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🔺️𝗧𝗼𝗱𝗮𝘆'𝘀 𝗧𝗼𝗽 𝗦𝘁𝗼𝗿𝘆 | Crime counter intelligence Head Major-General Feroz Khan, Durban businessman Tariq Downes, and Gauteng Hawks Chief Major-General Ebrahim Kadwa seen leaving Kempton Park Magistrate’s Court after paying for bail.

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[DEVELOPING] Crime Intelligence's Major-General Feroz Khan, Gauteng Hawks head, Major-General Ebrahim Kadwa, and a civilian have been arrested. #eNCA's Pule Letshwiti-Jones reports. #DStv403

[DEVELOPING] Crime Intelligence's Major-General Feroz Khan, Gauteng Hawks head, Major-General Ebrahim Kadwa, and a civilian have been arrested. #eNCA's Pule Letshwiti-Jones reports. #DStv403

eNCA

73,946 views • 3 months ago

Two SAPS major-generals Feroz Khan and Ebrahim Kadwa have been granted bail. The pair appeared alongside businessman Tariq Downes in the Kempton Park Magistrate’s Court on Monday facing charges of corruption and defeating the ends of justice. They were each granted R20,000 bail under the conditions that they not interfere with the investigations or contact witnesses. Tune in to #eNCA, channel #DStv403

Two SAPS major-generals Feroz Khan and Ebrahim Kadwa have been granted bail. The pair appeared alongside businessman Tariq Downes in the Kempton Park Magistrate’s Court on Monday facing charges of corruption and defeating the ends of justice. They were each granted R20,000 bail under the conditions that they not interfere with the investigations or contact witnesses. Tune in to #eNCA, channel #DStv403

eNCA

17,321 views • 3 months ago

Police spokesperson Athlenda Mathe said Durban businessman Tariq Downes allegedly fabricated an ‘undercover agent’ story to avoid arrest after being caught with an unwrought gold bar. Senior officials Maj-Gen Feroz Khan and Hawks head Ebrahim Kadwa reportedly vouched for him, leading to his release. Investigators later confirmed he was not a police spy and should never have been freed. 📷: Kamogelo Moichela / IOL #AthlendaMathe #TariqDownes #FerozKhan #EbrahimKadwa #arrest

Police spokesperson Athlenda Mathe said Durban businessman Tariq Downes allegedly fabricated an ‘undercover agent’ story to avoid arrest after being caught with an unwrought gold bar. Senior officials Maj-Gen Feroz Khan and Hawks head Ebrahim Kadwa reportedly vouched for him, leading to his release. Investigators later confirmed he was not a police spy and should never have been freed. 📷: Kamogelo Moichela / IOL #AthlendaMathe #TariqDownes #FerozKhan #EbrahimKadwa #arrest

IOL News

138,752 views • 3 months ago

NPA spokesperson Kaizer Kganyago says the refusal by the three accused to unlock their personal cellphones seized by police could delay proceedings in the high-profile Kempton Park Magistrate’s Court case. The accused — Gauteng Hawks head Ebrahim Kadwa, Durban security company owner Tarig Downes, and Crime Intelligence Major-General Feroz Khan — are facing charges linked to the alleged unlawful possession of gold and illicit precious metals transactions connected to a 2021 incident at OR Tambo International Airport. Investigators are reportedly seeking access to the devices as part of ongoing corruption and criminal investigations. The matter continues to attract national attention due to the involvement of senior law enforcement officials and allegations of political interference raised during the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry. Silver Sibiya, the news guy #NPA #CourtCase #SouthAfrica #CrimeNews #BreakingNews #KemptonParkCourt #Hawks #CrimeIntelligence #TarigDownes #FerozKhan #EbrahimKadwa #GoldSmuggling #Corruption #SAPS #MadlangaCommission

newsnote

92,714 views • 3 months ago

Durban businessman, Tariq Downes maintains he is innocent, arguing that the state has no strong case against him. He appeared in the Kempton Park Magistrate's Court on Monday, with two SAPS major-generals, facing charges of corruption and defeating the ends of justice. The trio has been granted R20,000 bail each. Tune in to #eNCA, channel #DStv403.

Durban businessman, Tariq Downes maintains he is innocent, arguing that the state has no strong case against him. He appeared in the Kempton Park Magistrate's Court on Monday, with two SAPS major-generals, facing charges of corruption and defeating the ends of justice. The trio has been granted R20,000 bail each. Tune in to #eNCA, channel #DStv403.

eNCA

27,887 views • 2 months ago

🎈‼️🔥Nazoo!!🔥🔥🥳🥳 It's going to be a long weekend as retired Colonel Kobus Roelofse, formerly attached to the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation (the Hawks), testifies about the alleged IDAC, Andrea Johnson, and Major-General Feroz Khan shenanigans. 🙆‍♀️ #MadlangaCommission

🎈‼️🔥Nazoo!!🔥🔥🥳🥳 It's going to be a long weekend as retired Colonel Kobus Roelofse, formerly attached to the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation (the Hawks), testifies about the alleged IDAC, Andrea Johnson, and Major-General Feroz Khan shenanigans. 🙆‍♀️ #MadlangaCommission

Siyakhula

48,092 views • 1 month ago

Breaking news MK Party MP Vusi Shongwe is set to appear before the #MadlangaCommission of Inquiry on 30 June Shongwe, who informed Parliament’s Ad Hoc Committee of the invitation, is expected to testify about a Durban meeting he attended at the request of arrested Crime Intelligence head Major-General Feroz Khan. The appearance forms part of the commission’s ongoing probe into serious allegations raised by KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi.

Breaking news MK Party MP Vusi Shongwe is set to appear before the #MadlangaCommission of Inquiry on 30 June Shongwe, who informed Parliament’s Ad Hoc Committee of the invitation, is expected to testify about a Durban meeting he attended at the request of arrested Crime Intelligence head Major-General Feroz Khan. The appearance forms part of the commission’s ongoing probe into serious allegations raised by KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi.

MDN NEWS

177,167 views • 1 month ago

According to an explosive affidavit before the #MadlangaCommission, suspended Crime Intelligence Major-General Feroz Khan allegedly shared the name and residential address of VBS Mutual Bank curator Anoosh Rooplal with EFF leader Julius Malema. The affidavit alleges the information was provided after Malema requested details about the complainant in a VBS-related criminal case.

According to an explosive affidavit before the #MadlangaCommission, suspended Crime Intelligence Major-General Feroz Khan allegedly shared the name and residential address of VBS Mutual Bank curator Anoosh Rooplal with EFF leader Julius Malema. The affidavit alleges the information was provided after Malema requested details about the complainant in a VBS-related criminal case.

MDN NEWS

87,266 views • 1 month ago

This is Imran Butt the Pakistani businessman the individual whom General Sibiya allegedly accused yesterday (Wednesday) at the Madlanga Commission of fabricating fraud and corruption allegations that led to his suspension from the police service. Imran Butt is described as a highly connected figure, with links spanning political circles and senior police officials. General Sibiya claimed that Imran Butt targeted him after he investigated him for alleged organised crime and human trafficking activities. At the time, in 2015, General Sibiya was serving within the Hawks. During that period, Imran Butt was reportedly a close associate of the then Hawks Head, General Lebeya. Imran Butt has stated that he is prepared to appear before the Madlanga Commission if granted the opportunity, asserting that he possesses evidence to support his claim that General Sibiya had demanded money from him. [ In this video, Imran Butt is seen speaking at the farewell event of General Lebeya, where he appears to make indirect remarks seemingly aimed at General Sibiya ]

This is Imran Butt the Pakistani businessman the individual whom General Sibiya allegedly accused yesterday (Wednesday) at the Madlanga Commission of fabricating fraud and corruption allegations that led to his suspension from the police service. Imran Butt is described as a highly connected figure, with links spanning political circles and senior police officials. General Sibiya claimed that Imran Butt targeted him after he investigated him for alleged organised crime and human trafficking activities. At the time, in 2015, General Sibiya was serving within the Hawks. During that period, Imran Butt was reportedly a close associate of the then Hawks Head, General Lebeya. Imran Butt has stated that he is prepared to appear before the Madlanga Commission if granted the opportunity, asserting that he possesses evidence to support his claim that General Sibiya had demanded money from him. [ In this video, Imran Butt is seen speaking at the farewell event of General Lebeya, where he appears to make indirect remarks seemingly aimed at General Sibiya ]

Inqubeko News Channel

16,507 views • 5 months ago

HOW GENERAL IBB KILLED HIS CHILDHOOD FRIEND, MAMMAN VATSA FOR AN ALLEGED COUP The execution of Major General Mamman Vatsa and others involved in the alleged 1985 coup attempt is one of the most controversial and emotionally charged events in Nigeria’s military and political history. Here's a detailed narration: On December 31, 1983, Major General Muhammadu Buhari overthrew the civilian government of President Shehu Shagari. However, on August 27, 1985, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) ousted Buhari in a palace coup and assumed power. Mamman Vatsa, a poet, writer, and senior army officer, was a childhood friend of IBB. They attended Government College Bida and joined the Nigerian Army together in 1962. Vatsa was also a member of the Supreme Military Council and served as Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) under Buhari. The Alleged Coup Plot in December 1985, just a few months after Babangida became Head of State, military intelligence claimed to have uncovered a coup plot involving Vatsa and other senior officers. The coup was reportedly set to take place in December 1985, but the plot was said to have been foiled before it could be executed. Vatsa and others were arrested between December 17 and 23, 1985. After a secret military tribunal, chaired by Major General Charles Ndiomu, 17 officers were tried. Ten of them were sentenced to death and executed: 1. Major General Mamman Jiya Vatsa – Poet and former Minister of the FCT 2. Lieutenant Colonel Musa Bitiyong 3. Lieutenant Colonel Christian Oche 4. Lieutenant Colonel M.S. Bello 5. Lieutenant Colonel A.A. Aliyu 6. Major Daniel Bamidele 7. Major M. O. A. Akwashiki 8. Major John Bulus 9. Major Lawan Gwadabe (initially sentenced to death but later commuted) 10. Captain G. I. Bakut NB: Some of the names on the death list were later commuted, while others were executed. The executions took place by firing squad on March 5, 1986 at Kirikiri Prison in Lagos and other undisclosed locations. Despite appeals from prominent Nigerians and international communities, General Babangida upheld the verdicts. The trial and executions were shrouded in secrecy. Critics argued that the evidence presented was circumstantial and that the trial was rushed, with no option for appeal. Vatsa, especially, was seen as a victim of political paranoia, given his closeness to IBB. Many Nigerians believe that the coup may have been fabricated or exaggerated to eliminate perceived threats to Babangida’s rule. Some of the accused, like Major Daniel Bamidele, had earlier reported rumors of coup plans, only to be accused themselves. The killing of Mamman Vatsa remains a dark spot on Babangida’s legacy. Vatsa was not just a soldier; he was a celebrated literary figure and a man of intellect. His poetry and writings gained more attention after his death.

HOW GENERAL IBB KILLED HIS CHILDHOOD FRIEND, MAMMAN VATSA FOR AN ALLEGED COUP The execution of Major General Mamman Vatsa and others involved in the alleged 1985 coup attempt is one of the most controversial and emotionally charged events in Nigeria’s military and political history. Here's a detailed narration: On December 31, 1983, Major General Muhammadu Buhari overthrew the civilian government of President Shehu Shagari. However, on August 27, 1985, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) ousted Buhari in a palace coup and assumed power. Mamman Vatsa, a poet, writer, and senior army officer, was a childhood friend of IBB. They attended Government College Bida and joined the Nigerian Army together in 1962. Vatsa was also a member of the Supreme Military Council and served as Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) under Buhari. The Alleged Coup Plot in December 1985, just a few months after Babangida became Head of State, military intelligence claimed to have uncovered a coup plot involving Vatsa and other senior officers. The coup was reportedly set to take place in December 1985, but the plot was said to have been foiled before it could be executed. Vatsa and others were arrested between December 17 and 23, 1985. After a secret military tribunal, chaired by Major General Charles Ndiomu, 17 officers were tried. Ten of them were sentenced to death and executed: 1. Major General Mamman Jiya Vatsa – Poet and former Minister of the FCT 2. Lieutenant Colonel Musa Bitiyong 3. Lieutenant Colonel Christian Oche 4. Lieutenant Colonel M.S. Bello 5. Lieutenant Colonel A.A. Aliyu 6. Major Daniel Bamidele 7. Major M. O. A. Akwashiki 8. Major John Bulus 9. Major Lawan Gwadabe (initially sentenced to death but later commuted) 10. Captain G. I. Bakut NB: Some of the names on the death list were later commuted, while others were executed. The executions took place by firing squad on March 5, 1986 at Kirikiri Prison in Lagos and other undisclosed locations. Despite appeals from prominent Nigerians and international communities, General Babangida upheld the verdicts. The trial and executions were shrouded in secrecy. Critics argued that the evidence presented was circumstantial and that the trial was rushed, with no option for appeal. Vatsa, especially, was seen as a victim of political paranoia, given his closeness to IBB. Many Nigerians believe that the coup may have been fabricated or exaggerated to eliminate perceived threats to Babangida’s rule. Some of the accused, like Major Daniel Bamidele, had earlier reported rumors of coup plans, only to be accused themselves. The killing of Mamman Vatsa remains a dark spot on Babangida’s legacy. Vatsa was not just a soldier; he was a celebrated literary figure and a man of intellect. His poetry and writings gained more attention after his death.

𝐇𝐢𝐝𝐢𝐦𝐚, 𝐏𝐡.𝐃.

18,804 views • 1 year ago

Witness I testified about a meeting at a hotel on 29 January 2025 with Brown Mogotsi and a Crime Intelligence member (whom he knew from the Scorpions). He said the CI member stated they "needed to fix things"—meaning Witness I should make a statement clearing Major General Khan at his disciplinary hearing. He refused, saying that would amount to perjury. The CI member then allegedly said: "You will get a bag and they will facilitate for you to get a promotion at work if you help Major General Khan." Witness I pretended to go along, asking them to bring the bag so he could arrest them for bribery—but they never brought it. He did not report the incident, fearing it would reach "the targeted people." He also testified that after the John Wick scene (where a suspect was fatally wounded), Brigadier Mokwena claimed the scene was "a hit" and wanted to consult with Mr. Matlala to "fix it"—meaning Matlala would pay something to keep a source quiet. Witness I believed this was an attempt to extort money from Matlala, noting that Brigadier Mkwena did not have top secret clearance at the time. #MadlangaCommission

Witness I testified about a meeting at a hotel on 29 January 2025 with Brown Mogotsi and a Crime Intelligence member (whom he knew from the Scorpions). He said the CI member stated they "needed to fix things"—meaning Witness I should make a statement clearing Major General Khan at his disciplinary hearing. He refused, saying that would amount to perjury. The CI member then allegedly said: "You will get a bag and they will facilitate for you to get a promotion at work if you help Major General Khan." Witness I pretended to go along, asking them to bring the bag so he could arrest them for bribery—but they never brought it. He did not report the incident, fearing it would reach "the targeted people." He also testified that after the John Wick scene (where a suspect was fatally wounded), Brigadier Mokwena claimed the scene was "a hit" and wanted to consult with Mr. Matlala to "fix it"—meaning Matlala would pay something to keep a source quiet. Witness I believed this was an attempt to extort money from Matlala, noting that Brigadier Mkwena did not have top secret clearance at the time. #MadlangaCommission

IOL News

36,787 views • 2 months ago

🚨🚨 THE PLOT THICKENS: LET’S TALK ABOUT WITNESS “I”! 🚨🚨 Heish, family, please don’t even get me started on that IPID lady today, she completely exhausts me! She clearly only showed up to Madlanga’s kitchen to drink our purified water, waste our oxygen, and leave us parched for real answers. Let’s leave her right there.Because today? We need to talk about Witness “I”. This man walked into the commission, looked the country in the eye, and confirmed exactly what my gut has been telling me all along. Validation never felt so heavy.If you remember my initial theory, I told you that Major General Khan and General Kadwa swooped into that Aeroton drug bust scene like they owned it. But who was already on the ground doing the dirty work? Warrant Officer Magane, Chief Mashaba, Warrant Officer Phakula, and their informant, Mr. Tumelo Nku. Now, look... we already know that first crew had their own creative plans for those drugs, but let me keep my mouth zipped on that for a second... 🤐 Envy is a terrible thing, but greed? Greed is a monster.Generals Khan and Kadwa were visibly irritated to their very core. Why? Because they got completely outsmarted and beaten at their own game by junior amateurs! Imagine the bruised egos in that room. So, what did they do? They hijacked the scene, started bossing everyone around, and completely ignored Lt-Col Sebola an actual expert who actually knew what he was doing. Generals Khan and Kadwa were visibly irritated to their very core. Why? Because they got completely outsmarted and beaten at their own game by junior amateurs! Imagine the bruised egos in that room. So, what did they do? They hijacked the scene, started bossing everyone around, and completely ignored Lt-Col Sebola an actual expert who actually knew what he was doing. But it gets darker. Witness “I” dropped an absolute bombshell yesterday: ■ General Khan allegedly removed the truck driver from the scene and helped him vanish into thin ■ Witness “I” openly admitted that certain senior managers within SAPS are actively sleeping in the same bed as the drug cartels. This is exactly why his team keeps their operations under lock and key, you can’t trust the person sitting next to you! ■ When "Mama Sesla" (Advocate Sesi Baloyi SC) pressed him for a name, he didn't blink. He pointed straight at a 'Colonel Bok.' But wait, there's more! They tried to buy his silence. Witness “I” revealed he was offered a "handsome reward", packaged nicely as a promotion. If he just agreed to alter his statement and protect Khan. Let that sink in. The system tried to reward corruption, but he chose integrity.Witness “I” didn’t just take the stand; he came to bury the General and his entire cabal. He made it clear that intelligence reports show Major General Khan is notorious for overseeing drug syndicates flooding in from KZN. Honestly, I think the commissioners already know exactly who they are dealing with. They are patiently spinning a web, collecting every single receipt, and building a watertight case. The day General Khan finally steps into Madlanga’s kitchen, it will be the last time he ever sees the light of day. Because where he is going after this? Kukhala amadoda, only real men cry there! 🔒But as emotionally taxing as this betrayal of public trust is, we still have to be fair. We need to hear what he has to say for himself. For now, grab your popcorn, sit back, and let’s watch the wheels of justice turn slowly. #MadlangaCommission #ProtectGeneralMkhwanazi

🚨🚨 THE PLOT THICKENS: LET’S TALK ABOUT WITNESS “I”! 🚨🚨 Heish, family, please don’t even get me started on that IPID lady today, she completely exhausts me! She clearly only showed up to Madlanga’s kitchen to drink our purified water, waste our oxygen, and leave us parched for real answers. Let’s leave her right there.Because today? We need to talk about Witness “I”. This man walked into the commission, looked the country in the eye, and confirmed exactly what my gut has been telling me all along. Validation never felt so heavy.If you remember my initial theory, I told you that Major General Khan and General Kadwa swooped into that Aeroton drug bust scene like they owned it. But who was already on the ground doing the dirty work? Warrant Officer Magane, Chief Mashaba, Warrant Officer Phakula, and their informant, Mr. Tumelo Nku. Now, look... we already know that first crew had their own creative plans for those drugs, but let me keep my mouth zipped on that for a second... 🤐 Envy is a terrible thing, but greed? Greed is a monster.Generals Khan and Kadwa were visibly irritated to their very core. Why? Because they got completely outsmarted and beaten at their own game by junior amateurs! Imagine the bruised egos in that room. So, what did they do? They hijacked the scene, started bossing everyone around, and completely ignored Lt-Col Sebola an actual expert who actually knew what he was doing. Generals Khan and Kadwa were visibly irritated to their very core. Why? Because they got completely outsmarted and beaten at their own game by junior amateurs! Imagine the bruised egos in that room. So, what did they do? They hijacked the scene, started bossing everyone around, and completely ignored Lt-Col Sebola an actual expert who actually knew what he was doing. But it gets darker. Witness “I” dropped an absolute bombshell yesterday: ■ General Khan allegedly removed the truck driver from the scene and helped him vanish into thin ■ Witness “I” openly admitted that certain senior managers within SAPS are actively sleeping in the same bed as the drug cartels. This is exactly why his team keeps their operations under lock and key, you can’t trust the person sitting next to you! ■ When "Mama Sesla" (Advocate Sesi Baloyi SC) pressed him for a name, he didn't blink. He pointed straight at a 'Colonel Bok.' But wait, there's more! They tried to buy his silence. Witness “I” revealed he was offered a "handsome reward", packaged nicely as a promotion. If he just agreed to alter his statement and protect Khan. Let that sink in. The system tried to reward corruption, but he chose integrity.Witness “I” didn’t just take the stand; he came to bury the General and his entire cabal. He made it clear that intelligence reports show Major General Khan is notorious for overseeing drug syndicates flooding in from KZN. Honestly, I think the commissioners already know exactly who they are dealing with. They are patiently spinning a web, collecting every single receipt, and building a watertight case. The day General Khan finally steps into Madlanga’s kitchen, it will be the last time he ever sees the light of day. Because where he is going after this? Kukhala amadoda, only real men cry there! 🔒But as emotionally taxing as this betrayal of public trust is, we still have to be fair. We need to hear what he has to say for himself. For now, grab your popcorn, sit back, and let’s watch the wheels of justice turn slowly. #MadlangaCommission #ProtectGeneralMkhwanazi

Kwena Molekwa

22,343 views • 2 months ago

Glaring Irregularities Emerge in Imran Khan Assassination Attempt Trial 🚨🚨 A deeply troubling development has surfaced in the case concerning the November 2022 assassination attempt on former Prime Minister Imran Khan Khan was shot five times during a public rally near Wazirabad, an attack that also injured several senior PTI leaders. From the outset, Imran Khan explicitly accused elements within Pakistan’s intelligence services, specifically, ISI’s Counter-Intelligence Wing Chief, Major General Faisal Naseer of orchestrating the attack. However, shockingly, Khan’s detailed allegations were never formally registered into the official FIR, despite PTI’s control over the Punjab provincial government at the time. Instead, authorities arrested another individual, hastily labeling him as the sole shooter. What followed was a trial marred by glaring irregularities. Conducted before an Anti-Terrorism Court (ATC), the proceedings ignored basic principles of due process. According to lead lawyer Burhan Moazzam, the prosecution in an alarmingly suspicious manner withdrew its own witnesses and deliberately omitted key evidence critical to the case. Several applications seeking inclusion of essential testimonies, including that of the primary target, Imran Khan himself, were left unheard. In an extraordinary move, the ATC judge reportedly locked the courtroom, barring public and legal scrutiny, and abruptly delivered a verdict, sentencing the lone accused to double life imprisonment. The hasty conclusion of the trial, without recording testimonies from principal victims or allowing crucial evidence, raises serious concerns about the integrity of the judicial process. Legal experts and observers now suggest that the entire exercise appears tailored not to secure justice, but to shield the true masterminds behind the assassination attempt. These suspicions deepen given that Major General Faisal Naseer named by Khan was also nominated by the family of slain journalist Arshad Sharif in their application seeking an FIR over Sharif’s controversial killing in Kenya. This disturbing pattern suggests a systemic effort to protect powerful figures from accountability while presenting a token conviction to close public debate. It once again casts a dark shadow over the rule of law and institutional impartiality in Pakistan.

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Glaring Irregularities Emerge in Imran Khan Assassination Attempt Trial 🚨🚨 A deeply troubling development has surfaced in the case concerning the November 2022 assassination attempt on former Prime Minister Imran Khan Khan was shot five times during a public rally near Wazirabad, an attack that also injured several senior PTI leaders. From the outset, Imran Khan explicitly accused elements within Pakistan’s intelligence services, specifically, ISI’s Counter-Intelligence Wing Chief, Major General Faisal Naseer of orchestrating the attack. However, shockingly, Khan’s detailed allegations were never formally registered into the official FIR, despite PTI’s control over the Punjab provincial government at the time. Instead, authorities arrested another individual, hastily labeling him as the sole shooter. What followed was a trial marred by glaring irregularities. Conducted before an Anti-Terrorism Court (ATC), the proceedings ignored basic principles of due process. According to lead lawyer Burhan Moazzam, the prosecution in an alarmingly suspicious manner withdrew its own witnesses and deliberately omitted key evidence critical to the case. Several applications seeking inclusion of essential testimonies, including that of the primary target, Imran Khan himself, were left unheard. In an extraordinary move, the ATC judge reportedly locked the courtroom, barring public and legal scrutiny, and abruptly delivered a verdict, sentencing the lone accused to double life imprisonment. The hasty conclusion of the trial, without recording testimonies from principal victims or allowing crucial evidence, raises serious concerns about the integrity of the judicial process. Legal experts and observers now suggest that the entire exercise appears tailored not to secure justice, but to shield the true masterminds behind the assassination attempt. These suspicions deepen given that Major General Faisal Naseer named by Khan was also nominated by the family of slain journalist Arshad Sharif in their application seeking an FIR over Sharif’s controversial killing in Kenya. This disturbing pattern suggests a systemic effort to protect powerful figures from accountability while presenting a token conviction to close public debate. It once again casts a dark shadow over the rule of law and institutional impartiality in Pakistan.

Mirza Shahzad Akbar

45,831 views • 1 year ago

💸 The Blueprint of State Capture: Why They Cared : The Madlanga Commission just dropped nuclear-grade receipts. Major-General Feroz Khan and tobacco tycoon Mo Sayed were allegedly running a shadow operation to buy total leverage over former Ekurhuleni City Manager, Imogen Mashazi. Here is the explosive breakdown. Imogen Mashazi who controlled a massive R50-billion municipal budget was treated to an extravagant R3.5M private jet shopping trip to London. The junket was bankrolled by controversial businessman Ze Nxumalo. But the real story is in the WhatsApp chats. Evidence leader Advocate Adila Hassim SC exposed logs showing Mo Sayed acting as a "luxury travel agent" for the heist. Sayed was forwarding Mashazi’s flight details, passport info, and immigration documents directly to Crime Intelligence’s General Khan. Why? It’s the ultimate blueprint of state capture. By tracking and funding her luxury travel data, the duo allegedly sought a stranglehold over Mashazi. The goal? Total control over who gets a slice of Ekurhuleni’s multi-billion-rand municipal tender pie. The corruption was immediate. Right after this 2022 London shopping spree, corporate entities linked to the flight's financial trail miraculously secured massive municipal diesel and supply contracts in Ekurhuleni. This isn't just about one trip, the entire house of cards is collapsing. Mashazi is already under fire for protecting suspended EMPD Deputy Chief Julius Mkhwanazi from corruption charges, all while living in a R60M Waterfall mansion linked to Edwin Sodi. Advocate Hassim is systematically dismantling this network of greed. She argued a R3.5M weekend trip demands a criminal inference: the benefactors expected massive gratification. The high life always comes with a receipt, and the state capture bill is due. ⚖️🔥 #MadlangaCommission #ProtectGeneralMkhwanazi #July6 #NhlanhlaMkhwanaziDay

💸 The Blueprint of State Capture: Why They Cared : The Madlanga Commission just dropped nuclear-grade receipts. Major-General Feroz Khan and tobacco tycoon Mo Sayed were allegedly running a shadow operation to buy total leverage over former Ekurhuleni City Manager, Imogen Mashazi. Here is the explosive breakdown. Imogen Mashazi who controlled a massive R50-billion municipal budget was treated to an extravagant R3.5M private jet shopping trip to London. The junket was bankrolled by controversial businessman Ze Nxumalo. But the real story is in the WhatsApp chats. Evidence leader Advocate Adila Hassim SC exposed logs showing Mo Sayed acting as a "luxury travel agent" for the heist. Sayed was forwarding Mashazi’s flight details, passport info, and immigration documents directly to Crime Intelligence’s General Khan. Why? It’s the ultimate blueprint of state capture. By tracking and funding her luxury travel data, the duo allegedly sought a stranglehold over Mashazi. The goal? Total control over who gets a slice of Ekurhuleni’s multi-billion-rand municipal tender pie. The corruption was immediate. Right after this 2022 London shopping spree, corporate entities linked to the flight's financial trail miraculously secured massive municipal diesel and supply contracts in Ekurhuleni. This isn't just about one trip, the entire house of cards is collapsing. Mashazi is already under fire for protecting suspended EMPD Deputy Chief Julius Mkhwanazi from corruption charges, all while living in a R60M Waterfall mansion linked to Edwin Sodi. Advocate Hassim is systematically dismantling this network of greed. She argued a R3.5M weekend trip demands a criminal inference: the benefactors expected massive gratification. The high life always comes with a receipt, and the state capture bill is due. ⚖️🔥 #MadlangaCommission #ProtectGeneralMkhwanazi #July6 #NhlanhlaMkhwanaziDay

Kwena Molekwa

62,168 views • 1 month ago

Mullah Zaeef's Deception and the revelation of General Ehsan- too little too late? A recent video, posted by veteran journalist Tahir Khan sahab, has finally shed light on one of the most controversial diplomatic incidents of the post-9/11 era. The footage features a long-awaited statement from General Ehsan, the former Director-General of Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), offering his first public account regarding the disposition of former Taliban Ambassador Mullah Abdul Salam Zaeef. General Ehsan's remarks constitute a bombshell disclosure, fundamentally challenging the established narrative. ▪️He revealed that Mullah Zaeef, while enjoying sanctuary in Pakistan, became a major source of friction for the Pakistani govt. ▪️For months - not for days or hours, but months, Pakistani officials, employed a mix of soft diplomacy and extreme persistence, trying to resolve the issue. As Pakistan withdrew their recognition of TTA govt, so legally, technically and ethically it was Zaeef's place to be and he has to vacate the premises of embassy. ▪️The General claims that Pakistani authorities repeatedly implored Zaeef, even to the point of a humiliating display of deference, to simply vacate his embassy residence and assume a low-profile existence as a normal Afghan expatriate anywhere within Pakistan’s territory. ▪️Zaeef, however, was in non-compliance. Instead of accepting the state’s proposal, he continuously engaged with the international press, effectively using his position to conduct a media campaign that severely embarrassed and vexed the Pakistani government. ▪️This protracted standoff ultimately led to a resolution that contradicts the pervasive narrative of betrayal. The former DG ISI definitively stated that Pakistan's final action was to escort Zaeef to the Torkham border crossing, where he was formally handed over to the then existing Afghan authorities. ▪️General Ehsan's key takeaway is unambiguous: Pakistan never carried out a rendition of Mullah Zaeef to the United States. ▪️This refutes the long-held claim of a Pakistani betrayal, propagated widely by Zaeef and his sympathetic elements. ▪️Adding to the complexity, the book detailing Zaeef’s version of events was reportedly first published in India before achieving wider global circulation. ▪️It is noted that Zaeef's credibility is suspect, as he was reportedly not even fully accepted by the Afghan Taliban upon his eventual return to Afghanistan, yet his operational narrative continues to be leveraged by such entities and certain domestic political and media constituencies to undermine Pakistan's state standing and stature. ▪️ How there is now a grievance from General Ehsan and the Pakistani officialdom. If this wasn't a strategic communication failure, then what was? Given that the factual matrix of the case was known for nearly a quarter of a century, why was the official counter-narrative wasn't thrown out? ▪️This prolonged information vacuum allowed a false story to be successfully weaponized, contributing to the radicalization of youth and the fomenting of insurgency. This is on us - that we failed to reveal such details and now paying the price or established falsehood as a gospel of truth.

Salman Javed

151,809 views • 9 months ago

🚨12 HOUR NEWS RECAP 1. Trump’s envoy, Steve Witkoff, arrived in Moscow to discuss the final offer from the U.S for peace in Ukraine. It reportedly includes provisions that Ukraine won’t join NATO and that both sides will cede some territory. 2. A Russian general was killed by a car bomb in Moscow - believed to be a targeted attack by Ukraine. General Yaroslav Moskalik was the deputy head of the Main Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff of the Russian Armed Forces and once led Russia-Ukraine talks in Paris. 3. Trump slammed Putin for launching a major missile attack on Ukraine: “We’re in the midst of peace talks, and missiles were fired. I was not happy with that.” 4. Gunfire erupted overnight between India and Pakistan across the Line of Control as tensions between the nuclear-armed rivals spiral. India’s army confirmed there had been limited firing of small arms that it said had been initiated by Pakistan, adding it had been “effectively responded to.” 5. Some mourners caused outrage by snapping selfies with the body of Pope Francis at St Peter’s Basilica. Despite rules and basic decency, phones came out, selfie sticks went up, and reverence flew out the window. 6. After rebel-backed chaos and rising death tolls, Congo and Rwanda are set to sign a peace and development pact in D.C. with Secretary of State Marco Rubio. Behind the diplomacy? Billions in U.S investment and a quiet race for cobalt, copper, and lithium. 7. China told Washington to completely scrap all tariffs if it wants serious negotiations. China's Commerce Ministry insisted the U.S started the trade war and must make the first move toward peace. 8. Judge William Orrick - who ruled Trump can't cut funding to cities hiding illegal immigrants - turned out to be a huge Democratic Party supporter. He didn't just donate 6 figures to Democratic candidates including Obama, Kerry, and both Clintons - he chaired committees to elect them and introduced Kamala at campaign events. 9. Online criminals scammed Americans out of $16.6 billion last year, according to the FBI’s Internet Crime Complaint Center, marking a 33% surge in just 12 months. People over 60 took the biggest hit - losing $4.8 billion across more than 147,000 complaints. 10. California pulled ahead of Japan with a $4.1 trillion economy, making it the 4th largest in the world. It grew faster than the U.S, China, and Germany last year, but with rising public-sector jobs, shrinking private ones, and trade partners spooked, it’s not clear how long the state can hold the line.

🚨12 HOUR NEWS RECAP 1. Trump’s envoy, Steve Witkoff, arrived in Moscow to discuss the final offer from the U.S for peace in Ukraine. It reportedly includes provisions that Ukraine won’t join NATO and that both sides will cede some territory. 2. A Russian general was killed by a car bomb in Moscow - believed to be a targeted attack by Ukraine. General Yaroslav Moskalik was the deputy head of the Main Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff of the Russian Armed Forces and once led Russia-Ukraine talks in Paris. 3. Trump slammed Putin for launching a major missile attack on Ukraine: “We’re in the midst of peace talks, and missiles were fired. I was not happy with that.” 4. Gunfire erupted overnight between India and Pakistan across the Line of Control as tensions between the nuclear-armed rivals spiral. India’s army confirmed there had been limited firing of small arms that it said had been initiated by Pakistan, adding it had been “effectively responded to.” 5. Some mourners caused outrage by snapping selfies with the body of Pope Francis at St Peter’s Basilica. Despite rules and basic decency, phones came out, selfie sticks went up, and reverence flew out the window. 6. After rebel-backed chaos and rising death tolls, Congo and Rwanda are set to sign a peace and development pact in D.C. with Secretary of State Marco Rubio. Behind the diplomacy? Billions in U.S investment and a quiet race for cobalt, copper, and lithium. 7. China told Washington to completely scrap all tariffs if it wants serious negotiations. China's Commerce Ministry insisted the U.S started the trade war and must make the first move toward peace. 8. Judge William Orrick - who ruled Trump can't cut funding to cities hiding illegal immigrants - turned out to be a huge Democratic Party supporter. He didn't just donate 6 figures to Democratic candidates including Obama, Kerry, and both Clintons - he chaired committees to elect them and introduced Kamala at campaign events. 9. Online criminals scammed Americans out of $16.6 billion last year, according to the FBI’s Internet Crime Complaint Center, marking a 33% surge in just 12 months. People over 60 took the biggest hit - losing $4.8 billion across more than 147,000 complaints. 10. California pulled ahead of Japan with a $4.1 trillion economy, making it the 4th largest in the world. It grew faster than the U.S, China, and Germany last year, but with rising public-sector jobs, shrinking private ones, and trade partners spooked, it’s not clear how long the state can hold the line.

Mario Nawfal

157,533 views • 1 year ago

The tragedy of Zimbabwean politics is that there is reality, and then there are aspirations, aspirations that often drift into political delusions that hope for miracles. Too often, our people choose the latter. Instead of confronting the hard political realities before us, they cling to the hope that events will somehow unfold in their favour miraculously, regardless of the evidence saying otherwise. I have listened carefully to Vice President General Constantino Chiwenga’s latest remarks, given to us through a parable of Lazarus and the other biblical analogies he has shared at different intervals. He has demonstrated that he understands religion, reads the Bible extensively, and is comfortable using scripture to communicate political ideas and messages to the Zimbabwean citizenry. That, however, does not change our political reality. In 2017, General Chiwenga successfully marshalled the military, worked hand in glove with other senior figures within the security establishment, mobilised ordinary citizens onto the streets with the help of the opposition, and carried out the military coup that removed former president Robert Mugabe from power after forcing him to write a resignation letter with a gun over his head. Today, however, General Chiwenga faces a far steeper challenge because Zimbabweans are deeply disillusioned by what followed. Fairly or unfairly, many do not see what happened after November 2017 simply as Mnangagwa’s project. They see it as General Chiwenga’s military intervention because he was the Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces who executed it; he was the poster boy of the military coup. Zimbabwean citizens jokingly called him General Bae. “Bae” is an affectionate term for someone you love or care about deeply. Whether one agrees with that assessment or not, that General Chiwenga bears responsibility for what followed the coup is a political perception that remains ingrained in the country’s memory. Anything that emerged from that military coup inevitably falls, to some extent, on his shoulders. That leaves him with an enormous task if he hopes to redeem himself politically. His biggest challenge is that, unlike Robert Mugabe, President Emmerson Mnangagwa is an exceptionally patient, calculating, and tactical politician who plans years ahead of eventual execution, and who does so ruthlessly, without any mercy for his political opponents. Today, we are confronted with Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3, which is now on President Mnangagwa’s desk awaiting his signature. Once enacted, it will, barring a political miracle, effectively extinguish Chiwenga’s path to the presidency and also extinguish the little prospect of an opposition president. But this story did not begin in 2026. It began in 2021 with Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 2, which abolished the running mate clause. That provision would have significantly strengthened General Chiwenga’s prospects of automatically succeeding President Mnangagwa. When Amendment No. 2 was introduced, I argued that it was unmistakable evidence that President Mnangagwa had no intention whatsoever of handing over power to Chiwenga. As usual, because many people preferred comforting illusions to uncomfortable facts, many disagreed with that political assessment. Some within ZANUPF accused me of talking political nonsense. Others insisted that Mnangagwa and Chiwenga were inseparable political brothers who would always work together. Even sections of the opposition dismissed my political analysis, arguing that Mnangagwa would never have the political capacity to sideline Chiwenga because powerful forces would stop him. Reality has partly answered that debate. The results are before us. The so-called forces have not been able to stop him so far. Today, the Vice President increasingly relies on biblical parables to communicate his political messaging while Mnangagwa steadily and ruthlessly tightens his grip on every important lever of state power. The military itself illustrates this shift. The Zimbabwe National Army is now commanded by Major General Walter Tapfumaneyi. His rise is politically significant to the story so far and to where the story might take us as it continues to unfold. General Tapfumaneyi left the army as a colonel after falling out with the military establishment during General Chiwenga’s tenure as Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces. He was made a Brigadier General upon retirement from the army. He joined the Central Intelligence Organisation, where he rose to become Deputy Director-General. He also commanded Forever Associates Zimbabwe (FAZ), the organisation widely associated with supporting President Mnangagwa’s electoral machinery during the 2023 elections. When President Mnangagwa returned him to the Zimbabwe National Army, he was promoted to the rank of Major General. He leapfrogged several Major Generals who had served longer at that rank when he was appointed Commander of the Zimbabwe National Army. President Mnangagwa was now building the army in his own desired image and dismantling General Chiwenga’s army management network. His appointment strengthened Mnangagwa’s influence over one of the country’s most important institutions, the military. He was appointed after President Mnangagwa fired General Chiwenga’s right-hand man, General Anselem Nhamo Sanyatwe, who had been the commander who supervised the 2017 coup when he was commander of the Presidential Guard. He was appointed as Sports Minister, replacing Kirsty Coventry. Today’s Presidential Guard presents a similar picture. It has also been reshaped to suit President Mnangagwa’s political pursuits. The same formation that played a decisive role during the 2017 military intervention, then commanded by Colonel Anselem Sanyatwe before his subsequent promotion to Brigadier General, is today under a commander aligned with Mnangagwa. Major General Fidelis Mhonda, who commands today’s Presidential Guard, was promoted a few days ago to the rank of Major General, reinforcing the widespread perception that the Presidential Guard is now firmly within Mnangagwa’s sphere of influence and political control. Above them sits the Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, General Emmanuel Matatu, from the Midlands province. Unlike Chiwenga during his tenure, General Matatu has generally not been viewed as an overt political operator. His role has largely been seen as maintaining institutional continuity rather than building an independent political constituency within the military, as General Chiwenga did during his time in the army. Taken together, these developments are seen by President Mnangagwa and his close associates as significantly reducing the prospects of another military coup to remove him. Over time, President Mnangagwa has systematically reshaped the senior military command structure. Military officers perceived to be close to Chiwenga have either retired, died, been reassigned, or gradually lost influence, while others considered more acceptable to Mnangagwa have risen through the ranks. Whether intentional or simply the natural evolution of military succession, the result has been the steady consolidation of presidential influence over the security establishment, weakening General Chiwenga’s influence. Meanwhile, many Zimbabweans have begun looking to Chiwenga for a viable counterforce because they see little prospect of meaningful change emerging from the fragmented opposition. Yet Chiwenga’s recent biblical parable appears to carry a different message. Rather than suggesting that salvation will come through him and his military associates alone, he seems to be telling Zimbabweans that they must act for themselves instead of waiting for someone else to rescue them. If that is indeed his message, it presents a political dilemma. Zimbabweans have repeatedly been encouraged to “wait and watch,” with suggestions that decisive, overwhelming action was imminent. Now they are being reminded that they themselves must participate. The difficulty is that many Zimbabweans remain traumatised by the state’s historical response to public demonstrations using the same military. When Chiwenga commanded the Zimbabwean military, those who protested often encountered overwhelming force. In August 2018, when he had become Vice President, soldiers shot civilians during post-election protests in Harare. The global media and British politicians like Kate Hoey directly blamed General Chiwenga for those killings because of Zimbabwe’s army history of dabbling in politics. Emmerson Mnangagwa’s public relations machine kicked into action and blamed General Chiwenga when speaking to diplomats and international businessmen about the circumstances surrounding what had taken place. A very powerful narrative was created that pointed to General Chiwenga as the culprit. President Mnangagwa told African presidents that when the killings took place, he was actually in a meeting with the former Ethiopian Prime Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn and the former Ethiopian dictator, Mengistu Haile Mariam. In 2008, while he was Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, the military killed hundreds of opposition supporters during the post-election violence that ultimately led to the formation of the Government of National Unity (GNU). Those events remain deeply embedded in the political memory of Zimbabwean citizens. Consequently, many Zimbabweans today are understandably reluctant to return to the streets for fear of being killed. Ironically, it is a political environment that Chiwenga himself helped create. Successful military interventions that seek public legitimacy usually require significant civilian mobilisation. Unless one is contemplating an outright seizure of power through force alone, public participation matters. Today, however, fear has largely replaced mobilisation. Across Zimbabwe and throughout the diaspora, many people hold General Chiwenga partly responsible for the political situation the country now finds itself in. They argue that in 2017 he possessed both the military authority and the political leverage to shape Zimbabwe’s future differently. Former president Robert Mugabe sent former central bank governor Dr Gideon Gono during the coup in November 2017 to engage General Chiwenga and other senior military officers with proposals that would have allowed General Chiwenga himself to assume power. General Chiwenga refused this offer and remained loyal to President Emmerson Mnangagwa during the coup. President Mnangagwa, by contrast, has demonstrated unwavering commitment to securing his own political future in a ruthless and Machiavellian way. Every major constitutional change, every strategic appointment, and every restructuring of the security establishment point in the same direction. His political objectives have been pursued with remarkable political discipline, patience, and clarity, coupled with an iron fist. Regardless of how objectionable his actions have been, he continues to execute them, and so far he has been succeeding. That is why I return to where I began. Zimbabwean politics has become a contest between reality and aspiration or delusion. Many continue to believe that somehow events will take a different course through a political messiah despite the evidence accumulating before them. But politics rewards those who deal with reality and political actors who are not scared of executing their plans, regardless of how controversial they are. It does not reward those who substitute objective reality with hope. Whatever one thinks of President Emmerson Mnangagwa or General Constantino Chiwenga, the evidence available today points overwhelmingly in one direction. Mnangagwa has spent years methodically consolidating power, while many of his opponents have spent those same years believing circumstances would somehow change in their favour. The other element that helped the ascension of President Emmerson Mnangagwa was the main opposition political party of the day, the MDC. Former Prime Minister and founding MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai and his successor, Nelson Chamisa, worked with Mnangagwa in sanitising the coup by putting their supporters on the streets to make it look like it was a popular uprising against the sickly geriatric leader, Robert Mugabe. Today, the opposition is in disarray, crippled and, in many cases, comfortably ensconced in ZANUPF pockets. To put it more accurately, it is in Emmerson Mnangagwa’s pockets. The country’s most popular opposition leader, Nelson Chamisa, has also made his position clear through one of his own parables on social media. In a recent post, he suggested that he would not allow himself to be made to write Paper Two, in other words, another military coup. His argument is based on the fact that the first military coup delivered nothing but grief for the opposition. The opposition was promised a lot of things and as the coup ended successfully, former Finance Minister Patrick Chinamasa told Zimbabweans that it was a strictly ZANUPF affair. Chamisa believes that repeating the same approach, when there is already evidence of what the first coup produced, would be politically futile. He is therefore clearly not prepared to marshal his supporters onto the streets on behalf of one ZANUPF faction against another because he sees this primarily as an internal ZANUPF power struggle as he sees it. Another important element is that President Emmerson Mnangagwa has been able to create massive wealth through public procurement for a coterie of loyal political backers. That wealth has played a significant role in securing political favours, consolidating power, and extending influence across many facets of Zimbabwean society. Mnangagwa loyalists have publicly donated luxury vehicles and other expensive gifts to senior military commanders, universities, churches, celebrities, and many related key institutional figures. In the religious sector, which has millions of fanatic followers, influential church leaders have received financial support and gifts. In the entertainment industry, prominent musicians such as Jah Prayzah, Alick Macheso, and others have also received gifts from wealthy Mnangagwa loyalists who openly support President Mnangagwa’s political agenda to extend his term of office. Taken together, these patronage networks have helped consolidate political influence well beyond the structures of the state itself. The odds facing the Vice President are therefore enormous. Barring a miracle, his path to the presidency appears increasingly very difficult. The irony is that part of the political architecture he helped build over the past two decades has created the very climate of fear that now stands in his way. If he were ever to seek public mobilisation, many Zimbabweans would be reluctant to take to the streets because of the state’s historical response to protests, much of which occurred while he occupied positions of immense power in the security sector. The other risk is that, if nothing changes, he could eventually be dismissed. Some of his ardent supporters like Knox Chivero have already gone onto public social media platforms claiming that there are plans to remove him from office. That possibility does not surprise political analysts at all. At some point, Mnangagwa may conclude that there is little political value in retaining a deputy whom he believes has been politically and militarily neutralised. Many political analysts now say, barring a political miracle powered by a military coup, Chiwenga could ultimately find himself leaving office as an ordinary civilian. Any attempt to remove a government through a military coup carries enormous risks and requires tonnes of money, as we saw with the 2017 military coup, which was reportedly funded by fuel tycoon Kudakwashe Tagwirei. Such an attempt must succeed because, historically, failed coups often have severe, and sometimes fatal, consequences for those who participate in them. It is a kill-or-be-killed situation once it unfolds. So, Vice President Chiwenga finds himself in an extraordinarily difficult position. His own faction is looking to him to lead and deliver. At the same time, many opposition supporters who now feel politically orphaned, with no credible political home, are also looking to him in the hope that he can bring about change but are terrified of the streets. As all this drama unfolds, President Emmerson Mnangagwa continues to tighten his grip on power. Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 now sits on his desk awaiting his signature, and it could be signed into law at any moment. Yet, for General Chiwenga, this is a make-or-break moment. If the Bill is signed into law and the General does nothing, many will conclude that his political presidential ambitions have come to an undignified end. If he attempts to act and fails, he could place himself in mortal danger. And if he simply waits, the political outcome may ultimately be the same, he risks being removed once Mnangagwa concludes that he no longer serves a useful political purpose. Time, as always, will be the ultimate judge. Reality and aspiration are now facing each other, and we have not a long time left for the ultimate showdown, or, as many suspect, little resistance.

The tragedy of Zimbabwean politics is that there is reality, and then there are aspirations, aspirations that often drift into political delusions that hope for miracles. Too often, our people choose the latter. Instead of confronting the hard political realities before us, they cling to the hope that events will somehow unfold in their favour miraculously, regardless of the evidence saying otherwise. I have listened carefully to Vice President General Constantino Chiwenga’s latest remarks, given to us through a parable of Lazarus and the other biblical analogies he has shared at different intervals. He has demonstrated that he understands religion, reads the Bible extensively, and is comfortable using scripture to communicate political ideas and messages to the Zimbabwean citizenry. That, however, does not change our political reality. In 2017, General Chiwenga successfully marshalled the military, worked hand in glove with other senior figures within the security establishment, mobilised ordinary citizens onto the streets with the help of the opposition, and carried out the military coup that removed former president Robert Mugabe from power after forcing him to write a resignation letter with a gun over his head. Today, however, General Chiwenga faces a far steeper challenge because Zimbabweans are deeply disillusioned by what followed. Fairly or unfairly, many do not see what happened after November 2017 simply as Mnangagwa’s project. They see it as General Chiwenga’s military intervention because he was the Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces who executed it; he was the poster boy of the military coup. Zimbabwean citizens jokingly called him General Bae. “Bae” is an affectionate term for someone you love or care about deeply. Whether one agrees with that assessment or not, that General Chiwenga bears responsibility for what followed the coup is a political perception that remains ingrained in the country’s memory. Anything that emerged from that military coup inevitably falls, to some extent, on his shoulders. That leaves him with an enormous task if he hopes to redeem himself politically. His biggest challenge is that, unlike Robert Mugabe, President Emmerson Mnangagwa is an exceptionally patient, calculating, and tactical politician who plans years ahead of eventual execution, and who does so ruthlessly, without any mercy for his political opponents. Today, we are confronted with Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3, which is now on President Mnangagwa’s desk awaiting his signature. Once enacted, it will, barring a political miracle, effectively extinguish Chiwenga’s path to the presidency and also extinguish the little prospect of an opposition president. But this story did not begin in 2026. It began in 2021 with Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 2, which abolished the running mate clause. That provision would have significantly strengthened General Chiwenga’s prospects of automatically succeeding President Mnangagwa. When Amendment No. 2 was introduced, I argued that it was unmistakable evidence that President Mnangagwa had no intention whatsoever of handing over power to Chiwenga. As usual, because many people preferred comforting illusions to uncomfortable facts, many disagreed with that political assessment. Some within ZANUPF accused me of talking political nonsense. Others insisted that Mnangagwa and Chiwenga were inseparable political brothers who would always work together. Even sections of the opposition dismissed my political analysis, arguing that Mnangagwa would never have the political capacity to sideline Chiwenga because powerful forces would stop him. Reality has partly answered that debate. The results are before us. The so-called forces have not been able to stop him so far. Today, the Vice President increasingly relies on biblical parables to communicate his political messaging while Mnangagwa steadily and ruthlessly tightens his grip on every important lever of state power. The military itself illustrates this shift. The Zimbabwe National Army is now commanded by Major General Walter Tapfumaneyi. His rise is politically significant to the story so far and to where the story might take us as it continues to unfold. General Tapfumaneyi left the army as a colonel after falling out with the military establishment during General Chiwenga’s tenure as Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces. He was made a Brigadier General upon retirement from the army. He joined the Central Intelligence Organisation, where he rose to become Deputy Director-General. He also commanded Forever Associates Zimbabwe (FAZ), the organisation widely associated with supporting President Mnangagwa’s electoral machinery during the 2023 elections. When President Mnangagwa returned him to the Zimbabwe National Army, he was promoted to the rank of Major General. He leapfrogged several Major Generals who had served longer at that rank when he was appointed Commander of the Zimbabwe National Army. President Mnangagwa was now building the army in his own desired image and dismantling General Chiwenga’s army management network. His appointment strengthened Mnangagwa’s influence over one of the country’s most important institutions, the military. He was appointed after President Mnangagwa fired General Chiwenga’s right-hand man, General Anselem Nhamo Sanyatwe, who had been the commander who supervised the 2017 coup when he was commander of the Presidential Guard. He was appointed as Sports Minister, replacing Kirsty Coventry. Today’s Presidential Guard presents a similar picture. It has also been reshaped to suit President Mnangagwa’s political pursuits. The same formation that played a decisive role during the 2017 military intervention, then commanded by Colonel Anselem Sanyatwe before his subsequent promotion to Brigadier General, is today under a commander aligned with Mnangagwa. Major General Fidelis Mhonda, who commands today’s Presidential Guard, was promoted a few days ago to the rank of Major General, reinforcing the widespread perception that the Presidential Guard is now firmly within Mnangagwa’s sphere of influence and political control. Above them sits the Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, General Emmanuel Matatu, from the Midlands province. Unlike Chiwenga during his tenure, General Matatu has generally not been viewed as an overt political operator. His role has largely been seen as maintaining institutional continuity rather than building an independent political constituency within the military, as General Chiwenga did during his time in the army. Taken together, these developments are seen by President Mnangagwa and his close associates as significantly reducing the prospects of another military coup to remove him. Over time, President Mnangagwa has systematically reshaped the senior military command structure. Military officers perceived to be close to Chiwenga have either retired, died, been reassigned, or gradually lost influence, while others considered more acceptable to Mnangagwa have risen through the ranks. Whether intentional or simply the natural evolution of military succession, the result has been the steady consolidation of presidential influence over the security establishment, weakening General Chiwenga’s influence. Meanwhile, many Zimbabweans have begun looking to Chiwenga for a viable counterforce because they see little prospect of meaningful change emerging from the fragmented opposition. Yet Chiwenga’s recent biblical parable appears to carry a different message. Rather than suggesting that salvation will come through him and his military associates alone, he seems to be telling Zimbabweans that they must act for themselves instead of waiting for someone else to rescue them. If that is indeed his message, it presents a political dilemma. Zimbabweans have repeatedly been encouraged to “wait and watch,” with suggestions that decisive, overwhelming action was imminent. Now they are being reminded that they themselves must participate. The difficulty is that many Zimbabweans remain traumatised by the state’s historical response to public demonstrations using the same military. When Chiwenga commanded the Zimbabwean military, those who protested often encountered overwhelming force. In August 2018, when he had become Vice President, soldiers shot civilians during post-election protests in Harare. The global media and British politicians like Kate Hoey directly blamed General Chiwenga for those killings because of Zimbabwe’s army history of dabbling in politics. Emmerson Mnangagwa’s public relations machine kicked into action and blamed General Chiwenga when speaking to diplomats and international businessmen about the circumstances surrounding what had taken place. A very powerful narrative was created that pointed to General Chiwenga as the culprit. President Mnangagwa told African presidents that when the killings took place, he was actually in a meeting with the former Ethiopian Prime Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn and the former Ethiopian dictator, Mengistu Haile Mariam. In 2008, while he was Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, the military killed hundreds of opposition supporters during the post-election violence that ultimately led to the formation of the Government of National Unity (GNU). Those events remain deeply embedded in the political memory of Zimbabwean citizens. Consequently, many Zimbabweans today are understandably reluctant to return to the streets for fear of being killed. Ironically, it is a political environment that Chiwenga himself helped create. Successful military interventions that seek public legitimacy usually require significant civilian mobilisation. Unless one is contemplating an outright seizure of power through force alone, public participation matters. Today, however, fear has largely replaced mobilisation. Across Zimbabwe and throughout the diaspora, many people hold General Chiwenga partly responsible for the political situation the country now finds itself in. They argue that in 2017 he possessed both the military authority and the political leverage to shape Zimbabwe’s future differently. Former president Robert Mugabe sent former central bank governor Dr Gideon Gono during the coup in November 2017 to engage General Chiwenga and other senior military officers with proposals that would have allowed General Chiwenga himself to assume power. General Chiwenga refused this offer and remained loyal to President Emmerson Mnangagwa during the coup. President Mnangagwa, by contrast, has demonstrated unwavering commitment to securing his own political future in a ruthless and Machiavellian way. Every major constitutional change, every strategic appointment, and every restructuring of the security establishment point in the same direction. His political objectives have been pursued with remarkable political discipline, patience, and clarity, coupled with an iron fist. Regardless of how objectionable his actions have been, he continues to execute them, and so far he has been succeeding. That is why I return to where I began. Zimbabwean politics has become a contest between reality and aspiration or delusion. Many continue to believe that somehow events will take a different course through a political messiah despite the evidence accumulating before them. But politics rewards those who deal with reality and political actors who are not scared of executing their plans, regardless of how controversial they are. It does not reward those who substitute objective reality with hope. Whatever one thinks of President Emmerson Mnangagwa or General Constantino Chiwenga, the evidence available today points overwhelmingly in one direction. Mnangagwa has spent years methodically consolidating power, while many of his opponents have spent those same years believing circumstances would somehow change in their favour. The other element that helped the ascension of President Emmerson Mnangagwa was the main opposition political party of the day, the MDC. Former Prime Minister and founding MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai and his successor, Nelson Chamisa, worked with Mnangagwa in sanitising the coup by putting their supporters on the streets to make it look like it was a popular uprising against the sickly geriatric leader, Robert Mugabe. Today, the opposition is in disarray, crippled and, in many cases, comfortably ensconced in ZANUPF pockets. To put it more accurately, it is in Emmerson Mnangagwa’s pockets. The country’s most popular opposition leader, Nelson Chamisa, has also made his position clear through one of his own parables on social media. In a recent post, he suggested that he would not allow himself to be made to write Paper Two, in other words, another military coup. His argument is based on the fact that the first military coup delivered nothing but grief for the opposition. The opposition was promised a lot of things and as the coup ended successfully, former Finance Minister Patrick Chinamasa told Zimbabweans that it was a strictly ZANUPF affair. Chamisa believes that repeating the same approach, when there is already evidence of what the first coup produced, would be politically futile. He is therefore clearly not prepared to marshal his supporters onto the streets on behalf of one ZANUPF faction against another because he sees this primarily as an internal ZANUPF power struggle as he sees it. Another important element is that President Emmerson Mnangagwa has been able to create massive wealth through public procurement for a coterie of loyal political backers. That wealth has played a significant role in securing political favours, consolidating power, and extending influence across many facets of Zimbabwean society. Mnangagwa loyalists have publicly donated luxury vehicles and other expensive gifts to senior military commanders, universities, churches, celebrities, and many related key institutional figures. In the religious sector, which has millions of fanatic followers, influential church leaders have received financial support and gifts. In the entertainment industry, prominent musicians such as Jah Prayzah, Alick Macheso, and others have also received gifts from wealthy Mnangagwa loyalists who openly support President Mnangagwa’s political agenda to extend his term of office. Taken together, these patronage networks have helped consolidate political influence well beyond the structures of the state itself. The odds facing the Vice President are therefore enormous. Barring a miracle, his path to the presidency appears increasingly very difficult. The irony is that part of the political architecture he helped build over the past two decades has created the very climate of fear that now stands in his way. If he were ever to seek public mobilisation, many Zimbabweans would be reluctant to take to the streets because of the state’s historical response to protests, much of which occurred while he occupied positions of immense power in the security sector. The other risk is that, if nothing changes, he could eventually be dismissed. Some of his ardent supporters like Knox Chivero have already gone onto public social media platforms claiming that there are plans to remove him from office. That possibility does not surprise political analysts at all. At some point, Mnangagwa may conclude that there is little political value in retaining a deputy whom he believes has been politically and militarily neutralised. Many political analysts now say, barring a political miracle powered by a military coup, Chiwenga could ultimately find himself leaving office as an ordinary civilian. Any attempt to remove a government through a military coup carries enormous risks and requires tonnes of money, as we saw with the 2017 military coup, which was reportedly funded by fuel tycoon Kudakwashe Tagwirei. Such an attempt must succeed because, historically, failed coups often have severe, and sometimes fatal, consequences for those who participate in them. It is a kill-or-be-killed situation once it unfolds. So, Vice President Chiwenga finds himself in an extraordinarily difficult position. His own faction is looking to him to lead and deliver. At the same time, many opposition supporters who now feel politically orphaned, with no credible political home, are also looking to him in the hope that he can bring about change but are terrified of the streets. As all this drama unfolds, President Emmerson Mnangagwa continues to tighten his grip on power. Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 now sits on his desk awaiting his signature, and it could be signed into law at any moment. Yet, for General Chiwenga, this is a make-or-break moment. If the Bill is signed into law and the General does nothing, many will conclude that his political presidential ambitions have come to an undignified end. If he attempts to act and fails, he could place himself in mortal danger. And if he simply waits, the political outcome may ultimately be the same, he risks being removed once Mnangagwa concludes that he no longer serves a useful political purpose. Time, as always, will be the ultimate judge. Reality and aspiration are now facing each other, and we have not a long time left for the ultimate showdown, or, as many suspect, little resistance.

Hopewell Chin’ono

105,113 views • 1 month ago

Israel: 2000 September – A Neo-Con group, Project for the New American Century (PNAC) suggests that "a catastrophic and catalyzing event – like a new Pearl Harbor" may be necessary to facilitate "the process of transformation" they call for in U.S. military policy. 2001 – Israeli Mossad company ICTS controls security screening at U.S. airports on 9/11. Directors include Yair Shamir, son of notorious Israeli terrorist and assassination chief Yitzhak Shamir. 2001 – Israeli intelligence creates false histories for alleged hijackers. Israeli spies posing as "art students" live near hijacker patsies. Duplicate documents are used to create false histories, standard procedure for Mossad false-flag operations. 2001 – Ronald Lauder manages Gov. Pataki’s privatization scheme which includes WTC property. Lauder funds Lauder School of Government, Diplomacy and Strategy at Mossad center (IDC) where Israeli Major General Daniel Rothschild heads Institute for Policy and Strategy. 2001 July 24 – Larry Silverstein gets lease for World Trade Center. Silverstein obtains lease thru fellow Zionist agent Lew Eisenberg, chairman of the Port Authority. Silverstein and Eisenberg are both members of UJA board, major Zionist fundraising organization. Since 1996, Silverstein maintains very close contact with Netanyahu; every Sunday afternoon Netanyahu calls Silverstein. 2001 September 11 – Ehud Olmert, Israel’s deputy prime minister, is on an unreported visit in New York City. Why is it kept secret? While all civilian planes are grounded, at 4:11 p.m. on 9/11 an El Al Boeing 747 takes off from JFK bound for Tel Aviv. The flight is authorized by the direct intervention of the U.S. Department of Defense. 9/11 – Alex Brown, a firm with ties to Israeli military intelligence and Yair Shamir’s company Scitex bought many of the suspicious "put" options. "Buzzy" Krongard, executive director of the CIA, headed AB until 1998. His wife works for Rothschild Asset Management. 9/11 – Israeli government receives the names of 4,000 Israelis believed to be in the area of the WTC or Pentagon on 9/11. Odigo, an Israeli messaging company, is used to send warning several hours before attacks. Four Israelis die at WTC. 9/11 – Five Israelis working for Urban Moving Systems are arrested on 9/11 after being seen photographing and celebrating the attack on the WTC. The fake moving company is later found to be a front for the Mossad. Two of the Israelis are known Mossad agents. 9/11 – Israeli military chief Ehud Barak interprets 9/11 on BBC World and Sky News networks in London, blaming Osama bin Laden and calling for U.S. to "launch an operational, concrete, war against terror." Barak is Netanyahu's commander in the Sayeret Matkal, a covert commando force of Israeli military intelligence. Other Israeli commandos (e.g. Daniel Lewin) are involved in 9/11. 9/11 – Netanyahu praises 9/11 atrocity to New York Times: “It's very good… it will generate immediate sympathy.” In 2008, he says in Israel: "We are benefiting from one thing, and that is the attack on the Twin Towers and Pentagon, and the American struggle in Iraq." 9/11 – An Israeli son of the Mossad controls 9-11 investigation. Attorney General John Ashcroft puts Israeli dual-national Michael Chertoff in charge of FBI investigation. “For day-to-day decisions, Chertoff has the last word.” Destruction of crucial evidence begins immediately. FBI oversees confiscation of evidence and non-investigation. 9/11 – Two Zionist-owned junkyards manage hasty destruction of evidence. To allow larger ships bound for Asia to load at Hugo Neu the Claremont Channel has been dredged prior to 9/11. Hugo Neu creates a global trading division in 1999, headed by two veteran ferrous metal traders from Marc Rich and Glencore AG in Switzerland. Steel evidence is shipped to Asia although scrap iron price is at the lowest level in 50 years. Post 9/11 – Zionist with conflict of interest presides over 9/11 lawsuit: Judge Alvin Hellerstein manages 9-11 tort litigation, while his son is lawyer in Israel with firm that represents ICTS, key defendant in 9/11 litigation. Hellerstein dismisses ICTS and every 9/11 case is settled out of court. Post 9/11 – Zionists manage compensation funds: Kenneth Feinberg and Sheila Birnbaum oversee compensation settlements for 9/11 families. Not a single case goes to trial. No 9/11 discovery occurs in court. 2003 March – Zionists control 9/11 myth: Appointed director of 9/11 Commission, Philip Zelikow frames the agenda and decides what evidence the commission sees. A specialist in "public myths," Zelikow comes to commission with complete outline of report – before staff even begins working. Until 2011 – Israelis construct 9/11 memorial and legacy: WTC memorial is designed by Israeli Michael Arad, son of Moshe Arad, former Israeli ambassador to the United States.

Israel: 2000 September – A Neo-Con group, Project for the New American Century (PNAC) suggests that "a catastrophic and catalyzing event – like a new Pearl Harbor" may be necessary to facilitate "the process of transformation" they call for in U.S. military policy. 2001 – Israeli Mossad company ICTS controls security screening at U.S. airports on 9/11. Directors include Yair Shamir, son of notorious Israeli terrorist and assassination chief Yitzhak Shamir. 2001 – Israeli intelligence creates false histories for alleged hijackers. Israeli spies posing as "art students" live near hijacker patsies. Duplicate documents are used to create false histories, standard procedure for Mossad false-flag operations. 2001 – Ronald Lauder manages Gov. Pataki’s privatization scheme which includes WTC property. Lauder funds Lauder School of Government, Diplomacy and Strategy at Mossad center (IDC) where Israeli Major General Daniel Rothschild heads Institute for Policy and Strategy. 2001 July 24 – Larry Silverstein gets lease for World Trade Center. Silverstein obtains lease thru fellow Zionist agent Lew Eisenberg, chairman of the Port Authority. Silverstein and Eisenberg are both members of UJA board, major Zionist fundraising organization. Since 1996, Silverstein maintains very close contact with Netanyahu; every Sunday afternoon Netanyahu calls Silverstein. 2001 September 11 – Ehud Olmert, Israel’s deputy prime minister, is on an unreported visit in New York City. Why is it kept secret? While all civilian planes are grounded, at 4:11 p.m. on 9/11 an El Al Boeing 747 takes off from JFK bound for Tel Aviv. The flight is authorized by the direct intervention of the U.S. Department of Defense. 9/11 – Alex Brown, a firm with ties to Israeli military intelligence and Yair Shamir’s company Scitex bought many of the suspicious "put" options. "Buzzy" Krongard, executive director of the CIA, headed AB until 1998. His wife works for Rothschild Asset Management. 9/11 – Israeli government receives the names of 4,000 Israelis believed to be in the area of the WTC or Pentagon on 9/11. Odigo, an Israeli messaging company, is used to send warning several hours before attacks. Four Israelis die at WTC. 9/11 – Five Israelis working for Urban Moving Systems are arrested on 9/11 after being seen photographing and celebrating the attack on the WTC. The fake moving company is later found to be a front for the Mossad. Two of the Israelis are known Mossad agents. 9/11 – Israeli military chief Ehud Barak interprets 9/11 on BBC World and Sky News networks in London, blaming Osama bin Laden and calling for U.S. to "launch an operational, concrete, war against terror." Barak is Netanyahu's commander in the Sayeret Matkal, a covert commando force of Israeli military intelligence. Other Israeli commandos (e.g. Daniel Lewin) are involved in 9/11. 9/11 – Netanyahu praises 9/11 atrocity to New York Times: “It's very good… it will generate immediate sympathy.” In 2008, he says in Israel: "We are benefiting from one thing, and that is the attack on the Twin Towers and Pentagon, and the American struggle in Iraq." 9/11 – An Israeli son of the Mossad controls 9-11 investigation. Attorney General John Ashcroft puts Israeli dual-national Michael Chertoff in charge of FBI investigation. “For day-to-day decisions, Chertoff has the last word.” Destruction of crucial evidence begins immediately. FBI oversees confiscation of evidence and non-investigation. 9/11 – Two Zionist-owned junkyards manage hasty destruction of evidence. To allow larger ships bound for Asia to load at Hugo Neu the Claremont Channel has been dredged prior to 9/11. Hugo Neu creates a global trading division in 1999, headed by two veteran ferrous metal traders from Marc Rich and Glencore AG in Switzerland. Steel evidence is shipped to Asia although scrap iron price is at the lowest level in 50 years. Post 9/11 – Zionist with conflict of interest presides over 9/11 lawsuit: Judge Alvin Hellerstein manages 9-11 tort litigation, while his son is lawyer in Israel with firm that represents ICTS, key defendant in 9/11 litigation. Hellerstein dismisses ICTS and every 9/11 case is settled out of court. Post 9/11 – Zionists manage compensation funds: Kenneth Feinberg and Sheila Birnbaum oversee compensation settlements for 9/11 families. Not a single case goes to trial. No 9/11 discovery occurs in court. 2003 March – Zionists control 9/11 myth: Appointed director of 9/11 Commission, Philip Zelikow frames the agenda and decides what evidence the commission sees. A specialist in "public myths," Zelikow comes to commission with complete outline of report – before staff even begins working. Until 2011 – Israelis construct 9/11 memorial and legacy: WTC memorial is designed by Israeli Michael Arad, son of Moshe Arad, former Israeli ambassador to the United States.

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79,625 views • 1 year ago

Why Aren’t More People Talking About This? 200 Child Traffickers Arrested In Ohio Including The Co-Founder Of Breakthrough Public Schools If Public School “Leaders” & “Founders” Are Being Caught And Arrested Here, This Type Of Behavior Is Probably Happening All Over America’s Public Education System The schools responded by saying they didn’t “believe he had inappropriate contact with any students.”… yeah right “School leader has resigned while facing charges for engaging in prostitution following a human trafficking sting. He was one of nearly 200 arrested last week and parents in the school system are now sharing their concern. — They called it Operation Buyers Remorse, a statewide human trafficking crackdown last week. Arresting Johns for trying to buy sex. — Among the 160 arrested was 68-year-old John Zitzner, the co-founder and now former board president of Breakthrough Public Schools, a network of public charter schools in Cleveland. Court documents show he was arrested on Thursday in Westlake, charged with engaging in prostitution. He gave his resignation on Friday. It's very disheartening to hear and I think he should get what he deserves. Hodges McLean has two kids at the breakthrough public schools, Glenville campus. He says he will talk to his kids about this, but hopes it doesn't impact the school, its reputation or the quality of learning. I think these breakthrough schools do provide a value for the community and for kids around here. And I think the schools should continue to keep doing what they're doing. Police, you're under arrest. Hands on your head. Ohio Attorney General Dave Yo says this crackdown was about targeting the demand for human trafficking, sending a message that if you buy sex in Ohio, you will get caught. Officers interviewed 104 human trafficking survivors during the sting, connecting them to health care and social services. Local law enforcement in Willoughby and Summit County, sharing how prevalent the problem is right here at home. Unfortunately, we've seen a big increase because we border two major freeways. We have a lot of commercial business, hotel business in our city, and it's just, it's an opportunity available to these criminals, but we want to shut it down immediately. And I believe that we've got to address the Johns, because if you don't address them, if you don't hold them accountable, then the crime continues to perpetuate. We reached out to the school for comment and the friends of Breakthrough Schools board chair Jeff Berlin says in part that the board is separate from the school so Zitzner's resignation doesn't impact staff or students saying he only visited schools occasionally so there's no reason to believe he had inappropriate contact with any students.”

Why Aren’t More People Talking About This? 200 Child Traffickers Arrested In Ohio Including The Co-Founder Of Breakthrough Public Schools If Public School “Leaders” & “Founders” Are Being Caught And Arrested Here, This Type Of Behavior Is Probably Happening All Over America’s Public Education System The schools responded by saying they didn’t “believe he had inappropriate contact with any students.”… yeah right “School leader has resigned while facing charges for engaging in prostitution following a human trafficking sting. He was one of nearly 200 arrested last week and parents in the school system are now sharing their concern. — They called it Operation Buyers Remorse, a statewide human trafficking crackdown last week. Arresting Johns for trying to buy sex. — Among the 160 arrested was 68-year-old John Zitzner, the co-founder and now former board president of Breakthrough Public Schools, a network of public charter schools in Cleveland. Court documents show he was arrested on Thursday in Westlake, charged with engaging in prostitution. He gave his resignation on Friday. It's very disheartening to hear and I think he should get what he deserves. Hodges McLean has two kids at the breakthrough public schools, Glenville campus. He says he will talk to his kids about this, but hopes it doesn't impact the school, its reputation or the quality of learning. I think these breakthrough schools do provide a value for the community and for kids around here. And I think the schools should continue to keep doing what they're doing. Police, you're under arrest. Hands on your head. Ohio Attorney General Dave Yo says this crackdown was about targeting the demand for human trafficking, sending a message that if you buy sex in Ohio, you will get caught. Officers interviewed 104 human trafficking survivors during the sting, connecting them to health care and social services. Local law enforcement in Willoughby and Summit County, sharing how prevalent the problem is right here at home. Unfortunately, we've seen a big increase because we border two major freeways. We have a lot of commercial business, hotel business in our city, and it's just, it's an opportunity available to these criminals, but we want to shut it down immediately. And I believe that we've got to address the Johns, because if you don't address them, if you don't hold them accountable, then the crime continues to perpetuate. We reached out to the school for comment and the friends of Breakthrough Schools board chair Jeff Berlin says in part that the board is separate from the school so Zitzner's resignation doesn't impact staff or students saying he only visited schools occasionally so there's no reason to believe he had inappropriate contact with any students.”

Wall Street Apes

543,145 views • 2 years ago