمد حمد مؤكدا أن باب العودة إلى صف الدولة والقوات المسلحة لازال مفتوحا حسب قرار السيد رئيس مجلس السيادة القائد العام الفريق أول ركن عبدالفتاح البرهان - الدمازين - ٢٥ يونيو ٢٠٢٥م - أرسلها للنشر نقيب / علي عوض علي . #فيديو Footage shows a group of former Rapid Support Militia ( Janjaweed) , returning to the national ranks under the leadership of Captain Al-Hadi Jaka. The group surrendered to the command of the 4th Infantry Division in Damazin, handing over their full arsenal and military equipment. They were received by the division commander, who affirmed that the door remains open for those willing to return to the state and align themselves with the Sudanese Armed Forces, in accordance with the directive issued by the President of the Sovereignty Council and Commander-in-Chief. Damazin, June 25, 2025 #Video #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #المقاومة_الشعبية - تحت قيادة القوات المسلحة - نحن في الشدة بأس يتجلى #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia

القوات المسلحة السودانية

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في انتصار جديد .. القوات المسلحة السودانية تتمكن من تطهير منطقتي مقجة وسركم بمحور النيل الأزرق Sudanese Armed Forces Liberate the Areas of Maqjah and Sorkom in the Blue Nile Region Axis الدمازين - ٢٩ يونيو ٢٠٢٦م مواصلة لانتصاراتها في محور النيل الأزرق تمكنت القوات المسلحة السودانية والقوات المساندة لها من تطهير منطقتي مقجة وسركم بعد معارك ضارية في مواجهة فلول المليشيا المتمردة خاضتها قوات الفرقة الرابعة مشاة وقوات الاسناد انتهت بسيطرة قواتنا على تلك المناطق و تكبيد المليشيا خسائر كبيرة في الأرواح والعتاد ، فيما تتواصل عمليات التمشيط ومطاردة العدو لتأمين المناطق التي تم تطهيرها والانتشار الميداني لضمان الاستقرار وبسط الأمن ومنع أي محاولات تسلل أو إعادة تمركز للعناصر الهاربة - الرائد / علي عوض علي #فيديو Damazin, 29 June 2026 Continuing their victories along the Blue Nile axis, the Sudanese Armed Forces, together with supporting forces, have liberated the areas of Maqjah and Sorkom. Our forces inflicted heavy losses on the militia in equipment and neutralized a large number of its fighters. Clearance operations and the pursuit of the enemy are continuing in order to secure the liberated areas, ensure stability, restore security, protect civilians, and provide essential living needs. #Video #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #الذكرى_ال٧٠_للاستقلال #غداً_نعود_حتماً_نعود #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia
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في انتصار جديد .. القوات المسلحة السودانية تتمكن من تطهير منطقتي مقجة وسركم بمحور النيل الأزرق Sudanese Armed Forces Liberate the Areas of Maqjah and Sorkom in the Blue Nile Region Axis الدمازين - ٢٩ يونيو ٢٠٢٦م مواصلة لانتصاراتها في محور النيل الأزرق تمكنت القوات المسلحة السودانية والقوات المساندة لها من تطهير منطقتي مقجة وسركم بعد معارك ضارية في مواجهة فلول المليشيا المتمردة خاضتها قوات الفرقة الرابعة مشاة وقوات الاسناد انتهت بسيطرة قواتنا على تلك المناطق و تكبيد المليشيا خسائر كبيرة في الأرواح والعتاد ، فيما تتواصل عمليات التمشيط ومطاردة العدو لتأمين المناطق التي تم تطهيرها والانتشار الميداني لضمان الاستقرار وبسط الأمن ومنع أي محاولات تسلل أو إعادة تمركز للعناصر الهاربة - الرائد / علي عوض علي #فيديو Damazin, 29 June 2026 Continuing their victories along the Blue Nile axis, the Sudanese Armed Forces, together with supporting forces, have liberated the areas of Maqjah and Sorkom. Our forces inflicted heavy losses on the militia in equipment and neutralized a large number of its fighters. Clearance operations and the pursuit of the enemy are continuing in order to secure the liberated areas, ensure stability, restore security, protect civilians, and provide essential living needs. #Video #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #الذكرى_ال٧٠_للاستقلال #غداً_نعود_حتماً_نعود #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia

القوات المسلحة السودانية

10,251 Aufrufe • vor 3 Monaten

الناطق الرسمي باسم القوات المسلحة السودانية يؤكد تورط الإمارات وإثيوبيا في العدوان على البلاد Sudanese Armed Forces Spokesperson Confirms UAE and Ethiopia’s Involvement in Aggression Against the Country الخرطوم - ٠٥ مايو ٢٠٢٦م كشفت القوات المسلحة السودانية عن حزمة من الأدلة الموثقة التي تشير إلى تورط أطراف خارجية في الهجمات بالطائرات المسيّرة التي استهدفت عدة مناطق في البلاد، بما يشكل انتهاكًا لسيادة السودان وخرقًا للقانون الدولي. وخلال المؤتمر الصحفي الذي عُقد مساء أمس ، أوضح المتحدث الرسمي باسم القوات المسلحة السودانية، العميد ركن عاصم عوض عبدالوهاب محمد، أن الجهات المختصة تضع أمام الشعب السوداني والرأي العام الإقليمي والدولي أدلة موثقة تؤكد هذه المعطيات، وأن هذه الأدلة تشير إلى تورط كل من الإمارات العربية المتحدة وإثيوبيا في أعمال عدوانية استهدفت السودان. وأشار إلى أنه، استنادًا إلى بيانات مؤكدة جمعتها الجهات الرسمية، انطلقت في الأول من مارس ٢٠٢٦م ثلاث طائرات مسيّرة من مطار بحر دار داخل الأراضي الإثيوبية، ونفذت طلعات عدائية استهدفت ولايات النيل الأبيض والنيل الأزرق وشمال وجنوب كردفان. وأضاف أنه في ١٧ مارس تمكنت الدفاعات الجوية من اعتراض وإسقاط إحدى هذه المسيّرات شمال مدينة الأبيض كما أوضح أن الفرق الفنية قامت بتحليل بيانات الطائرة والتواصل مع الشركة المصنّعة، التي أكدت أن الطائرة، التي تحمل الرقم التسلسلي S88، مملوكة لدولة الإمارات العربية المتحدة، وأن تشغيلها تم من داخل الأراضي الإثيوبية، وتحديدًا من مطار بحر دار. كما بيّنت البيانات نقطة انطلاقها ومسار رحلتها إلى داخل الأجواء السودانية، حيث استهدفت مواقع في كُرْمُك ومناطق أخرى في ولاية النيل الأزرق، إضافة إلى مواقع في ولايتي شمال وجنوب كردفان. كما أشار إلى حادثة أخرى بدأت في الأول من مايو، حيث دخلت طائرة مسيّرة أخرى انطلقت من الموقع ذاته إلى الأجواء السودانية، وتمت متابعتها حتى منطقة جبل الأولياء، حيث استهدفت مطار الخرطوم الدولي ومناطق أخرى قبل أن يتم التصدي لها. وأكد المتحدث الرسمي أن هذه الأفعال تمثل عدوانًا مباشرًا على السودان، مشددًا على جاهزية القوات المسلحة للتعامل مع أي تهديد بما يحفظ سيادة البلاد وأمنها وكرامتها الوطنية. Khartoum – May 5, 2026 The Sudanese Armed Forces have revealed a set of documented evidence indicating the involvement of external parties in drone attacks that targeted multiple locations across the country, constituting a violation of Sudan’s sovereignty and a breach of international law. During a press conference, the official spokesperson of the Sudanese Armed Forces, Brigadier General Asim Awad Abdelwahab Mohamed, said that the relevant authorities are presenting documented evidence to the Sudanese public as well as to regional and international audiences. He added that this evidence indicates the involvement of both the United Arab Emirates and Ethiopia in hostile actions targeting Sudan. He stated that, based on confirmed data collected by official bodies, three drones were launched on March 1, 2026, from Bahir Dar Airport inside Ethiopian territory, carrying out hostile sorties targeting the states of White Nile, Blue Nile, and North and South Kordofan. He added that on March 17, Sudanese air defenses intercepted and shot down one of these drones north of the city of El Obeid. He further explained that technical teams analyzed the aircraft’s data and contacted the manufacturer, which confirmed that the drone, bearing serial number S88, is owned by the United Arab Emirates. It also confirmed that the drone was operated from Ethiopian territory, specifically from Bahir Dar Airport. The data identified its point of departure and traced its flight path into Sudanese airspace, where it targeted locations in Kurmuk and other areas in Blue Nile State, as well as sites in North and South Kordofan. He also referred to another incident that began on May 1, when another drone launched from the same location entered Sudanese airspace. It was tracked to the Jebel Aulia area, where it targeted Khartoum International Airport and other locations before it was intercepted. The spokesperson affirmed that these actions constitute a direct act of aggression against Sudan, stressing the readiness of the Armed Forces to respond to any threat in a manner that preserves the country’s sovereignty, security, and national dignity. #فيديو #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #الذكرى_ال٧٠_للاستقلال #غداً_نعود_حتماً_نعود #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia
4:20

الناطق الرسمي باسم القوات المسلحة السودانية يؤكد تورط الإمارات وإثيوبيا في العدوان على البلاد Sudanese Armed Forces Spokesperson Confirms UAE and Ethiopia’s Involvement in Aggression Against the Country الخرطوم - ٠٥ مايو ٢٠٢٦م كشفت القوات المسلحة السودانية عن حزمة من الأدلة الموثقة التي تشير إلى تورط أطراف خارجية في الهجمات بالطائرات المسيّرة التي استهدفت عدة مناطق في البلاد، بما يشكل انتهاكًا لسيادة السودان وخرقًا للقانون الدولي. وخلال المؤتمر الصحفي الذي عُقد مساء أمس ، أوضح المتحدث الرسمي باسم القوات المسلحة السودانية، العميد ركن عاصم عوض عبدالوهاب محمد، أن الجهات المختصة تضع أمام الشعب السوداني والرأي العام الإقليمي والدولي أدلة موثقة تؤكد هذه المعطيات، وأن هذه الأدلة تشير إلى تورط كل من الإمارات العربية المتحدة وإثيوبيا في أعمال عدوانية استهدفت السودان. وأشار إلى أنه، استنادًا إلى بيانات مؤكدة جمعتها الجهات الرسمية، انطلقت في الأول من مارس ٢٠٢٦م ثلاث طائرات مسيّرة من مطار بحر دار داخل الأراضي الإثيوبية، ونفذت طلعات عدائية استهدفت ولايات النيل الأبيض والنيل الأزرق وشمال وجنوب كردفان. وأضاف أنه في ١٧ مارس تمكنت الدفاعات الجوية من اعتراض وإسقاط إحدى هذه المسيّرات شمال مدينة الأبيض كما أوضح أن الفرق الفنية قامت بتحليل بيانات الطائرة والتواصل مع الشركة المصنّعة، التي أكدت أن الطائرة، التي تحمل الرقم التسلسلي S88، مملوكة لدولة الإمارات العربية المتحدة، وأن تشغيلها تم من داخل الأراضي الإثيوبية، وتحديدًا من مطار بحر دار. كما بيّنت البيانات نقطة انطلاقها ومسار رحلتها إلى داخل الأجواء السودانية، حيث استهدفت مواقع في كُرْمُك ومناطق أخرى في ولاية النيل الأزرق، إضافة إلى مواقع في ولايتي شمال وجنوب كردفان. كما أشار إلى حادثة أخرى بدأت في الأول من مايو، حيث دخلت طائرة مسيّرة أخرى انطلقت من الموقع ذاته إلى الأجواء السودانية، وتمت متابعتها حتى منطقة جبل الأولياء، حيث استهدفت مطار الخرطوم الدولي ومناطق أخرى قبل أن يتم التصدي لها. وأكد المتحدث الرسمي أن هذه الأفعال تمثل عدوانًا مباشرًا على السودان، مشددًا على جاهزية القوات المسلحة للتعامل مع أي تهديد بما يحفظ سيادة البلاد وأمنها وكرامتها الوطنية. Khartoum – May 5, 2026 The Sudanese Armed Forces have revealed a set of documented evidence indicating the involvement of external parties in drone attacks that targeted multiple locations across the country, constituting a violation of Sudan’s sovereignty and a breach of international law. During a press conference, the official spokesperson of the Sudanese Armed Forces, Brigadier General Asim Awad Abdelwahab Mohamed, said that the relevant authorities are presenting documented evidence to the Sudanese public as well as to regional and international audiences. He added that this evidence indicates the involvement of both the United Arab Emirates and Ethiopia in hostile actions targeting Sudan. He stated that, based on confirmed data collected by official bodies, three drones were launched on March 1, 2026, from Bahir Dar Airport inside Ethiopian territory, carrying out hostile sorties targeting the states of White Nile, Blue Nile, and North and South Kordofan. He added that on March 17, Sudanese air defenses intercepted and shot down one of these drones north of the city of El Obeid. He further explained that technical teams analyzed the aircraft’s data and contacted the manufacturer, which confirmed that the drone, bearing serial number S88, is owned by the United Arab Emirates. It also confirmed that the drone was operated from Ethiopian territory, specifically from Bahir Dar Airport. The data identified its point of departure and traced its flight path into Sudanese airspace, where it targeted locations in Kurmuk and other areas in Blue Nile State, as well as sites in North and South Kordofan. He also referred to another incident that began on May 1, when another drone launched from the same location entered Sudanese airspace. It was tracked to the Jebel Aulia area, where it targeted Khartoum International Airport and other locations before it was intercepted. The spokesperson affirmed that these actions constitute a direct act of aggression against Sudan, stressing the readiness of the Armed Forces to respond to any threat in a manner that preserves the country’s sovereignty, security, and national dignity. #فيديو #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #الذكرى_ال٧٠_للاستقلال #غداً_نعود_حتماً_نعود #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia

القوات المسلحة السودانية

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القوات المسلحة إرث عظيم وتاريخ تليد وتقاليد راسخة تعبر عن جيش عمره يزيد عن المائة عام ، فتبادل الأدوار من التعيين والترقيات والتنقلات و التقاعد تجسد أصالة التقاليد العسكرية ، وتعزز استمرارية العمل بروح الفريق وتكامل الأدوار في تطوير الاستعداد والكفاءة القتالية لحماية مكتسبات الوطن ومقدراته حسب الدستور . جاءت مراسم تسليم واستلام مهام قيادة الفرقة الرابعة مشاة أمس الأحد في أجواء عسكرية مهيبة تعكس قيم الانضباط وروح المسؤولية الوطنية، بنقل الخبرات وتعزيز روح التضامن والتكامل بين القيادات بين اللواء الركن محمد عثمان محمد القائد السابق للفرقة ، واللواء الركن إسماعيل الطيب حسين عباس القائد الجديد، وذلك بحضور ممثلي رئاسة القوات المسلحة وقادة التشكيلات والوحدات العسكرية المختلفة - الدمازين - ٢٩ سبتمبر ٢٠٢٥م - مراسل حربي/ علي عوض . #فيديو The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) boast a rich legacy, a long history, and deeply-rooted traditions that reflect a professional, national army over 100 years old. The exchange of roles—including appointments, promotions, transfers, and retirements—embodies the authenticity of the Sudanese military traditions and enhances the continuity of teamwork to develop combat readiness and efficiency to protect the nation's gains and capabilities, in accordance with the constitution. The handover ceremony of the 4th Infantry Division of the SAF took place yesterday, Sunday, in a military atmosphere that reflects the values ​​of discipline and a spirit of national responsibility, transferring the experience of the former division commander and the new commander—Damazin, September 29, 2025. #Video #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #مئوية_الجيش_السوداني - الذكرى ٧١ لسودنة القيادة - نحن في الشدة بأس يتجلى #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia
2:08

القوات المسلحة إرث عظيم وتاريخ تليد وتقاليد راسخة تعبر عن جيش عمره يزيد عن المائة عام ، فتبادل الأدوار من التعيين والترقيات والتنقلات و التقاعد تجسد أصالة التقاليد العسكرية ، وتعزز استمرارية العمل بروح الفريق وتكامل الأدوار في تطوير الاستعداد والكفاءة القتالية لحماية مكتسبات الوطن ومقدراته حسب الدستور . جاءت مراسم تسليم واستلام مهام قيادة الفرقة الرابعة مشاة أمس الأحد في أجواء عسكرية مهيبة تعكس قيم الانضباط وروح المسؤولية الوطنية، بنقل الخبرات وتعزيز روح التضامن والتكامل بين القيادات بين اللواء الركن محمد عثمان محمد القائد السابق للفرقة ، واللواء الركن إسماعيل الطيب حسين عباس القائد الجديد، وذلك بحضور ممثلي رئاسة القوات المسلحة وقادة التشكيلات والوحدات العسكرية المختلفة - الدمازين - ٢٩ سبتمبر ٢٠٢٥م - مراسل حربي/ علي عوض . #فيديو The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) boast a rich legacy, a long history, and deeply-rooted traditions that reflect a professional, national army over 100 years old. The exchange of roles—including appointments, promotions, transfers, and retirements—embodies the authenticity of the Sudanese military traditions and enhances the continuity of teamwork to develop combat readiness and efficiency to protect the nation's gains and capabilities, in accordance with the constitution. The handover ceremony of the 4th Infantry Division of the SAF took place yesterday, Sunday, in a military atmosphere that reflects the values ​​of discipline and a spirit of national responsibility, transferring the experience of the former division commander and the new commander—Damazin, September 29, 2025. #Video #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #مئوية_الجيش_السوداني - الذكرى ٧١ لسودنة القيادة - نحن في الشدة بأس يتجلى #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia

القوات المسلحة السودانية

30,234 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

Statement by Joint Force of the Armed Movement Joint Forces of the Armed Struggle Movements Military Statement To the proud masses of our people, In light of the repeated conspiracies targeting the security and safety of our homeland, the intelligence of the Joint Forces of Armed Struggle Movements, in coordination with the Sudanese Military Intelligence Authority , has been monitoring hostile activities aimed at smuggling unprecedented dangerous weapons into Sudan. These weapons were intended to be transported from a European country through Chad to Darfur, specifically to the city of El Fasher, with the goal of seizing the city using devastating arms. To the proud masses of our people, Thanks to precise intelligence monitoring from both across borders and within the country, the Special Operations Forces of the Joint Forces, in coordination with the Sudanese Army, succeeded in thwarting the delivery of these dangerous weapons. A meticulously planned military operation was carried out in the X area near Nyala at 3:00 AM on Sunday, December 1, 2024. Outcomes of the operation: •Seizure of 3 large drones capable of carrying four air-to-surface missiles each. •Seizure of 6 smaller drones capable of carrying two air-to-surface missiles each. •Elimination of over 30 mercenaries from the Rapid Support Forces militia. •Destruction of 8 military vehicles. Details of the seized weapons: The weapons included drones of the Danger Propellers model, bearing the serial number J/DF24-23-01-043A, manufactured by Woodcomp Propellers in the Czech Republic, Central Europe. These drones were modified for military purposes. Their entry into Sudan marks an unprecedented event, facilitated and funded by the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and coordinated with Chad to ensure their passage. Message to the UAE: You must understand that we are tracking all your steps from the western and northern borders. Your plans will fail no matter how much effort and conspiracy you invest. Cease tampering with our land and security. Know that you are wasting your people’s wealth on a doomed project, and defeat will be your fate in Sudan. We will remain steadfast, determined to eliminate all your regional and international mercenaries and seize your weapons, no matter their cost. We also thank you for your generosity in delivering these sophisticated weapons, valued at millions, which are now in our hands. We will use them to further your defeat. Message to the Chadian regime: The Sudanese and Chadian peoples are bound by ties of blood, history, and shared destiny. Your support for the Rapid Support Forces militia with weapons and supplies, and your facilitation of their passage through your territory, is an act of betrayal that history will not forgive. Your facilitation of these weapons and your support for the militia is a stain of shame, and you will pay a heavy price if you do not stop this recklessness. To the Sudanese people: This exceptional military achievement reflects the readiness of our forces to confront all conspiracies targeting the security and safety of our homeland. We renew our pledge to you to remain vigilant and steadfast, with our hands on the trigger, protecting the lives of our people and the resources of our nation from any external or internal threats until we achieve full liberation. Glory and immortality to our righteous martyrs. Shame and disgrace to the enemies of the homeland. Major Ahmed Hussein Mustafa Official Spokesperson of the Joint Forces of Armed Struggle Movements El Fasher December 1, 2024
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Statement by Joint Force of the Armed Movement Joint Forces of the Armed Struggle Movements Military Statement To the proud masses of our people, In light of the repeated conspiracies targeting the security and safety of our homeland, the intelligence of the Joint Forces of Armed Struggle Movements, in coordination with the Sudanese Military Intelligence Authority , has been monitoring hostile activities aimed at smuggling unprecedented dangerous weapons into Sudan. These weapons were intended to be transported from a European country through Chad to Darfur, specifically to the city of El Fasher, with the goal of seizing the city using devastating arms. To the proud masses of our people, Thanks to precise intelligence monitoring from both across borders and within the country, the Special Operations Forces of the Joint Forces, in coordination with the Sudanese Army, succeeded in thwarting the delivery of these dangerous weapons. A meticulously planned military operation was carried out in the X area near Nyala at 3:00 AM on Sunday, December 1, 2024. Outcomes of the operation: •Seizure of 3 large drones capable of carrying four air-to-surface missiles each. •Seizure of 6 smaller drones capable of carrying two air-to-surface missiles each. •Elimination of over 30 mercenaries from the Rapid Support Forces militia. •Destruction of 8 military vehicles. Details of the seized weapons: The weapons included drones of the Danger Propellers model, bearing the serial number J/DF24-23-01-043A, manufactured by Woodcomp Propellers in the Czech Republic, Central Europe. These drones were modified for military purposes. Their entry into Sudan marks an unprecedented event, facilitated and funded by the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and coordinated with Chad to ensure their passage. Message to the UAE: You must understand that we are tracking all your steps from the western and northern borders. Your plans will fail no matter how much effort and conspiracy you invest. Cease tampering with our land and security. Know that you are wasting your people’s wealth on a doomed project, and defeat will be your fate in Sudan. We will remain steadfast, determined to eliminate all your regional and international mercenaries and seize your weapons, no matter their cost. We also thank you for your generosity in delivering these sophisticated weapons, valued at millions, which are now in our hands. We will use them to further your defeat. Message to the Chadian regime: The Sudanese and Chadian peoples are bound by ties of blood, history, and shared destiny. Your support for the Rapid Support Forces militia with weapons and supplies, and your facilitation of their passage through your territory, is an act of betrayal that history will not forgive. Your facilitation of these weapons and your support for the militia is a stain of shame, and you will pay a heavy price if you do not stop this recklessness. To the Sudanese people: This exceptional military achievement reflects the readiness of our forces to confront all conspiracies targeting the security and safety of our homeland. We renew our pledge to you to remain vigilant and steadfast, with our hands on the trigger, protecting the lives of our people and the resources of our nation from any external or internal threats until we achieve full liberation. Glory and immortality to our righteous martyrs. Shame and disgrace to the enemies of the homeland. Major Ahmed Hussein Mustafa Official Spokesperson of the Joint Forces of Armed Struggle Movements El Fasher December 1, 2024

الحساب الرسمي للقوة المشتركة لحركات الكفاح المسلح

29,038 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

الكرمك تطهرت من دنس المليشيا ... والنيل الأزرق يحتشد احتفاءً بالنصر وبالقوات المسلحة السودانية Al-Kurmuk Liberated from the Violations of the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) as Blue Nile Region Celebrates Victory and the Sudanese Armed Forces الدمازين - ٠٩ يوليو ٢٠٢٦م في مشهدٍ جسَّد وحدة الصف وقوة الإرادة احتشدت جماهير إقليم النيل الأزرق بميدان المولد بمدينة الدمازين احتفالاً بتحرير مدينة الكرمك تأكيدًا للالتفاف الشعبي حول القوات المسلحة السودانية والقوات المساندة وتجديدًا للعهد بمواصلة حرب الكرامة حتى استكمال تحرير كل شبر بالإقليم. وأكّد حاكم إقليم النيل الأزرق الفريق أحمد العمدة بادي أنّ تحرير مدينة الكرمك يمثل نقطة تحول مهمة في مسار العمليات العسكرية وبداية لمرحلة عنوانها بسط الأمن والاستقرار وعودة المواطنين إلى مناطقهم مشيدًا ببطولات القوات المسلحة السودانية حيث قال "عندنا أقوى جيش في أفريقيا" والمستنفرين من الشعب السوداني الذي دعم وسند جيشه. من جانبه أوضح قائد الفرقة الرابعة مشاة اللواء الركن إسماعيل الطيب حسين أن استعادة الكرمك جاءت ثمرة لتخطيط عسكري محكم وبسالة المقاتلين في ميادين الشرف في زمن وجيز لم يتجاوز الثلاثة أشهر ، مؤكّداً أنّ القوات ستواصل عمليات التمشيط والتأمين ولن تتوقف حتى تطهير ما تبقى من المناطق وتأمين حدود الوطن مهنئاً مواطني الكرمك في معسكرات النزوج موجهاً رسالة القيادة لهم بالتريث ريثما تقوم القيادة العسكرية وحكومة الولاية بتوفير الخدمات الأساسية وتهيئة البيئة لهم . كما أكّدت محافظ محافظة الدمازين الأستاذة فواتح النور البشير أن الاحتفال القادم سيكون من داخل مدينة الكرمك بعد استكمال عمليات التأمين مشيرةً إلى أن الإقليم سيظل عصياً على كل من يحاول المساس بأمنه واستقراره. وجددت المقاومة الشعبية التزامها بمواصلة الإسناد والدعم للقوات المسلحة السودانية مؤكدة أن حرب الكرامة مستمرة حتى يتحقق النصر الكامل وأن وحدة الشعب خلف قواته المسلحة تمثل السلاح الأقوى في مواجهة التحديات. #فيديو Damazin – 9 July 2026 ▪︎ The Governor of the Blue Nile Region: The liberation of Al-Kurmuk city represents an important turning point and the beginning of a new phase focused on restoring security and stability and enabling citizens to return to their areas. ▪︎ Commander of the 4th Infantry Division: My message to the citizens of Al-Kurmuk currently staying in displacement camps is that the military leadership and the state government will work to provide basic services and create suitable conditions for their return. #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #الذكرى_ال٧٠_للاستقلال #غداً_نعود_حتماً_نعود #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia
2:32

الكرمك تطهرت من دنس المليشيا ... والنيل الأزرق يحتشد احتفاءً بالنصر وبالقوات المسلحة السودانية Al-Kurmuk Liberated from the Violations of the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) as Blue Nile Region Celebrates Victory and the Sudanese Armed Forces الدمازين - ٠٩ يوليو ٢٠٢٦م في مشهدٍ جسَّد وحدة الصف وقوة الإرادة احتشدت جماهير إقليم النيل الأزرق بميدان المولد بمدينة الدمازين احتفالاً بتحرير مدينة الكرمك تأكيدًا للالتفاف الشعبي حول القوات المسلحة السودانية والقوات المساندة وتجديدًا للعهد بمواصلة حرب الكرامة حتى استكمال تحرير كل شبر بالإقليم. وأكّد حاكم إقليم النيل الأزرق الفريق أحمد العمدة بادي أنّ تحرير مدينة الكرمك يمثل نقطة تحول مهمة في مسار العمليات العسكرية وبداية لمرحلة عنوانها بسط الأمن والاستقرار وعودة المواطنين إلى مناطقهم مشيدًا ببطولات القوات المسلحة السودانية حيث قال "عندنا أقوى جيش في أفريقيا" والمستنفرين من الشعب السوداني الذي دعم وسند جيشه. من جانبه أوضح قائد الفرقة الرابعة مشاة اللواء الركن إسماعيل الطيب حسين أن استعادة الكرمك جاءت ثمرة لتخطيط عسكري محكم وبسالة المقاتلين في ميادين الشرف في زمن وجيز لم يتجاوز الثلاثة أشهر ، مؤكّداً أنّ القوات ستواصل عمليات التمشيط والتأمين ولن تتوقف حتى تطهير ما تبقى من المناطق وتأمين حدود الوطن مهنئاً مواطني الكرمك في معسكرات النزوج موجهاً رسالة القيادة لهم بالتريث ريثما تقوم القيادة العسكرية وحكومة الولاية بتوفير الخدمات الأساسية وتهيئة البيئة لهم . كما أكّدت محافظ محافظة الدمازين الأستاذة فواتح النور البشير أن الاحتفال القادم سيكون من داخل مدينة الكرمك بعد استكمال عمليات التأمين مشيرةً إلى أن الإقليم سيظل عصياً على كل من يحاول المساس بأمنه واستقراره. وجددت المقاومة الشعبية التزامها بمواصلة الإسناد والدعم للقوات المسلحة السودانية مؤكدة أن حرب الكرامة مستمرة حتى يتحقق النصر الكامل وأن وحدة الشعب خلف قواته المسلحة تمثل السلاح الأقوى في مواجهة التحديات. #فيديو Damazin – 9 July 2026 ▪︎ The Governor of the Blue Nile Region: The liberation of Al-Kurmuk city represents an important turning point and the beginning of a new phase focused on restoring security and stability and enabling citizens to return to their areas. ▪︎ Commander of the 4th Infantry Division: My message to the citizens of Al-Kurmuk currently staying in displacement camps is that the military leadership and the state government will work to provide basic services and create suitable conditions for their return. #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #الذكرى_ال٧٠_للاستقلال #غداً_نعود_حتماً_نعود #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia

القوات المسلحة السودانية

10,992 Aufrufe • vor 3 Monaten

A Circulated Video as Further Evidence of the Terrorist Nature of the Rapid Support Militia, and Why What Is Happening in Sudan Is Not a Civil War A recently circulated video has spread widely across Sudanese social media platforms, adding to an accumulating body of evidence documenting the violence and threats endured by Sudanese civilians for more than three years at the hands of the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed), which is backed by the United Arab Emirates. The footage shows three individuals. One of them, wearing the uniform of the Rapid Support Militia, is speaking to a well-known figure within the militia known by the nickname “Yajooj and Majooj.” This exchange is marked by explicit threats directed at the city of Omdurman. It begins with repeated statements about their intention to “enter on asphalt,” accompanied by assertions that they will not back down, followed by talk of “returning” to Omdurman as they had entered it before. This rhetoric, with its direct threats against civilians, clearly reflects the terrorist mindset prevailing within the militia. Within this exchange, the speaker addresses the people of Omdurman directly, stating that they have heard that residents “have gained weight, put on fat, rebuilt the city, and made it flourish again.” This statement constitutes an explicit admission that the Rapid Support Militia had previously destroyed the city, and that subsequent recovery came as a result of civilians returning and rebuilding after liberation by the Sudanese Armed Forces. This admission is immediately weaponized within a provocative threat, through the claim that the militia withdrew and deliberately allowed residents to “grow their feathers,” in preparation for returning to cut those feathers. It is widely known that the Rapid Support Militia left Khartoum and Omdurman after suffering a crushing defeat at the hands of the Sudanese Armed Forces. Nevertheless, this rhetoric is used to terrorize civilians, by threatening return, destruction, and revenge, and by transforming a military withdrawal into a tool of psychological intimidation directed at the population. The discourse then escalates to an even more explicit and dangerous level, as Yajooj and Majooj openly embraces looting, stating, “If you call us shafshafa, then we are shafshafa.” The term shafshafa is a colloquial expression referring to thugs and highway robbers who carry out violent looting outside any legal framework. This is followed by a direct threat of total destruction, as he declares that they will leave nothing behind, not even the bricks of Omdurman itself, expressing a clear intent to physically erase the city. The threats extend further to include historical and religious landmarks, with talk of removing them and taking them to Nyala. This rhetoric reflects a consistent pattern in the militia’s behavior, in which looting is presented as a deliberate choice, destruction is framed as an objective, cities are treated as spoils of war, and civilians are addressed as targets for collective punishment. These statements align with what has been documented on the ground across Sudan. Omdurman, Khartoum, Wad Madani, and large parts of Darfur have been subjected to systematic looting, arson, killings, sexual violence, and campaigns of intimidation that directly targeted civilians. What is said in this video corresponds closely with survivor testimonies, journalistic investigations, satellite imagery, and reports by humanitarian organizations. This video, along with many others, confirms that what is happening in Sudan is not a “civil war” between equal parties. Rather, it is organized violence carried out by an armed terrorist militia against civilian populations. This violence would not have reached its scale or persistence without direct external support from the authorities in Abu Dhabi, which enabled the militia to continue killing, looting, and terrorizing civilians. This support has manifested through funding, logistical assistance, the provision of weapons and mobility, as well as political and media cover, effectively prolonging the violence, turning cities into zones of systematic abuse, and forcing civilians to pay the price for this empowerment. This context further underscores that there is no moral, legal, or factual equivalence between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Militia. The former is a state institution, while the latter is built on looting, intimidation, and destruction. For Sudanese people, this video is not shocking. However, it adds yet another documented piece of evidence to a long and well-established record of violations. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
0:51

A Circulated Video as Further Evidence of the Terrorist Nature of the Rapid Support Militia, and Why What Is Happening in Sudan Is Not a Civil War A recently circulated video has spread widely across Sudanese social media platforms, adding to an accumulating body of evidence documenting the violence and threats endured by Sudanese civilians for more than three years at the hands of the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed), which is backed by the United Arab Emirates. The footage shows three individuals. One of them, wearing the uniform of the Rapid Support Militia, is speaking to a well-known figure within the militia known by the nickname “Yajooj and Majooj.” This exchange is marked by explicit threats directed at the city of Omdurman. It begins with repeated statements about their intention to “enter on asphalt,” accompanied by assertions that they will not back down, followed by talk of “returning” to Omdurman as they had entered it before. This rhetoric, with its direct threats against civilians, clearly reflects the terrorist mindset prevailing within the militia. Within this exchange, the speaker addresses the people of Omdurman directly, stating that they have heard that residents “have gained weight, put on fat, rebuilt the city, and made it flourish again.” This statement constitutes an explicit admission that the Rapid Support Militia had previously destroyed the city, and that subsequent recovery came as a result of civilians returning and rebuilding after liberation by the Sudanese Armed Forces. This admission is immediately weaponized within a provocative threat, through the claim that the militia withdrew and deliberately allowed residents to “grow their feathers,” in preparation for returning to cut those feathers. It is widely known that the Rapid Support Militia left Khartoum and Omdurman after suffering a crushing defeat at the hands of the Sudanese Armed Forces. Nevertheless, this rhetoric is used to terrorize civilians, by threatening return, destruction, and revenge, and by transforming a military withdrawal into a tool of psychological intimidation directed at the population. The discourse then escalates to an even more explicit and dangerous level, as Yajooj and Majooj openly embraces looting, stating, “If you call us shafshafa, then we are shafshafa.” The term shafshafa is a colloquial expression referring to thugs and highway robbers who carry out violent looting outside any legal framework. This is followed by a direct threat of total destruction, as he declares that they will leave nothing behind, not even the bricks of Omdurman itself, expressing a clear intent to physically erase the city. The threats extend further to include historical and religious landmarks, with talk of removing them and taking them to Nyala. This rhetoric reflects a consistent pattern in the militia’s behavior, in which looting is presented as a deliberate choice, destruction is framed as an objective, cities are treated as spoils of war, and civilians are addressed as targets for collective punishment. These statements align with what has been documented on the ground across Sudan. Omdurman, Khartoum, Wad Madani, and large parts of Darfur have been subjected to systematic looting, arson, killings, sexual violence, and campaigns of intimidation that directly targeted civilians. What is said in this video corresponds closely with survivor testimonies, journalistic investigations, satellite imagery, and reports by humanitarian organizations. This video, along with many others, confirms that what is happening in Sudan is not a “civil war” between equal parties. Rather, it is organized violence carried out by an armed terrorist militia against civilian populations. This violence would not have reached its scale or persistence without direct external support from the authorities in Abu Dhabi, which enabled the militia to continue killing, looting, and terrorizing civilians. This support has manifested through funding, logistical assistance, the provision of weapons and mobility, as well as political and media cover, effectively prolonging the violence, turning cities into zones of systematic abuse, and forcing civilians to pay the price for this empowerment. This context further underscores that there is no moral, legal, or factual equivalence between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Militia. The former is a state institution, while the latter is built on looting, intimidation, and destruction. For Sudanese people, this video is not shocking. However, it adds yet another documented piece of evidence to a long and well-established record of violations. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

19,343 Aufrufe • vor 8 Monaten

Al-Harith Idriss Exposes UAE’s Role in Fueling War and Atrocities in Sudan Before the UN Security Council In a powerful and unprecedented right of reply before the United Nations Security Council, Sudan’s Permanent Representative, Ambassador Al-Harith Idriss, directly accused the United Arab Emirates of waging a proxy war against Sudan through its sponsorship of the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). His address came as a firm rebuttal to the statement made earlier by the UAE’s representative and laid bare the full extent of Abu Dhabi’s involvement in arming, funding, and coordinating attacks that have led to mass killings across Sudan, particularly in El Fasher. Al-Harith Idriss began his reply with a sharp assertion: “There is no civil war in Sudan. It is a war and aggression waged by the UAE through its regional proxy, the Rapid Support Militia.” He emphasized that attempts to frame the conflict as an internal power struggle between two sides are a deliberate distortion meant to conceal external aggression. The ambassador expressed astonishment that “a representative of a state whose hands are stained with the blood of innocents in Sudan” could address the Security Council as if speaking on behalf of peace and stability. “Hearing that representative talk about Sudan as though it were under Abu Dhabi’s guardianship is an insult to this Council and a mockery of the blood of the children, women, and orphans killed daily with Emirati money and weapons,” he said. Citing investigative reports by The Wall Street Journal, The Guardian, and Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab, Idriss detailed the UAE’s direct coordination with the militia. He described a sophisticated network linking military experts in eastern Libya with a satellite command center in Abu Dhabi, responsible for directing operations on Sudanese soil. According to these reports, shipments of weapons, armored vehicle engines, and advanced targeting systems—some manufactured in member states of the Security Council—have been transferred to the militia. Idriss noted that “Libyan television channels confirmed the presence of more than ten military aircraft flying daily between the UAE and eastern Libya between October 25 and 26, just before the militia’s latest assault on El Fasher.” The ambassador also referenced Yale’s Humanitarian Research Lab, which confirmed, through satellite imagery, that mass executions took place between October 26 and 28 at El Fasher’s Saudi Hospital. “All patients and staff were executed in horrific ways by the militia, and doctors and medical workers were abducted,” he said. Al-Harith Idriss condemned the UAE’s actions as “a blatant violation of the UN Charter, the Charter of the Arab League, and this Council’s resolutions, which prohibit support for terrorist and unlawful armed groups.” He questioned the hypocrisy of a state that “speaks of peace in this chamber while filling Sudan’s skies with planes and ammunition sent to those who kill women and children, loot cities, and rape girls.” The ambassador went further, accusing the UAE of attempting to fragment Sudan and control parts of its territory to plunder its resources and gold, warning that such ambitions would fail. “Sudan, which stood by the Emirati people since the founding of their state, will never forget that Abu Dhabi was among the first to betray that goodwill and conspire against Sudan’s unity and stability,” he declared. Defending the honor of the Sudanese Armed Forces, Idriss reminded the Council that Sudanese soldiers fought alongside the Allies and Britain in the battles of Eritrea, Ethiopia, and North Africa during both World Wars. “Is this proud institution now to be replaced by barbaric militias you have condemned this evening?” he asked. He concluded by warning that the UAE will be remembered in Sudan’s collective memory as a symbol of political treachery and moral decay. “The UAE’s representative should have been seated not under this dome, but among the ranks of the criminal militia his country has financed,” he said. Despite the devastation, Idriss reaffirmed the resilience of the Sudanese people, asserting that no money, weapons, or political complicity can break their will. “Sudan has faced colonialism, tyranny, and oppression—and triumphed over them all. Today, it will defeat the Emirati aggression just as it defeated every invader before,” he vowed. Al-Harith Idriss closed with words that echoed across the chamber: “Before this Emirati aggression, Sudan stands with one motto left — the honor of the rifle.” His statement was a reminder that Sudan’s struggle is one of sovereignty, dignity, and survival. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
5:52

Al-Harith Idriss Exposes UAE’s Role in Fueling War and Atrocities in Sudan Before the UN Security Council In a powerful and unprecedented right of reply before the United Nations Security Council, Sudan’s Permanent Representative, Ambassador Al-Harith Idriss, directly accused the United Arab Emirates of waging a proxy war against Sudan through its sponsorship of the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). His address came as a firm rebuttal to the statement made earlier by the UAE’s representative and laid bare the full extent of Abu Dhabi’s involvement in arming, funding, and coordinating attacks that have led to mass killings across Sudan, particularly in El Fasher. Al-Harith Idriss began his reply with a sharp assertion: “There is no civil war in Sudan. It is a war and aggression waged by the UAE through its regional proxy, the Rapid Support Militia.” He emphasized that attempts to frame the conflict as an internal power struggle between two sides are a deliberate distortion meant to conceal external aggression. The ambassador expressed astonishment that “a representative of a state whose hands are stained with the blood of innocents in Sudan” could address the Security Council as if speaking on behalf of peace and stability. “Hearing that representative talk about Sudan as though it were under Abu Dhabi’s guardianship is an insult to this Council and a mockery of the blood of the children, women, and orphans killed daily with Emirati money and weapons,” he said. Citing investigative reports by The Wall Street Journal, The Guardian, and Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab, Idriss detailed the UAE’s direct coordination with the militia. He described a sophisticated network linking military experts in eastern Libya with a satellite command center in Abu Dhabi, responsible for directing operations on Sudanese soil. According to these reports, shipments of weapons, armored vehicle engines, and advanced targeting systems—some manufactured in member states of the Security Council—have been transferred to the militia. Idriss noted that “Libyan television channels confirmed the presence of more than ten military aircraft flying daily between the UAE and eastern Libya between October 25 and 26, just before the militia’s latest assault on El Fasher.” The ambassador also referenced Yale’s Humanitarian Research Lab, which confirmed, through satellite imagery, that mass executions took place between October 26 and 28 at El Fasher’s Saudi Hospital. “All patients and staff were executed in horrific ways by the militia, and doctors and medical workers were abducted,” he said. Al-Harith Idriss condemned the UAE’s actions as “a blatant violation of the UN Charter, the Charter of the Arab League, and this Council’s resolutions, which prohibit support for terrorist and unlawful armed groups.” He questioned the hypocrisy of a state that “speaks of peace in this chamber while filling Sudan’s skies with planes and ammunition sent to those who kill women and children, loot cities, and rape girls.” The ambassador went further, accusing the UAE of attempting to fragment Sudan and control parts of its territory to plunder its resources and gold, warning that such ambitions would fail. “Sudan, which stood by the Emirati people since the founding of their state, will never forget that Abu Dhabi was among the first to betray that goodwill and conspire against Sudan’s unity and stability,” he declared. Defending the honor of the Sudanese Armed Forces, Idriss reminded the Council that Sudanese soldiers fought alongside the Allies and Britain in the battles of Eritrea, Ethiopia, and North Africa during both World Wars. “Is this proud institution now to be replaced by barbaric militias you have condemned this evening?” he asked. He concluded by warning that the UAE will be remembered in Sudan’s collective memory as a symbol of political treachery and moral decay. “The UAE’s representative should have been seated not under this dome, but among the ranks of the criminal militia his country has financed,” he said. Despite the devastation, Idriss reaffirmed the resilience of the Sudanese people, asserting that no money, weapons, or political complicity can break their will. “Sudan has faced colonialism, tyranny, and oppression—and triumphed over them all. Today, it will defeat the Emirati aggression just as it defeated every invader before,” he vowed. Al-Harith Idriss closed with words that echoed across the chamber: “Before this Emirati aggression, Sudan stands with one motto left — the honor of the rifle.” His statement was a reminder that Sudan’s struggle is one of sovereignty, dignity, and survival. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

28,412 Aufrufe • vor 11 Monaten

Sudan Confronts the UAE at the UN: Al-Harith Idriss Exposes Abu Dhabi’s Role in Fueling War At today’s United Nations session, Sudan’s Permanent Representative to the UN, Al-Harith Idriss, delivered a forceful response to the UAE’s attempts to manipulate the narrative surrounding the war in Sudan. The session saw repeated exchanges between the two delegations, with Sudan directly accusing the UAE of fueling the war by funding and arming the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed), while the UAE scrambled to deflect responsibility. The UAE’s Opening Statement: A False Show of Neutrality The UAE representative began by expressing concern over the suffering of the Sudanese people, highlighting the urgent need for humanitarian aid and calling for stronger mechanisms to protect civilians. The speech was carefully crafted to present the UAE as a neutral party, advocating for a ceasefire and negotiations between both sides of the conflict. However, while Abu Dhabi attempted to position itself as a peace broker, the entire world knew that it was a key player in the war, not merely an external observer. Rather than addressing its well-documented role in fueling the war, the UAE attempted to shift the blame entirely onto "two warring generals." The representative condemned the violence, called for unrestricted humanitarian access, and even suggested adding conflict-related sexual violence as an independent criterion in the UN sanctions system. Yet, the very crimes the UAE claimed to denounce were being committed by the militia it continues to support. Al-Harith Idriss Responds: Exposing the UAE’s Criminal Role Al-Harith Idriss, Sudan’s Permanent Representative to the UN, wasted no time in dismantling the UAE’s façade of neutrality. Addressing the council, he delivered an unfiltered truth: the UAE is not a bystander in this war—it is an instigator. He accused Abu Dhabi of igniting and prolonging the war in Sudan, not out of any genuine concern for peace, but to occupy Sudan, seize its resources, and establish control through its proxies. His response was clear and backed by evidence. Idriss pointed to UN reports, congressional testimonies, and investigative findings that confirm the UAE’s support for the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). He detailed how Emirati drones and weapons have been used in at least 188 bombing raids in Darfur, how UAE aircraft have landed on dirt runways in Nyala to supply arms, and how Abu Dhabi has been using Chad as a staging ground for further attacks. He also exposed the fact that while the UAE claimed to be offering humanitarian assistance, its financial support was in fact being funneled into purchasing weapons for the militia. Sudan’s representative did not stop there. He called out the UAE for attempting to whitewash its involvement by referring vaguely to "foreign elements" in Sudan, when the only foreign actor arming and funding the militia is the UAE itself. He challenged the UN Security Council to explicitly name the UAE and hold it accountable for the destruction it has caused. The UAE’s Retaliation: Deflection and Denial In response, the UAE representative took the floor again, this time resorting to outright dismissal of Sudan’s accusations. The UAE accused Sudan of spreading "misinformation" and of using the UN platform to deflect from its own role in the conflict. With feigned indignation, the UAE insisted it was not involved in the war and was not taking sides, repeating the claim that "lies remain lies, no matter how often they are repeated." The UAE also sought to put the blame back on Sudan, questioning why the Sudanese Armed Forces had not agreed to a ceasefire and suggesting that the real obstacle to peace was Sudan’s refusal to engage in negotiations. It was a predictable attempt to divert attention from the core issue—Abu Dhabi’s direct role in sustaining the war. Al-Harith Idriss Strikes Back: The War Will Not End While the UAE Arms the Militia Unmoved by the UAE’s deflections, Al-Harith Idriss took the floor once again. He reiterated that Sudan was not making baseless allegations but presenting documented evidence that the UAE has fueled the war by equipping and financing the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). He reminded the council that Sudan had submitted a 74-page official complaint detailing the UAE’s role, citing reports from neutral institutions and testimony presented to the U.S. Congress. Idriss made it clear that the war would not stop while the UAE continued to support the militia. The Sudanese Armed Forces were fighting to reclaim the country from an armed group backed by a foreign power, not engaging in a meaningless internal dispute. He called on the UN to stop pretending this was a conflict between internal factions and recognize it for what it truly is: a foreign-backed attempt to destabilize Sudan and seize control of its resources. The UAE’s Last Word: A Desperate Attempt to Save Face Despite the overwhelming evidence against it, the UAE insisted on having the final word. Its representative once again accused Sudan of misrepresenting the situation, claiming that if Sudan’s leadership truly wanted peace, it would agree to a ceasefire and engage in dialogue rather than continuing military operations. The UAE accused Sudan of blocking humanitarian aid and attempting to spread "disinformation" to shift blame. Sudan’s Stand: No Peace While the UAE Fuels War The message from Sudan was clear: this war is not about two generals—it is about a nation resisting a foreign-backed occupation. The UAE has spent billions funding and arming a terrorist militia while pretending to call for peace. But Sudan sees through the deception. Sudan left no room for doubt—the war will only end when the UAE ceases its support for the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). Until then, Sudan will continue to fight, not just for its land, but for its sovereignty, its people, and its future. #Sudan #UAEKillsSudanesePeople
12:55

Sudan Confronts the UAE at the UN: Al-Harith Idriss Exposes Abu Dhabi’s Role in Fueling War At today’s United Nations session, Sudan’s Permanent Representative to the UN, Al-Harith Idriss, delivered a forceful response to the UAE’s attempts to manipulate the narrative surrounding the war in Sudan. The session saw repeated exchanges between the two delegations, with Sudan directly accusing the UAE of fueling the war by funding and arming the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed), while the UAE scrambled to deflect responsibility. The UAE’s Opening Statement: A False Show of Neutrality The UAE representative began by expressing concern over the suffering of the Sudanese people, highlighting the urgent need for humanitarian aid and calling for stronger mechanisms to protect civilians. The speech was carefully crafted to present the UAE as a neutral party, advocating for a ceasefire and negotiations between both sides of the conflict. However, while Abu Dhabi attempted to position itself as a peace broker, the entire world knew that it was a key player in the war, not merely an external observer. Rather than addressing its well-documented role in fueling the war, the UAE attempted to shift the blame entirely onto "two warring generals." The representative condemned the violence, called for unrestricted humanitarian access, and even suggested adding conflict-related sexual violence as an independent criterion in the UN sanctions system. Yet, the very crimes the UAE claimed to denounce were being committed by the militia it continues to support. Al-Harith Idriss Responds: Exposing the UAE’s Criminal Role Al-Harith Idriss, Sudan’s Permanent Representative to the UN, wasted no time in dismantling the UAE’s façade of neutrality. Addressing the council, he delivered an unfiltered truth: the UAE is not a bystander in this war—it is an instigator. He accused Abu Dhabi of igniting and prolonging the war in Sudan, not out of any genuine concern for peace, but to occupy Sudan, seize its resources, and establish control through its proxies. His response was clear and backed by evidence. Idriss pointed to UN reports, congressional testimonies, and investigative findings that confirm the UAE’s support for the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). He detailed how Emirati drones and weapons have been used in at least 188 bombing raids in Darfur, how UAE aircraft have landed on dirt runways in Nyala to supply arms, and how Abu Dhabi has been using Chad as a staging ground for further attacks. He also exposed the fact that while the UAE claimed to be offering humanitarian assistance, its financial support was in fact being funneled into purchasing weapons for the militia. Sudan’s representative did not stop there. He called out the UAE for attempting to whitewash its involvement by referring vaguely to "foreign elements" in Sudan, when the only foreign actor arming and funding the militia is the UAE itself. He challenged the UN Security Council to explicitly name the UAE and hold it accountable for the destruction it has caused. The UAE’s Retaliation: Deflection and Denial In response, the UAE representative took the floor again, this time resorting to outright dismissal of Sudan’s accusations. The UAE accused Sudan of spreading "misinformation" and of using the UN platform to deflect from its own role in the conflict. With feigned indignation, the UAE insisted it was not involved in the war and was not taking sides, repeating the claim that "lies remain lies, no matter how often they are repeated." The UAE also sought to put the blame back on Sudan, questioning why the Sudanese Armed Forces had not agreed to a ceasefire and suggesting that the real obstacle to peace was Sudan’s refusal to engage in negotiations. It was a predictable attempt to divert attention from the core issue—Abu Dhabi’s direct role in sustaining the war. Al-Harith Idriss Strikes Back: The War Will Not End While the UAE Arms the Militia Unmoved by the UAE’s deflections, Al-Harith Idriss took the floor once again. He reiterated that Sudan was not making baseless allegations but presenting documented evidence that the UAE has fueled the war by equipping and financing the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). He reminded the council that Sudan had submitted a 74-page official complaint detailing the UAE’s role, citing reports from neutral institutions and testimony presented to the U.S. Congress. Idriss made it clear that the war would not stop while the UAE continued to support the militia. The Sudanese Armed Forces were fighting to reclaim the country from an armed group backed by a foreign power, not engaging in a meaningless internal dispute. He called on the UN to stop pretending this was a conflict between internal factions and recognize it for what it truly is: a foreign-backed attempt to destabilize Sudan and seize control of its resources. The UAE’s Last Word: A Desperate Attempt to Save Face Despite the overwhelming evidence against it, the UAE insisted on having the final word. Its representative once again accused Sudan of misrepresenting the situation, claiming that if Sudan’s leadership truly wanted peace, it would agree to a ceasefire and engage in dialogue rather than continuing military operations. The UAE accused Sudan of blocking humanitarian aid and attempting to spread "disinformation" to shift blame. Sudan’s Stand: No Peace While the UAE Fuels War The message from Sudan was clear: this war is not about two generals—it is about a nation resisting a foreign-backed occupation. The UAE has spent billions funding and arming a terrorist militia while pretending to call for peace. But Sudan sees through the deception. Sudan left no room for doubt—the war will only end when the UAE ceases its support for the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). Until then, Sudan will continue to fight, not just for its land, but for its sovereignty, its people, and its future. #Sudan #UAEKillsSudanesePeople

Sudanese Echo

20,665 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

#TRANSCRIBED The U.S. warned that it is going to use “tools at its disposal” to hold Rwanda accountable, a "spoilers to peace”, referring to both Rwanda and M23. READ THE FULL TRANSCRIPT OF THE UNITED STATES' DURING TODAY'S UN SECURITY COUNCIL MEETING The United States is profoundly concerned and deeply disappointed by the renewed outbreak of violence in Eastern DRC. Today, I want to share additional information on the scale and sophistication of Rwanda’s involvement in the region. Since its re-emergence in 2021, Rwanda has maintained strategic control over its proxy armed group, M23, as well as M23’s political wing, the Congo River Alliance, also known as the AFC. Rwanda has deployed M23 and the AFC to further its geopolitical ambitions in Eastern DRC. Kigali has been directly involved in planning and executing the war, providing both military and political direction to M23 and the AFC. For years, the Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF) have supplied material, logistical, and training support to M23, and have fought alongside them in the DRC with approximately 5,000 to 7,000 troops as of early December — not accounting for any additional deployments during the recent escalation. In recent months, Rwanda has deployed multiple surface-to-air missile systems and other heavy, sophisticated weaponry into North and South Kivu to support M23 in its ongoing conflict with the DRC. Just this past weekend, M23 and Rwandan forces launched an offensive to seize Uvira, with RDF forces co-located on the frontlines with M23 fighters. We also have credible reports of increased use of suicide drones and artillery by both M23 and Rwanda, including artillery strikes into Burundi. Rather than a march toward peace — as seen in recent weeks under the leadership of President Trump through the Washington Accords — Rwanda is instead dragging the region back into greater instability and war. In light of the commitments made in Washington, we are deeply concerned about the continued presence of Rwandan military forces on Congolese soil in support of M23. The United States will use every tool at our disposal to hold accountable the spoilers of peace. We call on Rwanda to uphold its commitments and to fully recognize the Democratic Republic of Congo’s sovereign right to defend its territory, including the right to invite Burundian forces onto its land in response to aggression. We are engaging with all parties to urge restraint and to prevent further escalation — including calling for an end to hostile and ethnically charged anti-Tutsi rhetoric. As this Council continues to negotiate the renewal of the MONUSCO mandate, the United States will seek to ensure that the mission is empowered to support both the Doha and Washington agreements. While the parties themselves bear full responsibility for implementing these agreements, MONUSCO must have the freedom and capability to operate — including unimpeded mobility and logistical support. It is a sad hypocrisy that UN peacekeepers are under siege from forces backed by a UN member state — a state which also contributes troops to peacekeeping missions. The months-long M23 blockade on MONUSCO has severely impaired its ability to operate in and around Goma, as many have highlighted today. Furthermore, Rwanda continues to deploy surface-to-air missiles and conducts spoofing and jamming operations, effectively grounding MONUSCO’s air assets. Under such conditions, how can MONUSCO succeed? We demand the immediate cessation of these obstructions, which violate Rwanda’s and M23’s obligations under the Doha and Washington Agreements. The United States remains firm in its support for MONUSCO and its critical role in realizing these historic agreements, which we believe hold the potential to finally end decades of suffering in Eastern DRC.
5:39

#TRANSCRIBED The U.S. warned that it is going to use “tools at its disposal” to hold Rwanda accountable, a "spoilers to peace”, referring to both Rwanda and M23. READ THE FULL TRANSCRIPT OF THE UNITED STATES' DURING TODAY'S UN SECURITY COUNCIL MEETING The United States is profoundly concerned and deeply disappointed by the renewed outbreak of violence in Eastern DRC. Today, I want to share additional information on the scale and sophistication of Rwanda’s involvement in the region. Since its re-emergence in 2021, Rwanda has maintained strategic control over its proxy armed group, M23, as well as M23’s political wing, the Congo River Alliance, also known as the AFC. Rwanda has deployed M23 and the AFC to further its geopolitical ambitions in Eastern DRC. Kigali has been directly involved in planning and executing the war, providing both military and political direction to M23 and the AFC. For years, the Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF) have supplied material, logistical, and training support to M23, and have fought alongside them in the DRC with approximately 5,000 to 7,000 troops as of early December — not accounting for any additional deployments during the recent escalation. In recent months, Rwanda has deployed multiple surface-to-air missile systems and other heavy, sophisticated weaponry into North and South Kivu to support M23 in its ongoing conflict with the DRC. Just this past weekend, M23 and Rwandan forces launched an offensive to seize Uvira, with RDF forces co-located on the frontlines with M23 fighters. We also have credible reports of increased use of suicide drones and artillery by both M23 and Rwanda, including artillery strikes into Burundi. Rather than a march toward peace — as seen in recent weeks under the leadership of President Trump through the Washington Accords — Rwanda is instead dragging the region back into greater instability and war. In light of the commitments made in Washington, we are deeply concerned about the continued presence of Rwandan military forces on Congolese soil in support of M23. The United States will use every tool at our disposal to hold accountable the spoilers of peace. We call on Rwanda to uphold its commitments and to fully recognize the Democratic Republic of Congo’s sovereign right to defend its territory, including the right to invite Burundian forces onto its land in response to aggression. We are engaging with all parties to urge restraint and to prevent further escalation — including calling for an end to hostile and ethnically charged anti-Tutsi rhetoric. As this Council continues to negotiate the renewal of the MONUSCO mandate, the United States will seek to ensure that the mission is empowered to support both the Doha and Washington agreements. While the parties themselves bear full responsibility for implementing these agreements, MONUSCO must have the freedom and capability to operate — including unimpeded mobility and logistical support. It is a sad hypocrisy that UN peacekeepers are under siege from forces backed by a UN member state — a state which also contributes troops to peacekeeping missions. The months-long M23 blockade on MONUSCO has severely impaired its ability to operate in and around Goma, as many have highlighted today. Furthermore, Rwanda continues to deploy surface-to-air missiles and conducts spoofing and jamming operations, effectively grounding MONUSCO’s air assets. Under such conditions, how can MONUSCO succeed? We demand the immediate cessation of these obstructions, which violate Rwanda’s and M23’s obligations under the Doha and Washington Agreements. The United States remains firm in its support for MONUSCO and its critical role in realizing these historic agreements, which we believe hold the potential to finally end decades of suffering in Eastern DRC.

Xtrafrica

43,943 Aufrufe • vor 9 Monaten

Is Ethiopia a UAE Colony? Former Ethiopian Diplomat Says Abu Dhabi Controls Addis Ababa and Uses Ethiopian Territory to Supply the Rapid Support Militia Former Ethiopian diplomat Mohamed Hassan has described Ethiopia as a de facto colony of the United Arab Emirates, alleging that Abu Dhabi has captured the country’s political decision-making through financial influence, gold smuggling and proxy warfare. “In fact, the United Arab Emirates is the decision-maker in Addis Ababa,” Hassan said in an exclusive interview with Sovereign Media’s Ahmed Kaballo. The veteran Marxist thinker argued that the UAE has used its vast financial resources to buy the loyalty of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, turning him into what Hassan called a “puppet” who advances Emirati interests across the region. Hassan said this relationship serves two principal Emirati strategies. The first centres on extracting Sudan’s resources and expanding Abu Dhabi’s control over strategic ports, a policy he described as “port imperialism”. According to Hassan, the UAE oversees large-scale operations to smuggle gold from Sudan’s extensive reserves, routing the stolen wealth through states under its influence, including Ethiopia and Chad, before it reaches Abu Dhabi. The second strategy, he said, involves using Ethiopian territory to sustain the war against Sudan. Hassan alleged that Abiy Ahmed’s government trains fighters from the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia inside Ethiopia and facilitates the movement of weapons and mercenaries across the border to support the militia’s war against Sudan and its people. Hassan’s allegations come amid growing evidence of Ethiopian involvement in supporting the militia. In February 2026, Reuters revealed a covert training camp in Ethiopia’s Benishangul-Gumuz region, about 32 kilometres from the Sudanese border. An Ethiopian security document reviewed by the agency said 4,300 fighters were training there and receiving logistical and military supplies from the UAE, while a diplomatic cable put the camp’s capacity at up to 10,000. Eight sources said Abu Dhabi financed the facility and provided trainers and logistical support, although Reuters could not independently verify the Emirati financing. In April, Middle East Eye reported that satellite imagery showed an Ethiopian army base in Asosa connected to UAE supply lines and facilitating support for the militia. Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab subsequently documented continued activity consistent with military assistance at the base. Its latest alert, published on 28 August 2026, identified about 100 newly arrived light technical vehicles, 15 vehicles consistent with armoured personnel carriers, cargo containers and transport trucks. Yale assessed that the assembled vehicles could transport between 750 and 1,000 personnel and warned that the buildup increased the threat of a significant and imminent militia attack on Ad-Damazin, the capital of Sudan’s Blue Nile State. Sudan has also accused Ethiopia of allowing long-range drones to operate from its territory. In May, the Sudanese Armed Forces said evidence recovered from a downed drone linked attacks on Khartoum and other Sudanese cities to Ethiopia’s Bahir Dar airport and the UAE. Reuters could not independently verify the allegation. Ethiopia dismissed it as baseless, while the UAE has denied supporting the militia or participating in Sudan’s war. Hassan linked this foreign domination to Ethiopia’s deepening domestic crisis, arguing that Abiy Ahmed is steadily losing control of the country. “Of course, Abiy Ahmed is losing most parts of the country. The whole northern Ethiopia is out of his hand. Probably he might even collapse very soon,” Hassan told Kaballo. He also blamed Abiy Ahmed, along with previous governments, for the systematic deterioration of Ethiopia’s state institutions and education system. Hassan cited a World Bank report which, he said, places Ethiopia’s human capital among the worst in Africa. He also referred to figures he attributed to Ethiopia’s Ministry of Education indicating that 42 per cent of graduates are unable to find employment. Hassan’s remarks present a stark Ethiopian critique of Abu Dhabi’s growing regional power. His account describes an arrangement built on financial capture, resource extraction, strategic ports and the use of Ethiopian territory to channel weapons and mercenaries to the Rapid Support Militia, leaving the Sudanese and Ethiopian people to bear the consequences. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
3:19

Is Ethiopia a UAE Colony? Former Ethiopian Diplomat Says Abu Dhabi Controls Addis Ababa and Uses Ethiopian Territory to Supply the Rapid Support Militia Former Ethiopian diplomat Mohamed Hassan has described Ethiopia as a de facto colony of the United Arab Emirates, alleging that Abu Dhabi has captured the country’s political decision-making through financial influence, gold smuggling and proxy warfare. “In fact, the United Arab Emirates is the decision-maker in Addis Ababa,” Hassan said in an exclusive interview with Sovereign Media’s Ahmed Kaballo. The veteran Marxist thinker argued that the UAE has used its vast financial resources to buy the loyalty of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, turning him into what Hassan called a “puppet” who advances Emirati interests across the region. Hassan said this relationship serves two principal Emirati strategies. The first centres on extracting Sudan’s resources and expanding Abu Dhabi’s control over strategic ports, a policy he described as “port imperialism”. According to Hassan, the UAE oversees large-scale operations to smuggle gold from Sudan’s extensive reserves, routing the stolen wealth through states under its influence, including Ethiopia and Chad, before it reaches Abu Dhabi. The second strategy, he said, involves using Ethiopian territory to sustain the war against Sudan. Hassan alleged that Abiy Ahmed’s government trains fighters from the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia inside Ethiopia and facilitates the movement of weapons and mercenaries across the border to support the militia’s war against Sudan and its people. Hassan’s allegations come amid growing evidence of Ethiopian involvement in supporting the militia. In February 2026, Reuters revealed a covert training camp in Ethiopia’s Benishangul-Gumuz region, about 32 kilometres from the Sudanese border. An Ethiopian security document reviewed by the agency said 4,300 fighters were training there and receiving logistical and military supplies from the UAE, while a diplomatic cable put the camp’s capacity at up to 10,000. Eight sources said Abu Dhabi financed the facility and provided trainers and logistical support, although Reuters could not independently verify the Emirati financing. In April, Middle East Eye reported that satellite imagery showed an Ethiopian army base in Asosa connected to UAE supply lines and facilitating support for the militia. Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab subsequently documented continued activity consistent with military assistance at the base. Its latest alert, published on 28 August 2026, identified about 100 newly arrived light technical vehicles, 15 vehicles consistent with armoured personnel carriers, cargo containers and transport trucks. Yale assessed that the assembled vehicles could transport between 750 and 1,000 personnel and warned that the buildup increased the threat of a significant and imminent militia attack on Ad-Damazin, the capital of Sudan’s Blue Nile State. Sudan has also accused Ethiopia of allowing long-range drones to operate from its territory. In May, the Sudanese Armed Forces said evidence recovered from a downed drone linked attacks on Khartoum and other Sudanese cities to Ethiopia’s Bahir Dar airport and the UAE. Reuters could not independently verify the allegation. Ethiopia dismissed it as baseless, while the UAE has denied supporting the militia or participating in Sudan’s war. Hassan linked this foreign domination to Ethiopia’s deepening domestic crisis, arguing that Abiy Ahmed is steadily losing control of the country. “Of course, Abiy Ahmed is losing most parts of the country. The whole northern Ethiopia is out of his hand. Probably he might even collapse very soon,” Hassan told Kaballo. He also blamed Abiy Ahmed, along with previous governments, for the systematic deterioration of Ethiopia’s state institutions and education system. Hassan cited a World Bank report which, he said, places Ethiopia’s human capital among the worst in Africa. He also referred to figures he attributed to Ethiopia’s Ministry of Education indicating that 42 per cent of graduates are unable to find employment. Hassan’s remarks present a stark Ethiopian critique of Abu Dhabi’s growing regional power. His account describes an arrangement built on financial capture, resource extraction, strategic ports and the use of Ethiopian territory to channel weapons and mercenaries to the Rapid Support Militia, leaving the Sudanese and Ethiopian people to bear the consequences. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

13,654 Aufrufe • vor 1 Monat

من واشنطن: السودان | استخدام الجيش السوداني لأسلحة كيميائية ضد الدعم السريع تتوالى الفضائح…هذه المرة فضيحة مدوية نشطاء سعوديون يحاولوا توريط قطر في حين يرد القطريون الصفعة صفعتين بينما الإماراتيون ينئون بأنفسهم عن التراشق ويكتفون ب "حنا لحمتنا مرة" كشف تحقيق صحفي بارز نشرته صحيفتا "نيويورك تايمز" و"واشنطن بوست" عن قيام القوات المسلحة السودانية بنشر مخزون يضم ٢٩٠ قنبلة من العوامل الكيميائية المقيدة القائمة على الكلور، واستخدامها في هجوم ضد قوات الدعم السريع.وتخوض القوات المسلحة السودانية، المعروفة بعلاقاتها القوية مع جماعة الإخوان المسلمين—المصنفة كمنظمة إرهابية من قبل إدارة ترامب—حربا أهلية طويلة ضد غريمتها قوات الدعم السريع المدعومة من دولة الإمارات. ويسلط التقرير الضوء على شبكة واسعة من الوثائق التي تفصل التدخل المتصارع للقوى الإقليمية. وفي أعقاب هذه الفضيحة المدوية، اندلعت حرب اتهامات دبلوماسية؛ حيث وجه المدافعون عن السعودية أصابع الاتهام إلى قطر، زاعمين وجود دافع لديها لدعم الإخوان المسلمين، في حين رد المدافعون عن قطر باتهام السعودية، معتبرين أن الرياض تملك الدافع المباشر نظرا لدعمها العلني للجيش السوداني وتحالفها السري المزعوم مع الإخوان ضد مصالح الإمارات.وبغض النظر عن هذا التراشق الإقليمي، فإن الاستخبارات الأمريكية تمتلك أدلة قاطعة وتفصيلية تكشف كامل مخططات التمويل والخدمات اللوجستية، بما في ذلك تسجيلات فيديو وصوت، ومكالمات هاتفية مسجلة، ورسائل نصية، ووثائق، ومخططات بيانية، وأدلة مالية. وتؤكد هذه الأدلة استخدام هذا المخزون الكيميائي في مصفاة الجيلي للنفط، وهو هجوم وثقته رسالة نصية تم اعتراضها جاء فيها: "لقد شربوا الغاز"، وأرفق بها مقطع فيديو يوثق تداعيات الهجوم على مقاتلي الدعم السريع.وقد حاول قائد القوات المسلحة السودانية، الفريق أول عبد الفتاح البرهان، خداع المحققين عند مواجهته بتحقيق رسمي أمريكي. ورغم ذلك، تؤكد المصادر أن الاستخبارات الأمريكية قد تحققت بالفعل من الأطراف المتورطة والدوافع الكامنة وراء دعمهم الخارجي. ونتيجة لذلك، تدرس واشنطن والأمم المتحدة فرض عقوبات مستهدفة ليس فقط على القوات المسلحة السودانية، بل وأيضا على الدولة التي تمول هذه العمليات. ويشكل استخدام هذه العوامل الكيميائية انتهاكا مباشرا لاتفاقية حظر الأسلحة الكيميائية لعام ١٩٩٧ التي وقع عليها السودان، مما يعرض الأطراف المسؤولة للملاحقة بتهم ارتكاب جرائم حرب بموجب نظام روما الأساسي للمحكمة الجنائية الدولية. A major breaking investigation first published by The New York Times and The Washington Post has revealed that the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) deployed a stockpile of 290 restricted, chlorine-based chemical agents in an attack against the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF).The SAF, known for its strong ties to the Muslim Brotherhood—an organization designated as a terrorist group by the Trump administration—is locked in a long civil war against its rival, the UAE-backed RSF. The report highlights an extensive trail of documentation detailing the opposing involvement of regional powers. In the wake of this massive scandal, a diplomatic blame game has erupted: defenders of Saudi Arabia point fingers at Qatar, citing its alleged motive to support the Muslim Brotherhood. Conversely, defenders of Qatar point back at Saudi Arabia, arguing Riyadh has the direct motive due to its overt backing of the Sudanese army and an alleged covert alliance with the Brotherhood against UAE interests.Regardless of the regional fallout, U.S. intelligence possesses indisputable, detailed visibility over the entire financing and logistics scheme. This includes video and audio recordings, intercepted phone calls, text messages, documents, charts, and financial evidence. The intelligence confirms that this chemical stockpile was used at the Al-Jaili Oil Refinery, a strike documented in an intercepted text message stating, "They drank the gas," which accompanied a video of an RSF fighter with severely charred skin.When confronted during a formal U.S. inquiry, SAF Chief General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan attempted to deceive investigators. However, sources confirm that U.S. intelligence has successfully verified the implicated parties and the underlying motives of their foreign supporters. Consequently, Washington and the United Nations are weighing targeted sanctions not only against the Sudanese Armed Forces, but also against the specific country financing the operation. The deployment of these agents directly violates the 1997 Chemical Weapons Convention signed by Sudan, subjecting the responsible parties to war crimes charges under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. #Sudan #SodomyArabia #AbductedAgain #UAE Basha باشا Middle East Eye OPCW UK Delegation to the OPCW
2:12

من واشنطن: السودان | استخدام الجيش السوداني لأسلحة كيميائية ضد الدعم السريع تتوالى الفضائح…هذه المرة فضيحة مدوية نشطاء سعوديون يحاولوا توريط قطر في حين يرد القطريون الصفعة صفعتين بينما الإماراتيون ينئون بأنفسهم عن التراشق ويكتفون ب "حنا لحمتنا مرة" كشف تحقيق صحفي بارز نشرته صحيفتا "نيويورك تايمز" و"واشنطن بوست" عن قيام القوات المسلحة السودانية بنشر مخزون يضم ٢٩٠ قنبلة من العوامل الكيميائية المقيدة القائمة على الكلور، واستخدامها في هجوم ضد قوات الدعم السريع.وتخوض القوات المسلحة السودانية، المعروفة بعلاقاتها القوية مع جماعة الإخوان المسلمين—المصنفة كمنظمة إرهابية من قبل إدارة ترامب—حربا أهلية طويلة ضد غريمتها قوات الدعم السريع المدعومة من دولة الإمارات. ويسلط التقرير الضوء على شبكة واسعة من الوثائق التي تفصل التدخل المتصارع للقوى الإقليمية. وفي أعقاب هذه الفضيحة المدوية، اندلعت حرب اتهامات دبلوماسية؛ حيث وجه المدافعون عن السعودية أصابع الاتهام إلى قطر، زاعمين وجود دافع لديها لدعم الإخوان المسلمين، في حين رد المدافعون عن قطر باتهام السعودية، معتبرين أن الرياض تملك الدافع المباشر نظرا لدعمها العلني للجيش السوداني وتحالفها السري المزعوم مع الإخوان ضد مصالح الإمارات.وبغض النظر عن هذا التراشق الإقليمي، فإن الاستخبارات الأمريكية تمتلك أدلة قاطعة وتفصيلية تكشف كامل مخططات التمويل والخدمات اللوجستية، بما في ذلك تسجيلات فيديو وصوت، ومكالمات هاتفية مسجلة، ورسائل نصية، ووثائق، ومخططات بيانية، وأدلة مالية. وتؤكد هذه الأدلة استخدام هذا المخزون الكيميائي في مصفاة الجيلي للنفط، وهو هجوم وثقته رسالة نصية تم اعتراضها جاء فيها: "لقد شربوا الغاز"، وأرفق بها مقطع فيديو يوثق تداعيات الهجوم على مقاتلي الدعم السريع.وقد حاول قائد القوات المسلحة السودانية، الفريق أول عبد الفتاح البرهان، خداع المحققين عند مواجهته بتحقيق رسمي أمريكي. ورغم ذلك، تؤكد المصادر أن الاستخبارات الأمريكية قد تحققت بالفعل من الأطراف المتورطة والدوافع الكامنة وراء دعمهم الخارجي. ونتيجة لذلك، تدرس واشنطن والأمم المتحدة فرض عقوبات مستهدفة ليس فقط على القوات المسلحة السودانية، بل وأيضا على الدولة التي تمول هذه العمليات. ويشكل استخدام هذه العوامل الكيميائية انتهاكا مباشرا لاتفاقية حظر الأسلحة الكيميائية لعام ١٩٩٧ التي وقع عليها السودان، مما يعرض الأطراف المسؤولة للملاحقة بتهم ارتكاب جرائم حرب بموجب نظام روما الأساسي للمحكمة الجنائية الدولية. A major breaking investigation first published by The New York Times and The Washington Post has revealed that the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) deployed a stockpile of 290 restricted, chlorine-based chemical agents in an attack against the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF).The SAF, known for its strong ties to the Muslim Brotherhood—an organization designated as a terrorist group by the Trump administration—is locked in a long civil war against its rival, the UAE-backed RSF. The report highlights an extensive trail of documentation detailing the opposing involvement of regional powers. In the wake of this massive scandal, a diplomatic blame game has erupted: defenders of Saudi Arabia point fingers at Qatar, citing its alleged motive to support the Muslim Brotherhood. Conversely, defenders of Qatar point back at Saudi Arabia, arguing Riyadh has the direct motive due to its overt backing of the Sudanese army and an alleged covert alliance with the Brotherhood against UAE interests.Regardless of the regional fallout, U.S. intelligence possesses indisputable, detailed visibility over the entire financing and logistics scheme. This includes video and audio recordings, intercepted phone calls, text messages, documents, charts, and financial evidence. The intelligence confirms that this chemical stockpile was used at the Al-Jaili Oil Refinery, a strike documented in an intercepted text message stating, "They drank the gas," which accompanied a video of an RSF fighter with severely charred skin.When confronted during a formal U.S. inquiry, SAF Chief General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan attempted to deceive investigators. However, sources confirm that U.S. intelligence has successfully verified the implicated parties and the underlying motives of their foreign supporters. Consequently, Washington and the United Nations are weighing targeted sanctions not only against the Sudanese Armed Forces, but also against the specific country financing the operation. The deployment of these agents directly violates the 1997 Chemical Weapons Convention signed by Sudan, subjecting the responsible parties to war crimes charges under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. #Sudan #SodomyArabia #AbductedAgain #UAE Basha باشا Middle East Eye OPCW UK Delegation to the OPCW

Max Morgan

51,179 Aufrufe • vor 28 Tagen

“We Raped Your Daughter and Wife in Front of You. You Are Not a Man”: Samer Osman Recounts How a Sudanese Officer Died of Anguish Inside a UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia Detention Centre In a harrowing video testimony, Samer Osman recounts one of the most painful incidents he witnessed inside a detention centre operated by the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia in Khartoum. His account centres on a captured Sudanese officer lying on the floor with his hands tightly bound behind his back. According to Osman, a militia member named Abdullah stood before the prisoner and told him: “We raped your daughter and your wife in front of you. Where is your manhood now?” The man laughed and boasted about what he said they had done before telling the bound officer: “You are not a man.” When the officer heard those words, he tried to reach Abdullah despite the restraints holding his hands behind his back. He threw his body forward with whatever strength he had left, falling from side to side as he struggled to stand, defend himself or reach the man boasting about the rape of his family. Abdullah then kicked him in the stomach and face as he lay bound on the ground, and walked away. The words were more painful than the kicks. Osman said the other detainees became enraged when they heard the taunt. They were watching a helpless man being psychologically destroyed while his tormentor laughed and used the reported rape of his wife and daughter to humiliate him. Militia guards opened the detention-cell door and fired at the prisoners, killing eleven of them, according to Osman’s testimony. Eleven men died. Yet Osman said that, at that moment, even the pain of their deaths felt less devastating than the words Abdullah had spoken. Every prisoner understood what the militia was doing. It was attacking the officer’s body, dignity, memory and family at the same time, turning his wife and daughter into instruments of torture and leaving him trapped with the image of them in the hands of men who boasted about abusing them. The officer remained bound in the same position. For three days, he kept his head lowered to the ground and refused food and water. The detainees gave him portions of their meagre food and scarce water, brought the plate close to his face, surrendered their own rations and tried to feed him with their hands. He turned his head away and spat out the food, even when they placed it in his mouth. They remained thirsty so that he could have their water. The other prisoners gathered around a man overwhelmed by trauma and pleaded with him to eat, drink and speak. A religious elder named Sheikh Ali repeatedly came to him, reminding him of God and speaking about faith, goodness and the Quran, trying to hold on to his spirit before it slipped away. After three days, the officer finally said: “I just want to breathe.” Some detainees removed their torn shirts and used them to fan him. They offered him water, and he took one sip before saying that he wanted no more. Osman urged him to speak: “My brother, please talk. Let out what is inside you. Try.” The officer raised his head, looked at him with bloodshot eyes and said: “Leave me alone, everyone. Please, leave me alone.” Then he gave the detainees his final instruction: “Whoever among you gets out alive, I entrust him with seeking justice for my wife and daughter.” When the time came for Fajr, the Muslim dawn prayer, they tried to lift him into a position in which he could pray. The militia had refused to remove his restraints from the moment he was brought into the detention centre. They lifted him upright, and he collapsed onto his right side. They tried to support him again, but he could no longer hold himself up. One prisoner held him while another religious elder, Sheikh Khalid, came to help. “He has become heavy,” Sheikh Khalid said. He touched the officer and then told the others: “May God have mercy on him.” The man died bound at dawn. According to Osman, the officer died from overwhelming anguish and oppression, left alone with the image of his wife and daughter and what the militia member claimed had been done to them. At the time the testimony was recorded, Osman said the detainees still did not know whether the two women were alive, whether the militia had killed them or what had happened to them. The reported rape and their fate remain part of Osman’s testimony, with no independent information available to confirm the details. Osman’s account illuminates the wider system of torture established by the Rapid Support Militia across Khartoum. The militia converted civilian buildings, schools and military facilities into detention centres where prisoners described beatings, starvation, humiliation, psychological torture and executions. It left behind emaciated survivors, burial sites and thousands of families still searching for missing relatives. In March 2025, the Guardian published an investigation from a former militia base near the village of Garri, approximately 70 kilometres north of Khartoum, after the Sudanese military recaptured the site. Journalists found a previously unknown detention centre with shackles hanging from doors, apparent punishment chambers and bloodstains on the floor. Nearby, they discovered an extensive burial ground containing at least 550 unmarked graves, some of which appeared to contain more than one body. The newspaper reported that more than 500 people may have been tortured or starved to death before being buried there. Doctors examined 135 civilians rescued from the detention centre and found widespread signs of torture and chronic malnutrition. Some survivors were unable to walk and had to be carried outside, while many were too traumatised to speak. Satellite imagery showed that the graves appeared after the militia seized the base, and a Human Rights Watch expert said the site could constitute one of the largest atrocity crime scenes discovered in Sudan since the war began. Read the Guardian investigation The Guardian later reported the story of Alwaleed Abdeen, a 35-year-old Sudanese entrepreneur held for six months inside a school that the militia had converted into a prison in Jebel Aulia, south of Khartoum. In the last video recorded after his rescue, Abdeen was so emaciated that his friends struggled to recognise him even after he spoke his name. His bones were visible beneath his skin after months of starvation and torture, and he later died in hospital. Read the Guardian report on Alwaleed Abdeen The individual incident described by Osman still requires an independent investigation, yet its details fit a documented pattern that emerged as the militia was driven from extensive areas of Khartoum, Omdurman and Bahri: secret detention centres, starvation, restraints, beatings, humiliation, deaths in custody and burial grounds beside the places where prisoners were tortured. Those responsible for such acts have stripped themselves of every trace of humanity. Armed thugs were transformed into a military and political project through the continued flow of weapons, money and foreign logistical support. Over the course of Sudan’s war, hundreds of reports, investigations, documented materials, UN findings and official assessments have built an extensive, cumulative record of multifaceted Emirati support for the Rapid Support Militia. This evidence has drawn on flight data, satellite imagery, weapons and ammunition analysis, export documentation, commercial records and witness testimony. Together, these sources have revealed a support system involving weapons, ammunition, drones, military vehicles, financing, logistics, training networks and foreign mercenaries, alongside political, diplomatic and media support that helped the militia sustain its war and crimes against the Sudanese people. The UAE has repeatedly denied providing military support to the militia. This testimony also provides a clear answer to those who try to manufacture a divide between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Sudanese people. Army officers are part of the Sudanese people, drawn from the same homes, neighbourhoods, towns and villages. They and their families have endured the same killings, detention, torture, displacement and abuses inflicted on civilians, and in many cases have faced additional targeting because of their military service. That officer was a Sudanese man, a husband and a father before every other title, and his tragedy formed part of the tragedy of an entire nation. Osman’s testimony also answers a question often asked by those who struggle to understand why Sudanese people continue to fight and mobilise in defence of their cities and homeland. The answer lies inside that detention centre. People fight because they have seen what the Janjaweed, the militias from which the Rapid Support Militia emerged, did when they seized neighbourhoods, homes and the bodies of civilians. They fight so that another bound man will never have to face someone boasting about raping his wife and daughter. They mobilise so that schools do not become prisons, football fields do not become graveyards, homes do not become military barracks, and women are never again used as instruments for torturing their husbands and fathers. After all this, some advocates of political settlements continue asking Sudanese people to negotiate with the militia’s commanders and grant them a new position in government. The meaning of such a proposal is clear: reward armed men for what they have done and return the tormentor to power over his victims through a political agreement. Negotiations can serve specific purposes, including ending the fighting, securing the militia’s disarmament, releasing detainees, determining the fate of the disappeared, opening burial sites to investigation and holding those responsible accountable. A settlement that preserves the militia’s army, influence and share of political power would amount to political surrender before a project built through killing, rape, torture and humiliation. The Sudanese people reject any military or political role for this militia in the country’s future government. That rejection will endure however long the road becomes, even if the war continues for years, because allowing the militia to remain within the state would leave every Sudanese family living under the threat of the detention cell, the torturer and the mass grave. Osman addressed the officer who had died in restraints: “By God, as you lie in your grave, your daughter and wife have been avenged many times over.” Those words carry the pain of a survivor and the anger of an entire people. The justice Sudan needs begins with defeating the militia’s project, disarming it, holding its commanders and perpetrators accountable, confronting those who armed it, and ensuring that it never returns to rule Sudanese people under any name or political settlement. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
7:11

“We Raped Your Daughter and Wife in Front of You. You Are Not a Man”: Samer Osman Recounts How a Sudanese Officer Died of Anguish Inside a UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia Detention Centre In a harrowing video testimony, Samer Osman recounts one of the most painful incidents he witnessed inside a detention centre operated by the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia in Khartoum. His account centres on a captured Sudanese officer lying on the floor with his hands tightly bound behind his back. According to Osman, a militia member named Abdullah stood before the prisoner and told him: “We raped your daughter and your wife in front of you. Where is your manhood now?” The man laughed and boasted about what he said they had done before telling the bound officer: “You are not a man.” When the officer heard those words, he tried to reach Abdullah despite the restraints holding his hands behind his back. He threw his body forward with whatever strength he had left, falling from side to side as he struggled to stand, defend himself or reach the man boasting about the rape of his family. Abdullah then kicked him in the stomach and face as he lay bound on the ground, and walked away. The words were more painful than the kicks. Osman said the other detainees became enraged when they heard the taunt. They were watching a helpless man being psychologically destroyed while his tormentor laughed and used the reported rape of his wife and daughter to humiliate him. Militia guards opened the detention-cell door and fired at the prisoners, killing eleven of them, according to Osman’s testimony. Eleven men died. Yet Osman said that, at that moment, even the pain of their deaths felt less devastating than the words Abdullah had spoken. Every prisoner understood what the militia was doing. It was attacking the officer’s body, dignity, memory and family at the same time, turning his wife and daughter into instruments of torture and leaving him trapped with the image of them in the hands of men who boasted about abusing them. The officer remained bound in the same position. For three days, he kept his head lowered to the ground and refused food and water. The detainees gave him portions of their meagre food and scarce water, brought the plate close to his face, surrendered their own rations and tried to feed him with their hands. He turned his head away and spat out the food, even when they placed it in his mouth. They remained thirsty so that he could have their water. The other prisoners gathered around a man overwhelmed by trauma and pleaded with him to eat, drink and speak. A religious elder named Sheikh Ali repeatedly came to him, reminding him of God and speaking about faith, goodness and the Quran, trying to hold on to his spirit before it slipped away. After three days, the officer finally said: “I just want to breathe.” Some detainees removed their torn shirts and used them to fan him. They offered him water, and he took one sip before saying that he wanted no more. Osman urged him to speak: “My brother, please talk. Let out what is inside you. Try.” The officer raised his head, looked at him with bloodshot eyes and said: “Leave me alone, everyone. Please, leave me alone.” Then he gave the detainees his final instruction: “Whoever among you gets out alive, I entrust him with seeking justice for my wife and daughter.” When the time came for Fajr, the Muslim dawn prayer, they tried to lift him into a position in which he could pray. The militia had refused to remove his restraints from the moment he was brought into the detention centre. They lifted him upright, and he collapsed onto his right side. They tried to support him again, but he could no longer hold himself up. One prisoner held him while another religious elder, Sheikh Khalid, came to help. “He has become heavy,” Sheikh Khalid said. He touched the officer and then told the others: “May God have mercy on him.” The man died bound at dawn. According to Osman, the officer died from overwhelming anguish and oppression, left alone with the image of his wife and daughter and what the militia member claimed had been done to them. At the time the testimony was recorded, Osman said the detainees still did not know whether the two women were alive, whether the militia had killed them or what had happened to them. The reported rape and their fate remain part of Osman’s testimony, with no independent information available to confirm the details. Osman’s account illuminates the wider system of torture established by the Rapid Support Militia across Khartoum. The militia converted civilian buildings, schools and military facilities into detention centres where prisoners described beatings, starvation, humiliation, psychological torture and executions. It left behind emaciated survivors, burial sites and thousands of families still searching for missing relatives. In March 2025, the Guardian published an investigation from a former militia base near the village of Garri, approximately 70 kilometres north of Khartoum, after the Sudanese military recaptured the site. Journalists found a previously unknown detention centre with shackles hanging from doors, apparent punishment chambers and bloodstains on the floor. Nearby, they discovered an extensive burial ground containing at least 550 unmarked graves, some of which appeared to contain more than one body. The newspaper reported that more than 500 people may have been tortured or starved to death before being buried there. Doctors examined 135 civilians rescued from the detention centre and found widespread signs of torture and chronic malnutrition. Some survivors were unable to walk and had to be carried outside, while many were too traumatised to speak. Satellite imagery showed that the graves appeared after the militia seized the base, and a Human Rights Watch expert said the site could constitute one of the largest atrocity crime scenes discovered in Sudan since the war began. Read the Guardian investigation The Guardian later reported the story of Alwaleed Abdeen, a 35-year-old Sudanese entrepreneur held for six months inside a school that the militia had converted into a prison in Jebel Aulia, south of Khartoum. In the last video recorded after his rescue, Abdeen was so emaciated that his friends struggled to recognise him even after he spoke his name. His bones were visible beneath his skin after months of starvation and torture, and he later died in hospital. Read the Guardian report on Alwaleed Abdeen The individual incident described by Osman still requires an independent investigation, yet its details fit a documented pattern that emerged as the militia was driven from extensive areas of Khartoum, Omdurman and Bahri: secret detention centres, starvation, restraints, beatings, humiliation, deaths in custody and burial grounds beside the places where prisoners were tortured. Those responsible for such acts have stripped themselves of every trace of humanity. Armed thugs were transformed into a military and political project through the continued flow of weapons, money and foreign logistical support. Over the course of Sudan’s war, hundreds of reports, investigations, documented materials, UN findings and official assessments have built an extensive, cumulative record of multifaceted Emirati support for the Rapid Support Militia. This evidence has drawn on flight data, satellite imagery, weapons and ammunition analysis, export documentation, commercial records and witness testimony. Together, these sources have revealed a support system involving weapons, ammunition, drones, military vehicles, financing, logistics, training networks and foreign mercenaries, alongside political, diplomatic and media support that helped the militia sustain its war and crimes against the Sudanese people. The UAE has repeatedly denied providing military support to the militia. This testimony also provides a clear answer to those who try to manufacture a divide between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Sudanese people. Army officers are part of the Sudanese people, drawn from the same homes, neighbourhoods, towns and villages. They and their families have endured the same killings, detention, torture, displacement and abuses inflicted on civilians, and in many cases have faced additional targeting because of their military service. That officer was a Sudanese man, a husband and a father before every other title, and his tragedy formed part of the tragedy of an entire nation. Osman’s testimony also answers a question often asked by those who struggle to understand why Sudanese people continue to fight and mobilise in defence of their cities and homeland. The answer lies inside that detention centre. People fight because they have seen what the Janjaweed, the militias from which the Rapid Support Militia emerged, did when they seized neighbourhoods, homes and the bodies of civilians. They fight so that another bound man will never have to face someone boasting about raping his wife and daughter. They mobilise so that schools do not become prisons, football fields do not become graveyards, homes do not become military barracks, and women are never again used as instruments for torturing their husbands and fathers. After all this, some advocates of political settlements continue asking Sudanese people to negotiate with the militia’s commanders and grant them a new position in government. The meaning of such a proposal is clear: reward armed men for what they have done and return the tormentor to power over his victims through a political agreement. Negotiations can serve specific purposes, including ending the fighting, securing the militia’s disarmament, releasing detainees, determining the fate of the disappeared, opening burial sites to investigation and holding those responsible accountable. A settlement that preserves the militia’s army, influence and share of political power would amount to political surrender before a project built through killing, rape, torture and humiliation. The Sudanese people reject any military or political role for this militia in the country’s future government. That rejection will endure however long the road becomes, even if the war continues for years, because allowing the militia to remain within the state would leave every Sudanese family living under the threat of the detention cell, the torturer and the mass grave. Osman addressed the officer who had died in restraints: “By God, as you lie in your grave, your daughter and wife have been avenged many times over.” Those words carry the pain of a survivor and the anger of an entire people. The justice Sudan needs begins with defeating the militia’s project, disarming it, holding its commanders and perpetrators accountable, confronting those who armed it, and ensuring that it never returns to rule Sudanese people under any name or political settlement. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

209,767 Aufrufe • vor 1 Monat

Circulated Footage Shows Rapid Support Militia Member Saying He Bought an Infant for 1,000 Pounds and Threatening to “Tear Him Apart” Amid a Documented Record of Abuses Against Civilians Footage circulating on social media shows an armed man presented as a member of the Rapid Support militia carrying an infant and telling those around him that he had “bought” the child for just 1,000 pounds. He repeats the claim several times, asking his companions to witness what he is saying, before directly threatening the baby because of his crying, saying he would “tear him apart” if he continued screaming. At the end of the clip, he says that anyone who wants the child can contact him privately. The footage does not, on its own, establish how the child came into the man’s custody, nor does it independently verify whether the alleged “purchase” actually took place. That does not diminish the seriousness of what can be seen and heard. An infant is being held among armed men, spoken about as though he were a commodity, assigned a price, and then threatened with being “torn apart” for crying. The footage warrants urgent efforts to identify the child, establish his whereabouts, ensure his safety, and investigate the circumstances that brought him into the hands of these fighters. The gravity of the clip is also shaped by the wider context in which it emerged. The Rapid Support militia has been linked by UN bodies and international investigations to a broad pattern of abuses against civilians, including killings, abductions, rape, gang rape, sexual slavery, arbitrary detention, forced displacement, and other forms of coercion. UN reporting has also documented cases involving women and girls who were abducted, detained, repeatedly raped, subjected to forced labour, and in some instances reportedly sold for financial gain or forced into sexual exploitation for the benefit of their captors. Against that background, a member of the Rapid Support militia speaking about having “bought” an infant cannot be viewed simply as an isolated shocking remark. It comes from a force whose members have already been documented in connection with slavery, sexual slavery, abduction, detention, and the exploitation of civilians through violence and coercion. Whether this child was in fact sold, who took him, where he came from, and what happened to his family are all questions that require immediate investigation. Accountability, however, should not stop with the individuals who commit abuses on the ground. It should also extend to the financing, arming, logistics, and external support networks that enabled this terrorist militia to sustain and expand its operations. Throughout the war, a growing body of UN findings, international investigations, and major reporting has documented UAE support for the Rapid Support militia, including supply routes and networks linked to Chad, Libya, and Somalia, as well as weapons, drones, foreign fighters, and contractors. As that body of evidence has grown, the UAE’s role in supporting the Rapid Support militia has increasingly ceased to be treated as a peripheral allegation. It has become one of the worst-kept secrets of the war, and one of the key factors that enabled the militia to keep fighting and prolong the conflict. Until the international community chooses to assume real responsibility, rather than allowing financial interests and political deals to overshadow the human cost of this war, Sudanese civilians will continue to pay the price. At the centre of this tragedy is a child who knows nothing about the war, the forces fighting it, or the states financing it. All the footage shows is a crying infant in the arms of an armed man who says he bought him for 1,000 pounds, and then threatens to “tear him apart.” Finding this child and ensuring his safety should be an immediate priority, followed by an independent investigation into how he came into the hands of the Rapid Support militia, whether he was in fact sold, and what happened to his family. Whatever interests are being pursued through this war, the suffering of Sudanese children should never become an acceptable price for them. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
0:46

Circulated Footage Shows Rapid Support Militia Member Saying He Bought an Infant for 1,000 Pounds and Threatening to “Tear Him Apart” Amid a Documented Record of Abuses Against Civilians Footage circulating on social media shows an armed man presented as a member of the Rapid Support militia carrying an infant and telling those around him that he had “bought” the child for just 1,000 pounds. He repeats the claim several times, asking his companions to witness what he is saying, before directly threatening the baby because of his crying, saying he would “tear him apart” if he continued screaming. At the end of the clip, he says that anyone who wants the child can contact him privately. The footage does not, on its own, establish how the child came into the man’s custody, nor does it independently verify whether the alleged “purchase” actually took place. That does not diminish the seriousness of what can be seen and heard. An infant is being held among armed men, spoken about as though he were a commodity, assigned a price, and then threatened with being “torn apart” for crying. The footage warrants urgent efforts to identify the child, establish his whereabouts, ensure his safety, and investigate the circumstances that brought him into the hands of these fighters. The gravity of the clip is also shaped by the wider context in which it emerged. The Rapid Support militia has been linked by UN bodies and international investigations to a broad pattern of abuses against civilians, including killings, abductions, rape, gang rape, sexual slavery, arbitrary detention, forced displacement, and other forms of coercion. UN reporting has also documented cases involving women and girls who were abducted, detained, repeatedly raped, subjected to forced labour, and in some instances reportedly sold for financial gain or forced into sexual exploitation for the benefit of their captors. Against that background, a member of the Rapid Support militia speaking about having “bought” an infant cannot be viewed simply as an isolated shocking remark. It comes from a force whose members have already been documented in connection with slavery, sexual slavery, abduction, detention, and the exploitation of civilians through violence and coercion. Whether this child was in fact sold, who took him, where he came from, and what happened to his family are all questions that require immediate investigation. Accountability, however, should not stop with the individuals who commit abuses on the ground. It should also extend to the financing, arming, logistics, and external support networks that enabled this terrorist militia to sustain and expand its operations. Throughout the war, a growing body of UN findings, international investigations, and major reporting has documented UAE support for the Rapid Support militia, including supply routes and networks linked to Chad, Libya, and Somalia, as well as weapons, drones, foreign fighters, and contractors. As that body of evidence has grown, the UAE’s role in supporting the Rapid Support militia has increasingly ceased to be treated as a peripheral allegation. It has become one of the worst-kept secrets of the war, and one of the key factors that enabled the militia to keep fighting and prolong the conflict. Until the international community chooses to assume real responsibility, rather than allowing financial interests and political deals to overshadow the human cost of this war, Sudanese civilians will continue to pay the price. At the centre of this tragedy is a child who knows nothing about the war, the forces fighting it, or the states financing it. All the footage shows is a crying infant in the arms of an armed man who says he bought him for 1,000 pounds, and then threatens to “tear him apart.” Finding this child and ensuring his safety should be an immediate priority, followed by an independent investigation into how he came into the hands of the Rapid Support militia, whether he was in fact sold, and what happened to his family. Whatever interests are being pursued through this war, the suffering of Sudanese children should never become an acceptable price for them. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

143,056 Aufrufe • vor 15 Tagen

Canadian Sniper Rifles Found with UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia as CBC Investigation Highlights UAE Role in Regional Arms Flows A visual investigation by Canada’s CBC News has revealed that Canadian-made sniper rifles have appeared in the hands of fighters from Sudan’s UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, as well as a Libyan militia and Yemeni arms dealers, despite arms embargoes and sanctions linked to these conflict zones. The most disturbing part of the investigation concerns Sudan. CBC documented a video showing a fighter from the Rapid Support Militia abusing detainees on the back of a truck. The fighter is seen slapping one presumed captive and striking another with the stock of a Canadian-made rifle. CBC said it blurred parts of the footage because some of those involved may be underage. According to CBC, the weapon visible in the video is a Sterling Cross XLCR precision rifle, manufactured by Sterling Cross, a small-arms company based in Abbotsford, British Columbia. CBC had previously reported in November that XLCR rifles had been photographed in Sudan and used by the Rapid Support Militia. CBC said the images and videos were first provided by an online user known as streakingdelilah. The Canadian broadcaster then independently sourced and verified the material, sharing it with researchers at Bellingcat and the Centre for Information Resilience, which runs the Sudan Witness project. Sebastian Vandermeersch, a Bellingcat researcher, described the Sudan video as one of the clearest examples of a fighter holding a Canadian weapon while committing obvious abuses against a captive. Although the video was shared recently, CBC reported that it was likely filmed in June 2024, when the Rapid Support Militia captured Jebel Moya, an area south of Khartoum. Bellingcat geolocated the footage to that area and also identified additional videos from Jebel Moya showing detainees subjected to degrading treatment, including being forced to imitate animal sounds or pledge allegiance to the Rapid Support Militia. The investigation places the Sudan case within a wider regional pattern. Similar Canadian-made rifles were also traced to Libya and Yemen. In Yemen, videos led CBC to an illicit arms market in Sanaa, where machine guns, sniper rifles and at least one rocket launcher were displayed. One Yemeni arms dealer confirmed in a voice message that such weapons are smuggled into the country. In Libya, CBC geolocated images of another Sterling Cross rifle and linked them to a social media page connected to the Judicial Security Apparatus, associated with the Special Deterrence Force, known as RADA. Libya researcher Wolfram Lacher said the force had been involved in armed conflicts and also controls Mitiga prison, a facility known for abuse, torture and arbitrary detention. CBC noted that prison conditions were so severe that the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for RADA leaders over crimes against humanity. The UAE emerges in the CBC investigation as the common thread connecting Sudan, Libya and Yemen. Experts interviewed by CBC pointed to the United Arab Emirates as a central player in rerouting weapons to armed groups across the region. “The thread that binds these three cases together is that you have UAE support for clients in these conflicts,” Lacher told CBC, adding that these are three cases in which the UAE is known to have massively supplied weapons. Emadeddin Badi, a senior fellow at the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, said the actors supported by the UAE are generally “non-state armed groups with a track record of brutality and crimes against humanity.” CBC contacted the UAE Embassy for comment but received no response. The investigation also noted that the UAE has previously denied involvement in Sudan and Libya, and said in 2025 that it would withdraw its forces from Yemen. Canadian government export reports show that 113 rifles were shipped from Canada to the UAE in 2019 and 2020. In March 2019, Sterling Cross posted an image on Instagram showing roughly 80 XLCR rifles being inspected before delivery. The findings come amid growing international scrutiny of the UAE’s role in Sudan’s war. The Rapid Support Militia, backed by the UAE, has been accused of widespread atrocities against civilians in Darfur, Khartoum, Gezira, Kordofan and other parts of the country. CBC’s investigation adds a new dimension to the arms file by showing Canadian-made weapons in the hands of the militia, while experts point to the UAE as a central actor in regional weapons diversion networks. After the investigation was published, Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Anita Anand told CBC that she was “very concerned” about where Canadian weapons were ending up. She said it was unacceptable for Canada’s permitting process to allow military material to reach conflict zones, and said possible breaches of the permitting process could require enforcement by Canadian authorities. Kelsey Gallagher of Project Ploughshares, a Canadian peace research institute, said the repeated appearance of Canadian weapons in violation of UN arms embargoes shows a pattern of illicit diversion that requires action from the Canadian government. For Sudanese people, the importance of this investigation is clear. It provides new visual evidence of the type of weaponry reaching the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, and of how these weapons are being used against civilians and detainees. It also increases pressure on Western governments, especially Canada, to review their military exports and end-use controls. Most importantly, the investigation points directly to the UAE. Experts cited by CBC identify the UAE as the common factor in weapons flows to armed groups in Sudan, Libya and Yemen. In Sudan, that means the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, a force using foreign-supplied weapons while committing abuses against Sudanese civilians and captives. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
0:32

Canadian Sniper Rifles Found with UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia as CBC Investigation Highlights UAE Role in Regional Arms Flows A visual investigation by Canada’s CBC News has revealed that Canadian-made sniper rifles have appeared in the hands of fighters from Sudan’s UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, as well as a Libyan militia and Yemeni arms dealers, despite arms embargoes and sanctions linked to these conflict zones. The most disturbing part of the investigation concerns Sudan. CBC documented a video showing a fighter from the Rapid Support Militia abusing detainees on the back of a truck. The fighter is seen slapping one presumed captive and striking another with the stock of a Canadian-made rifle. CBC said it blurred parts of the footage because some of those involved may be underage. According to CBC, the weapon visible in the video is a Sterling Cross XLCR precision rifle, manufactured by Sterling Cross, a small-arms company based in Abbotsford, British Columbia. CBC had previously reported in November that XLCR rifles had been photographed in Sudan and used by the Rapid Support Militia. CBC said the images and videos were first provided by an online user known as streakingdelilah. The Canadian broadcaster then independently sourced and verified the material, sharing it with researchers at Bellingcat and the Centre for Information Resilience, which runs the Sudan Witness project. Sebastian Vandermeersch, a Bellingcat researcher, described the Sudan video as one of the clearest examples of a fighter holding a Canadian weapon while committing obvious abuses against a captive. Although the video was shared recently, CBC reported that it was likely filmed in June 2024, when the Rapid Support Militia captured Jebel Moya, an area south of Khartoum. Bellingcat geolocated the footage to that area and also identified additional videos from Jebel Moya showing detainees subjected to degrading treatment, including being forced to imitate animal sounds or pledge allegiance to the Rapid Support Militia. The investigation places the Sudan case within a wider regional pattern. Similar Canadian-made rifles were also traced to Libya and Yemen. In Yemen, videos led CBC to an illicit arms market in Sanaa, where machine guns, sniper rifles and at least one rocket launcher were displayed. One Yemeni arms dealer confirmed in a voice message that such weapons are smuggled into the country. In Libya, CBC geolocated images of another Sterling Cross rifle and linked them to a social media page connected to the Judicial Security Apparatus, associated with the Special Deterrence Force, known as RADA. Libya researcher Wolfram Lacher said the force had been involved in armed conflicts and also controls Mitiga prison, a facility known for abuse, torture and arbitrary detention. CBC noted that prison conditions were so severe that the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for RADA leaders over crimes against humanity. The UAE emerges in the CBC investigation as the common thread connecting Sudan, Libya and Yemen. Experts interviewed by CBC pointed to the United Arab Emirates as a central player in rerouting weapons to armed groups across the region. “The thread that binds these three cases together is that you have UAE support for clients in these conflicts,” Lacher told CBC, adding that these are three cases in which the UAE is known to have massively supplied weapons. Emadeddin Badi, a senior fellow at the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, said the actors supported by the UAE are generally “non-state armed groups with a track record of brutality and crimes against humanity.” CBC contacted the UAE Embassy for comment but received no response. The investigation also noted that the UAE has previously denied involvement in Sudan and Libya, and said in 2025 that it would withdraw its forces from Yemen. Canadian government export reports show that 113 rifles were shipped from Canada to the UAE in 2019 and 2020. In March 2019, Sterling Cross posted an image on Instagram showing roughly 80 XLCR rifles being inspected before delivery. The findings come amid growing international scrutiny of the UAE’s role in Sudan’s war. The Rapid Support Militia, backed by the UAE, has been accused of widespread atrocities against civilians in Darfur, Khartoum, Gezira, Kordofan and other parts of the country. CBC’s investigation adds a new dimension to the arms file by showing Canadian-made weapons in the hands of the militia, while experts point to the UAE as a central actor in regional weapons diversion networks. After the investigation was published, Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Anita Anand told CBC that she was “very concerned” about where Canadian weapons were ending up. She said it was unacceptable for Canada’s permitting process to allow military material to reach conflict zones, and said possible breaches of the permitting process could require enforcement by Canadian authorities. Kelsey Gallagher of Project Ploughshares, a Canadian peace research institute, said the repeated appearance of Canadian weapons in violation of UN arms embargoes shows a pattern of illicit diversion that requires action from the Canadian government. For Sudanese people, the importance of this investigation is clear. It provides new visual evidence of the type of weaponry reaching the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, and of how these weapons are being used against civilians and detainees. It also increases pressure on Western governments, especially Canada, to review their military exports and end-use controls. Most importantly, the investigation points directly to the UAE. Experts cited by CBC identify the UAE as the common factor in weapons flows to armed groups in Sudan, Libya and Yemen. In Sudan, that means the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, a force using foreign-supplied weapons while committing abuses against Sudanese civilians and captives. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

52,065 Aufrufe • vor 3 Monaten