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Amit Segal

@AmitSegal • 92,681 subscribers

Chief political analyst, @N12News. Author, “It’s Noon in Israel” newsletter and “A Call at 4 AM” | https://t.co/52ELID0QxN

Shorts

Video footage of the terror attack that took place at a spring in the Binyamin region, which has resulted in one fatality.

Video footage of the terror attack that took place at a spring in the Binyamin region, which has resulted in one fatality.

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Shayetet commandos operating tonight in the Hebron area.

Shayetet commandos operating tonight in the Hebron area.

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Just when you think you’ve heard it all: Theo Von hops on the biggest podcast on the planet with Joe Rogan and coughs up the delusional antisemitic conspiracy theory that Israel killed JFK. A modern-day blood libel, blasted to millions like it’s anything but lazy conspiracy sewage. No, Israel did not kill Kennedy. The fact that this trash needs correcting in 2025 is just embarrassing.

Just when you think you’ve heard it all: Theo Von hops on the biggest podcast on the planet with Joe Rogan and coughs up the delusional antisemitic conspiracy theory that Israel killed JFK. A modern-day blood libel, blasted to millions like it’s anything but lazy conspiracy sewage. No, Israel did not kill Kennedy. The fact that this trash needs correcting in 2025 is just embarrassing.

1,475,853 görüntüleme

A moment of silence in the Knesset in memory of Senator Lindsey Graham.

A moment of silence in the Knesset in memory of Senator Lindsey Graham.

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After Khamenei's death: Fireworks of celebration in Iran

After Khamenei's death: Fireworks of celebration in Iran

477,309 görüntüleme

Protests against the rule of the ayatollahs at universities in Iran.

Protests against the rule of the ayatollahs at universities in Iran.

244,796 görüntüleme

The IDF destroyed a massive Hezbollah tunnel; the force of the explosion caused a small earthquake to be felt along the northern border.

The IDF destroyed a massive Hezbollah tunnel; the force of the explosion caused a small earthquake to be felt along the northern border.

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This morning, Israel withdrew from its first Lebanese village since the invasion in March, and the Lebanese Armed Forces have moved in to fill the void. The question is: Does this signal the beginning of a forced Israeli retreat, or the start of Lebanon’s long road to recovery? The answer is complicated. Israel can continue destroying Hezbollah infrastructure indefinitely, but it will pay massive international costs for doing so, with no way, short of a full invasion, to extinguish the group entirely. The framework agreement gives Israel legitimacy and time to uproot Hezbollah, but what Lebanon gives, it can also take away. If Beirut loses momentum and descends into state collapse, the entire agreement evaporates, and Hezbollah recovers out of Israel’s reach. This is the project President Joseph Aoun carries to Washington, where he meets Trump for the first time. Trump had no direct communication with Aoun during his first year in office—no meetings, calls, or letters. His sole contact has been in the form of inconsistent messaging on Lebanon’s fate: declaring after the June 26 agreement that “Iran is out, Hezbollah is out, and the road to peace between Israel and Lebanon is in,” then pivoting to pressure Netanyahu for unconditional withdrawal in the spirit of the Iran MOU, telling him, “They don’t want you there. You should redeploy,” before abandoning both positions altogether in favor of his own scheme, declaring, “Syria will do the job.” Aoun has already proven his willingness to buck Iran and pursue eventual peace with Israel. That was enough to earn this meeting. But anyone with a functioning memory knows the track record is bleak. Lebanon’s LAF claimed to have cleared Hezbollah infrastructure south of the Litani in late 2025, yet Israel continues finding significant assets there a year since their declaration. More damning still, LAF commander Rodolphe Haykal has explicitly prioritized “civil peace” over confronting Hezbollah—a strange priority for a general with orders to the contrary. The Lebanese military has proven as effective at disarming Hezbollah as UN peacekeepers have been, which is to say, not at all. Lebanese leaders have repeatedly promised and failed to disarm the group over the past 35 years—from the Taif Accord through the 2024 ceasefire. The uncomfortable truth is that throughout Lebanon’s history, only foreign powers—the United States, France, Israel, and Syria—have successfully disarmed Lebanese militias. Before Aoun goes all in on Hezbollah disarmament, he needs ironclad U.S. commitments. That means Delta Force-style training units for elite LAF operations, drones and sensors for border security, organized international fundraising for reconstruction, and business initiatives to rebuild Lebanon’s shattered economy. He also needs assurance that Trump will not abandon him halfway through his push. Trump, for his part, will demand specifics: a detailed plan for Hezbollah disarmament, removal of military officers complicit with the group, suspension of anti-normalization laws blocking Israeli-Lebanese civilian contact, and a clear reaffirmation that peace with Israel is Aoun’s strategic objective. Most critically, Aoun must decisively kill Trump’s recurring fantasy of deploying Syrian troops into Lebanon—a move that would resurrect memories of Assad-era brutality and paradoxically strengthen Hezbollah’s popular support. The circumstances favor success. The U.S.-Iran MOU is in tatters, eliminating easy alternatives to the framework. This week’s Rome talks were productive. Pilot zones are advancing. Trump will likely warm to Aoun personally, provided he takes a note from Zelensky and wears a suit. But this is about far more than personal rapport; the future of Lebanon hangs in the balance.

This morning, Israel withdrew from its first Lebanese village since the invasion in March, and the Lebanese Armed Forces have moved in to fill the void. The question is: Does this signal the beginning of a forced Israeli retreat, or the start of Lebanon’s long road to recovery? The answer is complicated. Israel can continue destroying Hezbollah infrastructure indefinitely, but it will pay massive international costs for doing so, with no way, short of a full invasion, to extinguish the group entirely. The framework agreement gives Israel legitimacy and time to uproot Hezbollah, but what Lebanon gives, it can also take away. If Beirut loses momentum and descends into state collapse, the entire agreement evaporates, and Hezbollah recovers out of Israel’s reach. This is the project President Joseph Aoun carries to Washington, where he meets Trump for the first time. Trump had no direct communication with Aoun during his first year in office—no meetings, calls, or letters. His sole contact has been in the form of inconsistent messaging on Lebanon’s fate: declaring after the June 26 agreement that “Iran is out, Hezbollah is out, and the road to peace between Israel and Lebanon is in,” then pivoting to pressure Netanyahu for unconditional withdrawal in the spirit of the Iran MOU, telling him, “They don’t want you there. You should redeploy,” before abandoning both positions altogether in favor of his own scheme, declaring, “Syria will do the job.” Aoun has already proven his willingness to buck Iran and pursue eventual peace with Israel. That was enough to earn this meeting. But anyone with a functioning memory knows the track record is bleak. Lebanon’s LAF claimed to have cleared Hezbollah infrastructure south of the Litani in late 2025, yet Israel continues finding significant assets there a year since their declaration. More damning still, LAF commander Rodolphe Haykal has explicitly prioritized “civil peace” over confronting Hezbollah—a strange priority for a general with orders to the contrary. The Lebanese military has proven as effective at disarming Hezbollah as UN peacekeepers have been, which is to say, not at all. Lebanese leaders have repeatedly promised and failed to disarm the group over the past 35 years—from the Taif Accord through the 2024 ceasefire. The uncomfortable truth is that throughout Lebanon’s history, only foreign powers—the United States, France, Israel, and Syria—have successfully disarmed Lebanese militias. Before Aoun goes all in on Hezbollah disarmament, he needs ironclad U.S. commitments. That means Delta Force-style training units for elite LAF operations, drones and sensors for border security, organized international fundraising for reconstruction, and business initiatives to rebuild Lebanon’s shattered economy. He also needs assurance that Trump will not abandon him halfway through his push. Trump, for his part, will demand specifics: a detailed plan for Hezbollah disarmament, removal of military officers complicit with the group, suspension of anti-normalization laws blocking Israeli-Lebanese civilian contact, and a clear reaffirmation that peace with Israel is Aoun’s strategic objective. Most critically, Aoun must decisively kill Trump’s recurring fantasy of deploying Syrian troops into Lebanon—a move that would resurrect memories of Assad-era brutality and paradoxically strengthen Hezbollah’s popular support. The circumstances favor success. The U.S.-Iran MOU is in tatters, eliminating easy alternatives to the framework. This week’s Rome talks were productive. Pilot zones are advancing. Trump will likely warm to Aoun personally, provided he takes a note from Zelensky and wears a suit. But this is about far more than personal rapport; the future of Lebanon hangs in the balance.

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Following Israel’s law banning UNRWA activity, the Israel Land Authority—backed by police—has seized the UNRWA compound in Jerusalem’s Ma’alot Dafna neighborhood. The site is returning to state control and will be redeveloped for public use.

Following Israel’s law banning UNRWA activity, the Israel Land Authority—backed by police—has seized the UNRWA compound in Jerusalem’s Ma’alot Dafna neighborhood. The site is returning to state control and will be redeveloped for public use.

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"Until the last terrorist": Freed hostage Alon Ahel, one of the four who were kidnapped by Ramzan, celebrates his elimination.

"Until the last terrorist": Freed hostage Alon Ahel, one of the four who were kidnapped by Ramzan, celebrates his elimination.

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Ultra-Orthodox extremists blocked a bus and spat on it for several minutes. At a certain point, it suddenly accelerated, and one of the protesters was run over. A second ultra-Orthodox rally in Jerusalem ends in tragedy.

Ultra-Orthodox extremists blocked a bus and spat on it for several minutes. At a certain point, it suddenly accelerated, and one of the protesters was run over. A second ultra-Orthodox rally in Jerusalem ends in tragedy.

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The aircraft carrier “Ford,” the largest in the world, is moving toward Haifa from the area of Greece — a U.S. official confirmed to Reuters.

The aircraft carrier “Ford,” the largest in the world, is moving toward Haifa from the area of Greece — a U.S. official confirmed to Reuters.

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Israel has chosen a side in the World Cup.

Israel has chosen a side in the World Cup.

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Funerals of senior regime officials are taking place in Iran right now. It seems like they prepared for the wrong dead in February.

Funerals of senior regime officials are taking place in Iran right now. It seems like they prepared for the wrong dead in February.

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Reading the Scroll of Esther in southern Lebanon.

Reading the Scroll of Esther in southern Lebanon.

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Seeing the condemnation of the ongoing riot in Bnei Brak from the Chief Sfardi Rabbi and remembering his words from six months ago: “Will the military police come? Rise up against them.”

Seeing the condemnation of the ongoing riot in Bnei Brak from the Chief Sfardi Rabbi and remembering his words from six months ago: “Will the military police come? Rise up against them.”

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Jerusalem Day celebrations.

Jerusalem Day celebrations.

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Videos

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Last week, Tal Amselem took her family to the Sea of Galilee. Before wading in, she slipped off her three rings and asked her young daughter to carry them up the beach to her mother, sitting a few meters away, for safekeeping. They were nearly home when Tal asked for the rings back. Her mother handed her only two. The engagement ring was gone. “I thought I was going to faint,” she said. Tal is the widow of Avichai Amselem, a reservist killed in battle for Israeli territory on October 9, having rushed out to defend the country following the October 7 attacks. In tears, she called Eitan, a metal detectorist, who told her to stop crying and promised the ring would be back in her hands within the hour. She also called her uncles, who turned around and drove back to the lake. By the time they arrived, the whole beach was on its feet. Eitan put out a call, and soon around 15 detectorists had gathered. Not long after, a young man named Amir Shor, who had come with his mother and his detector, found the ring in the water. It had apparently slipped from her daughter’s hand moments after Tal handed it over. Another volunteer drove all the way from Ma’alot, over an hour away, a reservist due back on duty who’d had tickets to a show that day; his partner told him to skip the performance and go help. “Since Avichai was killed, my girls and I have been held from every direction,” Tal said. “I know that for any help I need, however small, I only have to ask and everyone comes running. What a rare people.” (Credit ינון מגל Yinon Magal)

Amit Segal

100,853 görüntüleme • 1 ay önce

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My initial thoughts on the deal. There’s no phase two. That's clear to everyone, right? Phase two might happen someday, but it’s unrelated to what’s just been signed. The deal signed now is a hostage release deal. It doesn’t imply anything about the future. Theoretically, fantasies could come true: Emiratis and allies dismantling tunnels, an international body formed, Tony Blair governing Gaza. All this could happen in theory, but it’s not part of the current tactical negotiations. What we have now is a hostage deal, and a ceasefire while talks continue in good faith. There’s the question of course: who decides if talks are happening in good faith? Under Trump, Israel has previously said “Talks aren’t genuine or productive,” and resumed fighting. But this time, I don’t think we’ll see IDF tanks rushing back into Gaza, like what happened when the last two ceasefires ended. The big question is: Are we moving towards the Lebanese model Israel mentioned? In other words, the IDF stays beyond the international border and strikes targets from the air when it detects buildups or threats. Attempts to harm Israel are obvious. But what we’re talking about is buildup efforts, like digging more tunnels or building more arms-producing lathes. This is what Israel is aiming for. The reasonable assumption in Jerusalem is that President Trump will approve it. That’s one point. The IDF will withdraw to the 53% line. It was 57% initially, then dropped to 53% when the hostages will be freed. The talks afterwards are based on the principle of Israeli withdrawal in return for demilitarization and dismantling. Of course, we all assume that Hamas won’t disarm willingly, and the Emiratis and other international forces won’t achieve this quickly either. Now, regarding the hostage issue. I’ll admit than when I hear people say that Israel is “making peace with enemies,” I smell Oslo in the air, and the implications it carries. This isn’t peace, and these are bitter enemies, still on their knees.

Amit Segal

583,119 görüntüleme • 11 ay önce

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This is the outline currently under discussion between the United States and Iran. I am sharing this with caution, as it hasn’t been agreed upon yet, but based on recent developments, these are the points they have been discussing: A 15-year suspension of uranium enrichment. The United States originally demanded 20 years, while the Iranians wanted much less; they eventually settled on 15. The plan includes converting uranium into fuel, which changes its physical state and makes it harder to re-enrich. While not a simple process, this means the uranium won't necessarily leave Iran, which is a major concern for Israel. Full inspection of nuclear sites and the opening of the Strait of Hormuz are, of course, a given. The deal would also include ending the war, the withdrawal of American forces from the Gulf, and the lifting of economic sanctions. It must be said that, aside from the uranium, the lifting of sanctions is what worries Israel the most. As you recall, the strategic goal of the war was to create the conditions for the regime’s downfall. The regime was in danger of collapsing due to an economic situation that deteriorated primarily because of those sanctions; if they are lifted, the regime is strengthened. Therefore, it seems to me that the perception in Israel remains that the status quo is preferable—a state of "no war, no peace" where U.S. military forces remain on standby in the Persian Gulf. But as we have learned, this does not depend solely on Israel's desires, to put it mildly.

Amit Segal

258,101 görüntüleme • 5 ay önce

Undercover Gideonim Unit officers capture a Tanzim operative in Balata, Nablus.
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What is Netanyahu expected to say to the president? The main problem with the ballistic-missile story is that the Iranians have caught on to the daylight—the gap—between Israel and the United States. What happened here is that Donald Trump gave his word and then broke it. "We will not allow Iran to have nuclear weapons." But he didn’t talk about conventional weapons—the ballistic missiles that threaten Israel. They threaten Israel to such an extent that Netanyahu himself, in a video announcing to the Israeli people that he was launching Operation Nation of Lions, said that two existential threats had developed. The nuclear threat—you’ve known about for years—but also the threat of thousands of ballistic missiles. What has happened since then? The Iranians are not acting at all on the nuclear front, as far as we know. They have not even extracted the enriched material buried underground. But they are very much intensifying their experiments with ballistic missiles. Either because they think it is threatening, or because, as Netanyahu says, it is an existential threat to Israel. We also have a race between the number of their missiles and the number of our missiles—and let’s say that both countries need to recover on this issue. Let’s ask the question now, and here I don’t have an answer. When Netanyahu goes to Washington to talk to Trump about this, is he talking to him about a combined attack—which seems a bit far-fetched to me, because the Americans really have no intention of getting involved in a conventional weapons conflict anywhere in the world; otherwise they would never get out of it—or is he content to give Israel permission to attack on its own, with the U.S. providing a defensive umbrella? One. Two, it should also be said, in this context, that there is a big debate in the Israeli cabinet and at the top about whether it is possible to launch an attack every six months. You cannot—unlike the nuclear project—you cannot eliminate the Iranian ballistic threat. Is it sustainable to come every six months, eight months, and launch another round, which includes them firing at us, all the flights leaving Israel, and all the implications for the economy? There is no decision in Israel. There is no decision in the U.S. that's what they will discuss.

Amit Segal

273,898 görüntüleme • 9 ay önce