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๐…๐š๐ง๐จ ๐Ÿ๐จ๐ซ๐œ๐ž๐ฌ ๐ซ๐ž๐ฉ๐จ๐ซ๐ญ๐ž๐๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ฌ๐ž๐ข๐ณ๐ž ๐ฌ๐ž๐ฏ๐ž๐ซ๐š๐ฅ ๐š๐ซ๐ž๐š๐ฌ ๐Ÿ๐จ๐ฅ๐ฅ๐จ๐ฐ๐ข๐ง๐  ๐ซ๐ž๐ง๐ž๐ฐ๐ž๐ ๐œ๐ฅ๐š๐ฌ๐ก๐ž๐ฌ ๐ข๐ง #๐€๐ฆ๐ก๐š๐ซ๐š ๐ซ๐ž๐ ๐ข๐จ๐ง The Call for Negotiations Falls on Deaf Ears. The recent victory in #Gashena has not only revitalized but also emboldened the Fano forces, marking a significant turning point in the ongoing conflict within the Amhara region. Riding...

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A disturbing video circulating on Ethiopian social media reveals a chilling endorsement of genocide by a pro-government activist, raising alarms over the fate of ethnic Amharas. The video features a prominent regime supporter loyal to Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, making a public call for the massacre of Amhara civilians as the "solution" to end resistance from the Amhara region, particularly in Gojjam. This rhetoric marks a dangerous escalation in the Ethiopian governmentโ€™s ongoing war with the Amhara people and highlights the severity of the humanitarian crisis. In the video, the activist openly advocates for the mass killing of civilians, arguing that the Ethiopian military's struggle in Gojjam is due to the overwhelming support the Amhara Fano (local armed resistance group) receives from the civilian population. According to his explanation, the militaryโ€™s losses in the region are not solely the result of combat with the Fano fighters but are also because the entire Amhara community in Gojjamโ€”farmers, youths, and everyday civiliansโ€”supports and aids the resistance. The activist bluntly claims that the only way to defeat the Amhara Fano in Gojjam is by wiping out the civilian population, insisting that massacring the entire community is essential to breaking the resistance. He further suggests that without such brutal measures, the conflict will continue indefinitely, as the local population is perceived as an integral part of the resistance movement. The activistโ€™s statements are a stark endorsement of genocidal violence, raising fears that these views reflect the broader strategy of the Ethiopian government. These calls for mass violence against civilians are not isolated rhetoric. On the ground, there have been numerous reports of heavy bombardments targeting Amhara civilians and infrastructure in the region. In Gojjamโ€™s Mecha district, for example, over 45 drone strikes were reported within a span of just three hours, wreaking havoc on civilian lives and property. Despite these alarming developments, the international community, including global institutions and human rights organizations, has largely remained silent. The video provides a clear and disturbing context for the Ethiopian government's military operations, revealing the genocidal intent behind its actions. The silence of international institutions in the face of such blatant incitement to violence is deeply troubling. The world has witnessed countless instances of ethnic violence and genocide in recent history, often followed by solemn declarations of "Never Again." Yet, in Ethiopia, as calls for genocide against the Amhara people grow louder, there is a shocking absence of international outcry. How many more lives must be lost before the global community acknowledges the unfolding genocide ? This video, which can be independently verified as a genuine translation from Amharic, should serve as a wake-up call. The activistโ€™s brazen recommendation to massacre an entire ethnic group should trigger alarm bells in international institutions and human rights bodies. It is not just a call for violence; it is an explicit endorsement of genocide, aimed at eliminating an entire population perceived as an obstacle to military victory. The Ethiopian government, under the leadership of Abiy Ahmed, is already carrying out operations that reflect this narrativeโ€”bombarding civilian populations with artillery and drones. The international community must act now, not after the genocide has already taken its toll. History will judge the world's response to the suffering of the Amhara people, and there can be no excuse of ignorance. The global community is aware of the situation, and failure to act is tantamount to complicity. It is imperative that human rights organizations, international bodies, and governments around the world address this genocidal rhetoric and prevent further atrocities.

Yuri Tadesse

14,347 ๆฌก่ง‚็œ‹ โ€ข 1 ๅนดๅ‰

๐Ÿšจ ๐€๐ฆ๐ก๐š๐ซ๐š ๐…๐š๐ง๐จ ๐๐ž๐จ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐žโ€™๐ฌ ๐Ž๐ซ๐ ๐š๐ง๐ข๐ณ๐š๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง (๐€๐…๐๐Ž) ๐”๐ซ๐ ๐ž๐ง๐ญ ๐’๐ญ๐š๐ญ๐ž๐ฆ๐ž๐ง๐ญ โ€” ๐ƒ๐ž๐œ๐ž๐ฆ๐›๐ž๐ซ ๐Ÿ’, ๐Ÿ๐ŸŽ๐Ÿ๐Ÿ“ AFPO has not signed any agreement with the regime it is defeating on the battlefield. The claim released today by the collapsing Oromo Prosperity Party regime โ€” a regime battered by Fanoโ€™s powerful resistance and now struggling to survive, that the Amhara Fano Peopleโ€™s Organization (AFPO) has signed a โ€œpeace agreementโ€ with the Amhara Regional Government, a government effectively dead for the past two years, is completely false. AFPO has never engaged in direct or indirect negotiations with Oromo Prosperity or with what is being called the โ€œAmhara Regional Government,โ€ which has long ceased to exist. Our only engagement with this regime is on the battlefield. As for the African Union and IGAD, who are said to have been โ€œpresentโ€ at what is described as a negotiation in an imaginary realm, we call upon them to issue an official statement in the coming days to clarify the truth. Regarding Masresha Sete, who was claimed to have signed the โ€œagreementโ€ on behalf of AFPO โ€” we publicly announced earlier this week that he had been dismissed from leadership and membership after it was discovered that he had been working undercover in the interest of the regime. It should be known that when he joined the regime, he was in possession of large sums of unaccounted public money that was sent to him for public service, and he collaborated with the regime in this faรงade of a โ€œpeace agreementโ€ to cover this up. It should also be known that the regimeโ€™s motive in recent weeks for spreading these fabricated stories through various propaganda outlets is an attempt to undermine Fano unity. The public is urged to remain vigilant and follow our upcoming statements closely. Honor and glory to the martyrs! Victory to AFPO and all Amhara Fano! Victory to the Amhara people! Victory to the people of Ethiopia! December 4, 2025

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11,223 ๆฌก่ง‚็œ‹ โ€ข 7 ไธชๆœˆๅ‰

"The Fano claim to control more than 80 percent of the province โ€“ mostly rural โ€“ including part of the border with Sudan. It does not seem likely that the government will be able to defeat them in the near future." "Under the gray sky of a muddy courtyard, a group of boys, almost children, stand staring blankly into space. They are Ethiopian soldiers recently captured by rebels. Their uniforms are sloppily slung over their shoulders. Some of the boys are wearing slippersโ€”they lost their boots in the fighting. A few boys fight back tears, one boy looks defiant, a few grin as if the gravity of the situation doesn't bother him. Rebels crowd around the group with their phones to capture the loot. The young soldiers were captured after one of many guerrilla attacks by so-called Fano militias in Amhara, a region that has been plagued by a brutal campaign by the Ethiopian government to suppress the rebellion since July 2023. ... International community The international community, including the EU, continues to support the government, which claims to be fighting terrorists and criminals. 'The lack of action by the international community directly contributes to the deteriorating human rights situation in Ethiopia', Amnesty International concludes. Despite international support, the government has not been able to crush the uprising. The Fano claim to control more than 80 percent of the province โ€“ mostly rural โ€“ including part of the border with Sudan. It does not seem likely that the government will be able to defeat them in the near future. Their worries are forgotten for a moment as the POWs walk through the streets of Fogota. They are given food and drinks. There is even dancing and singing. The bystanders cheer them on, while Fano points phones at the dancing prisoners.

แАแ‰ฅแ‹ฉ

20,954 ๆฌก่ง‚็œ‹ โ€ข 1 ๅนดๅ‰

A call for establishment of a transitional regional government that represents diverse perspectives and for the immediate withdrawal of military forces from the Amhara region by Former Amhara Region Governor Gedu Andargachew. The leaked footage by Ethiopian Reporter captures Gedu's candid address to the Ethiopian Parliament, wherein he raises significant concerns and critiques the actions of the current administration. Here are the key takeaways from his speech: 1. Failure to Learn from Past Mistakes: Gedu acknowledges that the government failed to learn from its five-year history of ineffective governance, implying that the purported reform efforts were misguided from the start. 2. Manipulating Political Problems: The former governor accuses the Prime Minister's government of orchestrating political issues and then resorting to military intervention to solve them, highlighting a troubling pattern that has persisted over the past five years. 3. Military Force vs. Political Solutions: Gedu asserts that military intervention cannot be a lasting solution to Ethiopia's political problems, and that pursuing peaceful political means is the key to achieving sustainable peace. He underscores that the Ethiopian nation's prospects for peace lie in political dialogue rather than the continued violence that has left a trail of devastation. 4. Addressing Legitimate Concerns: Gedu acknowledges the legitimate concerns of the Amhara population, emphasizing that addressing these concerns through political channels is crucial. 5. Regime's Political Failures: Gedu points to the regime's political failures and lack of accountability as the root causes of the ongoing crisis, shifting blame away from the people and armed groups. 6. Misrepresentation of Amhara Concerns: The former governor criticizes the government for mischaracterizing the genuine concerns of the Amhara people as extremism, urging a more considerate approach to address these legitimate issues. 7. Reform Reversed to Dictatorship: Gedu declares that the initially promising reforms have regressed into a form of dictatorship. 8. Victims of Ethnic-Based Violence: Gedu emphasizes that the Amhara population has been victimized by ethnic-based violence due to the government's failures, and laments the violent response to their demand for dignity and security. 9. Legitimate Anger and Concerns: The former governor highlights the justified anger and concerns of the Amhara people, emphasizing that military suppression will not quell legitimate questions. 10. Broken Relationship with Prosperity Party: Gedu asserts that the relationship between the Amhara people and the Prosperity Party has deteriorated beyond repair, casting doubt on the party's legitimacy to govern the region. In his conclusion, Gedu recommends the establishment of a transitional regional government that represents diverse perspectives, calling for the immediate withdrawal of military forces from the Amhara region. However, following the speech, Gedu's residence was reportedly raided by regime forces, underscoring the ongoing tensions and crackdowns within the country. Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) - แŠขแˆฐแˆ˜แŠฎ Orthodox Church OCA Amnesty International Human Rights Watch Al Jazeera English BBC News (UK) CNN AFP News Agency UN Human Rights UNESCO Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) - แŠขแˆฐแˆ˜แŠฎ U.S. Embassy Addis Muslim World League CPJ Asia CPJ Europe and Central Asia Meaza Ashenafi PEN International Committee to Protect Journalists CPJ Africa CPJ Amรฉricas Abiy Ahmed Ali ๐Ÿ‡ช๐Ÿ‡น Genocide Prevention In Ethiopia Amhara Association of America (AAA) U.S. Embassy Addis UK in Ethiopia ๐Ÿ‡ฌ๐Ÿ‡ง @EthiopiaEU Mike Hammer Tibor Nagy Herman J. Cohen Ana Gomes Josep Borrell Fontelles Daniel Bekele FRANCE 24 BBC News Africa Al Jazeera English The Washington Post AFP News Agency U.S. Embassy Addis Department of State #WarOnAmhara #AmharaGenocide #FreeMeskeremAbera #FreeAmharaDetainees

Yuri Tadesse

14,290 ๆฌก่ง‚็œ‹ โ€ข 2 ๅนดๅ‰

The Perseverance of Welkait Amhara after 30 years of Ethnic Cleansing and Genocide at the hands of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) Today marks the 3 year anniversary of the #MaiKadraMassacre, one of the largest and most gruesome massacre of civilians since war broke out in #Ethiopia on November 4th when TPLF attacked a military command post in Tigray. On November 9th, as TPLF forces were losing ground on all fronts, a Tigrayan youth group named Samri, led by Capt. Kassaye Mehar, went door to door in the town of Mai-Kadra and massacred over 1600 Amhara civilians. Mai-Kadra is a town located in the Amhara ancestral land of Welkait, or what TPLF and their Western backers call Western Tigray. In 1991, when TPLF came to power after the fall of the DERG regime, it annexed Welkait into Tigray and called it West Tigray. It's important to point out that TPLF started its armed struggle with the goal of "liberating" Tigray from Ethiopia, as their name clearly indicates. In order to make this a reality Tigray lacked two things; fertile land and an international border with a neighboring country, as Tigray was encircled by Amhara, Afar, and Eritrea inhabited lands. This is how their plan to annex Welkait (to the west) and Raya (to the south), two Amhara ancestral lands, came about. By annexing these lands as soon as they came to power in 1991 (way before the ethnic based constitution was ratified in 1994), they were able to achieve both goals of getting fertile land and having an international border with Sudan. If you're curious as to why Ethiopia is the only country in the world to have an article in its constitution (Article 39) that gives any of the ethnic based regions the right to secede from Ethiopia, the answer should be obvious by now. TPLF did not add this into the constitution so that Oromia or Somali region can declare independence, it was a parachute they were saving for themselves when they can no longer rule Ethiopia (they lost power in 2018). It's not like TPLF was not warned about the dangers of annexing the Amhara ancestral lands of Welkait and Raya. As @_HornAfrica pointed out in a tweet today, "Haileleul Getahun, in his book 'Assault on Rural Poverty: The Case of Ethiopia,' predicted two decades ago that Tigray annexing Welkait (Amhara lands) will trigger a regional conflict." ------------------------------------------- Excerpt from "Assault on Rural Poverty: The Case of Ethiopia", Published April 18, 2001: Therefore, the government chose to annex the land that was traditionally the home of other ethnic groups by force of arms. The TPLF's major concern appears to be the consolidation of its power base by developing economic resources that will enable it to withstand any attempts from outside Tigray to adversely affect its goal of having the potential to be economically self-sufficient. To this end, the government was very active in developing the necessary infrastructure and resettling Tigrayan returnees from Sudan and demobilized TPLF soldiers in these districts. By resettling Tigrayan returnees and demobilized TPLF soldiers among the Amhara ethnic population, the TPLF tried to change the ethnic configuration of the annexed area with a view to ensuring that the majority of the settlers are from Tigray. To reinforce its plan, the language of instruction in the government primary schools quickly changed from Amharic to Tigregna, even though a substantial number of Amhara families still remained in the districts. As time passed, the TPLF evicted the peasants of Northern Gondar and Wollo from their ancestral lands and annexed these areas to Tigray. The ethnically cleansed peasants from these places are now landless paupers, many exploited as cheap farm labor by the expropriators of their land. Others are forced to survive as beggars in Gondar, Dessie, and Bahar Dar. ... Considering the gravity of this situation and its future implications, two prominent Ethiopians from region 3 (Amhara region), the late Dagnew W. Selassie, and Fitaye Assegu wrote a joint memorandum to Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, asking him to annul or declare invalid the redrawing of boundaries along ethnic lines. To date, Meles Zenawi has not reacted one way or the other. Although information is scanty, it is now understood that the Ethiopian Patriotic Front (Keffagne), an underground movement for the liberation of Humera, Tselemt, Welkait, and Tsegede is now operating in the region. The TPLF, EPLF, and others started their movements in the same way as the Keffagne. These districts must be returned to their original killils, otherwise a bloody civil war possibly affecting the entire horn of Africa could erupt. ---------------------------------------- Fast forward to today, Welkait and Raya have been restored to their rightful owner and informally incorporated into the Amhara region for the past 3 years after the Federal, Amhara Special forces and Fano freed the areas from TPLF in November 2020. The Federal government has put these areas in a limbo for the past 3 years by refusing to ratify their incorporation into the Amhara region and refusing to release 3 years of budget. These areas have been getting by from budgetary support they're getting from Amhara region and individual contributions from Amharas. The Pretoria agreement that was signed by the Federal government and TPLF last November states that the resolution to these "contested" lands will be done through the constitution, but as stated earlier, these lands were annexed by TPLF in 1991, 3 years prior to when the Ethiopian constitution was adopted (1994). Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali ๐Ÿ‡ช๐Ÿ‡น in a recent speech said that the issue will be resolved through a referendum, but as the book by Haileleul Getahum illustrates, TPLF has spent the past 30 plus years ethnically cleansing the native Amhara and settling Tigrayans on these lands. So the Prime Minister saying this will be resolved through referendum is an indirect admission that he wants these lands to be given back to TPLF. This might raise a question of why Abiy would want these lands to be given to TPLF, as TPLF led an insurrection to topple his government. For Abiy, everything is about preserving his power. From his point of view, TPLF is too weak to pose a threat to his power. So handing back these lands to them won't pose a major threat, and will put him in good grace with the US government and can get him IMF and World Bank loans to save the crashing economy. With TPLF and Tigray weakened, the biggest threat to Abiy and his Oromo nationalist government are Amhara, as demonstrated by the all out war he has waged on Amharas since signing the Pretoria agreement. The reason he disband the Amhara Special Forces in April before disarming TPLF, and the reason he has waged a full scale war on Amharas to disarm Fano is to achieve his goal of weakening Amhara and handing over the Amhara ancestral lands of Welkait and Raya to TPLF as part of the Pretoria agreement that was sponsored by the US. The Amhara in Welkait and Raya are steadfast in their determination to live free as proud Amhara, after enduring over 30 years of subjugation at the hands of the ethno-fascist Tigray People's Liberation Front. They are now demanding for their land to be formally recognized as part of the Amhara region and their budget, that has been withheld the past 3 years, to be released. Meanwhile the Amhara in Gojjam, Gondar, Wollo, and Shewa have risen up and are fighting the new ethno-fascist in power, the Oromo Prosperity Party led by Abiy Ahmed, so they can live free as proud Amhara. After 50 years of torment, ethnic cleansing, and institutionalized genocide, the Amhara people have said enough and there is not enough drones or tanks or artilleries that Abiy can use to stop the rise of Amhara. #AmharaRevolution #WarOnAmhara #AmharaGenocide

แАแ‰ฅแ‹ฉ

133,689 ๆฌก่ง‚็œ‹ โ€ข 2 ๅนดๅ‰

๐Ÿšจ ๐๐ซ๐ž๐š๐ค๐ข๐ง๐ : ๐Ž๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ๐ข๐š ๐‘๐ž๐ ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐Ÿ๐จ๐ซ๐œ๐ž๐ฌ ๐ฆ๐š๐ฌ๐ฌ๐š๐œ๐ซ๐ž ๐€๐ฆ๐ก๐š๐ซ๐š ๐œ๐ข๐ฏ๐ข๐ฅ๐ข๐š๐ง๐ฌ ๐ข๐ง ๐€๐ง๐ ๐ž๐ซ๐ ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ž๐ง, ๐›๐ฎ๐ซ๐ง๐ข๐ง๐  ๐ก๐ฎ๐ง๐๐ซ๐ž๐๐ฌ ๐จ๐Ÿ ๐ก๐จ๐ฆ๐ž๐ฌ ๐š๐ง๐ ๐š๐›๐๐ฎ๐œ๐ญ๐ข๐ง๐  ๐จ๐ฏ๐ž๐ซ ๐Ÿ‘๐Ÿ”๐ŸŽ ๐œ๐ก๐ข๐ฅ๐๐ซ๐ž๐ง, ๐ฐ๐จ๐ฆ๐ž๐ง, ๐š๐ง๐ ๐ž๐ฅ๐๐ž๐ซ๐ฌ The destruction of Amhara homes in Angerguten Woreda, East Wollega Zone of the Oromia Region that started on December 20th, 2025 has continued unabated. The attacks are being carried out by Oromia Special Forces, Oromia Geda Qerro Special Forces, Repi OLA, and Gachena Sirna militias. Hundreds of homes belonging to more than 670 Amhara civilians have been burned down in Indododicho and Hashober towns alone. Alongside the widespread destruction, Amhara civilians are being massacred in gruesome acts of violence. In one particularly horrific incident in Indododicho Kebele, an Amhara mother and her four children were hacked to death with machetes. Residents told Ethio Focus News that prior to the attack, Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) withdrew from Angerguten and handed over security control to Oromia regional forces. Before leaving, ENDF reportedly instructed residents to flee the area with their children and belongings. This sequence of events strongly suggests that the destruction of these Amhara-inhabited towns was sanctioned by top federal and Oromia Region officials. When Oromia regional forces launched their attack on December 20, Amhara residents initially managed to defend themselves, inflicting heavy losses and temporarily pushing the attackers out of the towns. However, ENDF later returned with mechanized units and Zu-23 anti-aircraft weapons and launched an assault on Amhara defenders. This intervention enabled Oromia regional forces to re-enter the towns, resume the massacre of Amhara civilians, and continue the systematic destruction of homes. Amhara residents who appealed to ENDF for protection as their homes were being burned were reportedly told that stopping the attacks was โ€œbeyond ENDFโ€™s control.โ€ The destruction of Indododicho and Hashober Kebeles has now entered its fifth consecutive day. In Ali Kebele, more than 216 Amhara children, mothers, and elders have been abducted by Oromia regional forces. An additional 150 people have reportedly been abducted in Indododicho Kebele. Their whereabouts remain unknown. Residents from Ali, Hashober, and Indododicho Kebeles who fled into nearby areas report that two children are missing and are feared to have been killed by wild animals. The remaining displaced residents have been hiding in the jungle for five days without access to food or water. The Amhara population is urgently calling on the international community and human rights organizations to intervene, protect civilians, and assist those stranded and at risk.

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28,597 ๆฌก่ง‚็œ‹ โ€ข 6 ไธชๆœˆๅ‰

In recent years, a misleading and dangerous narrative has gained traction in Somali political discourse, one that reduces Puntland to a tribal entity while positioning Somalia as the only legitimate national framework. This notion is not only inaccurate but also undermines the political reality on the ground. Puntland is not a tribe, it is a functioning government. And the people of Puntland are justified in putting Puntland first because it is the only government that has consistently provided them with services, stability, and a sense of civic belonging. A government, by definition, is an institution that delivers essential services such as security, education, healthcare, infrastructure, and public administration. It operates under a legal framework, often anchored in a constitution, and is staffed by institutions that enforce laws, collect revenue, and govern society. Puntland has fulfilled all of these functions. Since its founding in 1998, Puntland has operated with a constitution, a regional parliament, executive leadership, and a judiciary. It has established police forces, intelligence services, and military units that maintain peace in its territories. Puntland has built and operated public schools, hospitals, and administrative offices across its regions. These are the markers of a functioning government, not the features of a tribe. There is no tribe called Puntland. Rather, Puntland is a coalition of diverse communities and clans who voluntarily came together to build a regional authority in response to the collapse of Somaliaโ€™s central government. To describe Puntland as a tribe is to fundamentally misunderstand or deliberately distort the nature of its political structure. Tribes are kinship-based social formations; they do not have constitutions, flags, or formal governments that deliver public goods. Puntland is a political entity, a state government within the federal system of Somalia, that exists because it filled a vacuum created by the central stateโ€™s failure. That failure is not theoretical, it is lived and real. For decades, the Federal Government of Somalia has been unable to provide basic services to its citizens. Many regions of the country have been mired in conflict, neglect, and administrative collapse. In contrast, Puntland emerged as a self-reliant response to this vacuum. It did not wait for Mogadishu to bring security, law, and order. Instead, it built those systems on its own, using local capacity, leadership, and popular support. While the international community debated Somaliaโ€™s future, Puntland created one for its people. This is why many Puntlanders identify with Puntland first. It is not out of tribalism or secessionist ambition but because Puntland is the government that has served them. Loyalty is earned through service and protection. National identity cannot be forced from above; it must emerge from the legitimacy and performance of institutions. For Puntlanders, Puntland is not only a region but also a source of security, education, opportunity, and governance. In this context, putting Puntland first is a rational, even patriotic, act. Critics who attempt to diminish Puntlandโ€™s role by labeling it a tribal entity are engaging in a harmful narrative. Not only does this view ignore the facts, but it also disrespects the hard work of those who built Puntlandโ€™s institutions and continue to uphold them. Reducing Puntland to a tribe is a political distortion designed to strip its people of their agency and undermine their political achievements. It is both factually wrong and morally irresponsible.

Mustafe G Guufe

23,395 ๆฌก่ง‚็œ‹ โ€ข 1 ๅนดๅ‰