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𝐓𝐡𝐢𝐬 𝐬𝐭𝐨𝐫𝐲 𝐝𝐞𝐬𝐞𝐫𝐯𝐞𝐬 𝐚𝐭𝐭𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐚𝐜𝐫𝐨𝐬𝐬 𝐀𝐟𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐚: A video of Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame is circulating ahead of President Yoweri K Museveni’s inauguration, where several regional leaders connected to the controversy are expected to attend. In the video, Kagame makes explosive claims about the origins of the M23 rebellion, directly...

227,478 görüntüleme • 2 ay önce •via X (Twitter)

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Two years ago, on this very day, President Tshisekedi was declared the "elected President" of the DRC for a second term. During his campaign, he promised to open fire on Rwanda, claiming that he did not need foot soldiers and that from Goma he was capable of striking Kigali. Thirty days later, on 20 January 2024, he was sworn in. President Ndayishimiye was among the invited heads of state and received loud cheers when he arrived at the stadium, as the MC introduced him as a “friend” who helps fight their enemy. The following day, Ndayishimiye met with Congolese youth and pledged to help Rwandan youth remove President Kagame. Many people tend to focus only on Ndayishimiye’s response. But who asked the question? Yesterday, during the 17th RPF Congress, Chairman and President Kagame stated that in geopolitical conflicts, the first casualty is the truth. The person who asked the question to President Ndayishimiye is Mbitsemunda Habyarimana Jean Claude, who later changed his name to Jules Mulumba. He is the Secretary General and spokesperson of the CMC Nyatura armed group, a member of the Wazalendo coalition. CMC Nyatura, composed of young Congolese Hutu extremists, was initiated and created by former FDLR commander Lt. Gen. Sylvestre Mudacumura as an FDLR proxy—Congolese in appearance but sharing the same ideology. In summary, CMC Nyatura is the youth wing of the FDLR. Jules Mulumba is well known for his hate speech against Congolese Tutsi and those he labels as “Hima” in the region. In his question to President Ndayishimiye, he falsely claimed that Rwanda had killed four presidents: President Habyarimana, President Ntaryamira, Congolese President Laurent-Désiré Kabila, and Burundi’s President Melchior Ndadaye, who was assassinated in 1993. When such actors speak of “Rwanda,” they are in fact targeting President Kagame. In his response, President Ndayishimiye endorsed Mulumba’s narrative by failing to correct the false facts, lies, and manipulation. Instead, he declared that the “revolution” should continue and that Rwandan youth must be “liberated.” Two years later, in a video circulating on social media, President Ndayishimiye was heard during an end-of-year gathering with his officers playing the victimhood card, claiming that he was being targeted by a country from the north. Presidents Ndayishimiye and Tshisekedi have something in common: both readily declare war and issue threats they cannot sustain. When confronted with reality and defeat, they abandon belligerence and retreat into victimhood, portraying themselves as targets rather than accountable actors

Noel Kambanda

19,688 görüntüleme • 7 ay önce

#ALERT ⚠️🇨🇩 𝗥𝗘𝗔𝗗 𝗧𝗢 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗘𝗡𝗗 The Truth They’ve Tried to Bury for Decades… Let’s say it clearly: Paul Kagame is not just a Rwandan problem; he is one of Africa’s biggest destabilizers. For decades, the Democratic Republic of Congo, the richest country in the world in natural resources, has been trapped in endless conflict. Why? Because Kagame, backed by certain global powers, has turned eastern Congo into a battlefield for his expansionist ambitions. It didn’t start in Congo. It started with betrayal in Rwanda. In 1994, Paul Kagame’s RPF forces shot down the plane carrying the presidents of Rwanda and Burundi, igniting the genocide. His goal? ➤ To seize power by force, knowing he’d never win democratic elections as a minority Tutsi elite. ➤ And worse, he allowed the genocide to unfold and even sacrificed his own people, the Tutsis, to justify military intervention. These are not conspiracy theories. These are documented facts, even investigated by the International Court of Justice, until the U.S. and France stepped in to shield him. Then Kagame turned to Congo. He installed Laurent-Désiré Kabila, hoping he’d act as a puppet. When Kabila refused to place Rwandan Tutsis in key positions of power, Kagame responded the only way he knows how: War, invasion, and plunder. And the plan was larger: A Tutsi expansionist empire stretching from Rwanda to Congo. A Congo divided into five regions, easier to loot through local proxies. A system designed to rule over Bantu-majority populations using foreign-backed elites. But Congo refused. Kabila turned to SADC, and African nations like Zimbabwe, Angola, Namibia, and South Africa responded. They saw through the plot. They understood that breaking Congo meant breaking Africa. And today, the same Kagame regime arms and protects M23, a proxy militia terrorizing civilians in North Kivu. The same strategy. The same objective. But Congo is awake. Africa is watching. To the Congolese people and all Africans: This is not just about minerals. This is not tribal. This is a battle between those who defend sovereignty and those who sell it to the highest bidder. We must name it: Kagame is the architect of instability in the Great Lakes region. #FreeCongo #StopKagame

Xtrafrica

37,698 görüntüleme • 9 ay önce

#TheManLeadingTheM23InDRC Who is Corneille Nangaa, the man leading the M23 rebels? Former election-chief-turned-rebel-leader Corneille Nangaa has gone from overseeing Congo’s contested 2018 election to leading a powerful insurgency against the DRC’s President Félix Tshisekedi. Now head of the Congo River Alliance (CRA) and allied with the Rwanda-backed M23, Corneille Nangaa Yubeluo has seized key cities, including Goma, and vows to march on Kinshasa. Sentenced to death in absentia, he remains at the centre of the DRC’s escalating conflict. How did he rise to power? Born on 9 July 1970 in what is now Haut-Uele Province in the DRC, Nangaa started his career far from the battlefield. He studied economics at the University of Kinshasa before working with international organisations, including the UN Development Programme. His political breakthrough came in 2015 when he was appointed president of the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) under then-president Joseph Kabila. He was responsible for organising the delayed 2018 elections and controversially declared Félix Tshisekedi the winner. His tenure at CENI ended in 2021 amid allegations of electoral fraud and US sanctions for “undermining DRC elections“. Why did he turn against the Congolese government? Initially aligned with the ruling elite, Nangaa later distanced himself from President Tshisekedi. Ahead of the 2023 elections, Nangaa said that the 2018 result had been manipulated in a secret deal between Tshisekedi and Kabila, which Tshisekedi denies. In August 2023, Nangaa reemerged as a key figure in the DRC’s armed conflicts, launching the CRA – a coalition of 17 political parties, two political groups and armed militias. Among them was the March 23 Movement (M23), an insurgent group backed by Rwanda. Nangaa has since positioned himself as a leading figure in the rebellion against Tshisekedi’s government. What is Nangaa’s role in the conflict? By early 2025, Nangaa and M23 had taken control of Goma, the capital of North Kivu, and were advancing towards Bukavu. In a press conference from Goma, he reiterated that Tshisekedi had never legitimately won the presidency and stated: “If I created the monster, I think it is up to me to defeat it.” He and his allies have made it clear that their ultimate objective is to seize power in Kinshasa. The conflict has led to widespread violence, with more than 100 people killed and hundreds more injured. Hospitals in Goma are overwhelmed, and the city is grappling with water and electricity shortages. Diplomatic efforts to end the fighting have made little progress, and regional bodies like the Southern African Development Community (SADC) are debating whether to withdraw their peacekeeping forces. Why was he sentenced to death? In August 2024, a military court in Kinshasa sentenced Nangaa, along with several M23 leaders, to death in absentia for treason, war crimes and insurrection. The US and EU imposed further sanctions on him and his coalition for “fueling instability” and attempting to overthrow the Congolese government. Despite the sentence, Nangaa remains active on the battlefield. His alliance is expanding its influence beyond North Kivu, with reports suggesting he aims to extend operations to the mineral-rich southeast, particularly Katanga, where opposition to Tshisekedi is strong. His strategy appears to be not only military but also political and is seeking broader support beyond the Tutsi community, historically associated with M23. What’s next for the M23 rebellion? As the CRA and M23 consolidate power in the east, the DRC’s government finds itself increasingly isolated. Calls for dialogue with M23 are growing within regional blocs, but Tshisekedi remains firm in refusing negotiations. Meanwhile, Rwandan President Paul Kagame has dismissed international criticism and warned South Africa – whose troops are deployed in the region – not to interfere. - The Africa Report.

TheNewsHawks

14,338 görüntüleme • 1 yıl önce

[WATCH] THE PRESIDENT WILL NOT RESIGN. When it comes to the President, there is always a distinctive role between him being the President of the party and the state. There are many factors that influence the state in terms of governance and stability. If the President is called upon by some to resign and he keeps quiet it can throw the state into a state of turmoil. I want to make it clear that the officials agreed with the President on his approach, he took us into confidence and explained the factors that led him to make that particular pronouncement. We believe that the President did the right thing in pronouncing in the best interest of South Africa that he will not be resigning. There was nothing in terms of the judgment that warranted the President to resign it was just mere calls made by individuals and political parties that wanted to throw our country into a state of turmoil, uncertainty and anxiety. So it was imperative that he focus on that. It was correct for him to tell the country that from where he is standing there is nothing in the judgement that states he has done any wrongdoing and what he is going to do with the options in front of him and he has made this public. The President will take the Section 89 Report on review based on the outcome of the judgment and the legal advice he has received. There are no daggers out for the President to resign just opportunistic elements. These elements do not know what they want, they want to impeach and want him to resign, they do know what they actually want. The veracity of the report has not been tested in any committee so they don’t have a basis for the President to resign.

ANC SECRETARY GENERAL | Fikile Mbalula

21,983 görüntüleme • 2 ay önce

Like all Africans and beyond, I am deeply saddened by the situation in the Eastern Congo. I want to pass my condolences to South Africa on the death of its soldiers who have died in pursuit of peace in the DRC, and everyone who has been killed by this crisis. Today I took time to understand the issues and the root cause of the Great Lakes crisis, you can’t understand it all in a day. I am not an expert on the Great Lakes, but I found two insightful videos featuring Tanzania’s founding father, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, and former South African President Thabo Mbeki explaining it. Both leaders were actively involved in efforts to address the Great Lakes issue, with Nyerere engaging as far back as 1992 and earlier. The problem can be traced back to 1885 during the Berlin Conference, where Africa was partitioned among European colonial powers and borders were drawn regardless of ethnic sensitivities. Belgium, the colonial power in the DRC, and Germany, the colonial power in Rwanda, drew borders that divided the Rwandan Kingdom, incorporating parts of it into what is now the DRC. As a result of this partitioning, the Banyarwanda (including the Banyamulenge) ended up living on both sides of the border—in Rwanda and the DRC. Just like the Tswanas in South Africa and Botswana. Despite being Zairean (Congolese) citizens, the Banyarwanda in the DRC were often treated as foreigners by successive Congolese governments, and they faced significant discrimination. The situation worsened after the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda in 1994 which was carried out by the Hutus, when perpetrators of the genocide fled into the DRC, particularly to areas where Congolese Banyarwanda lived. These perpetrators formed a militia called the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR). The FDLR, which opposes the current Rwandan government, was later incorporated into the Congolese army, causing Rwanda to view their presence in Eastern Congo as a significant security threat. Rwanda objected to the persecution of the Congolese Banyarwanda by the Congolese Government and the FDLR in the DRC. Rwanda’s said its involvement in the DRC is rooted in its efforts to neutralise the FDLR and protect its national security, as well as to address the marginalisation of the Banyarwanda in Eastern Congo. However, this involvement has also sparked significant controversy and accusations of resource exploitation and destabilisation by the DRC. The M23 (March 23 Movement) originated from the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), a Tutsi-led rebel group in the DRC that operated in the mid-2000s. The CNDP was mainly focused on protecting the rights of Congolese Tutsis (Banyarwanda) who faced discrimination and violence, particularly after the 1994 Rwandan Genocide. Reports by Human Rights Watch in October 2022 revealed that the Congolese military supported the FDLR in their military operations against the M23 rebel group. At the same time, the Congolese government has accused Rwanda of supporting the M23 militarily. Currently the conflict involves the M23 and the Congolese army, with the DRC accusing Rwanda of deploying its troops on Congolese soil. As Nyerere points out in the video, the Zairean government stripped the Banyarwanda in the Congo of their citizenship, rendering them stateless. However, they are Congolese due to the colonial borders. What is clear is that this crisis is not an overnight problem, it has been there for decades, long before both Presidents Paul Kagame and Félix Tshisekedi were in power. What is lacking is leadership from the region and the continent to help both countries resolve this crisis once and for all. It is like a volcano that has been erupting periodically, the crisis is crying out for a modern day Nyerere or Mbeki. It is now unrealistic to expect Presidents Kagame and Tshisekedi to invite each other for coffee, it needs someone with gravitas to invite them. This crisis has no military solution except dialogue.

Hopewell Chin’ono

220,301 görüntüleme • 1 yıl önce