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Kurdistan Watch

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Delivering incisive and contextualised coverage on politics, economics, oil & corruption in Kurdistan, Kirkuk & Mosul. Telegram: https://t.co/AwrLg2XFJU

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Renewed tensions in Khabat district, west of Erbil, between members of the Harki tribe and KDP security forces over the continued detention of Khurshid Harki, one of the tribe’s notables, who have been held for several weeks. A message reportedly sent through one of Harki’s brothers has prompted the mobilisation of his supporters in their stronghold, a village at a strategic junction close to the Lanaz refinery and Khabat thermal power plant. His supporters have threatened to escalate if the issue is not resolved. In a video circulating from the area, armed men can be seen firing into the air as a warning rather than directly attacking any facility. There are now reports that a delegation from the Harki tribe is expected to meet with the KRG Interior Ministry to discuss the dispute.

Renewed tensions in Khabat district, west of Erbil, between members of the Harki tribe and KDP security forces over the continued detention of Khurshid Harki, one of the tribe’s notables, who have been held for several weeks. A message reportedly sent through one of Harki’s brothers has prompted the mobilisation of his supporters in their stronghold, a village at a strategic junction close to the Lanaz refinery and Khabat thermal power plant. His supporters have threatened to escalate if the issue is not resolved. In a video circulating from the area, armed men can be seen firing into the air as a warning rather than directly attacking any facility. There are now reports that a delegation from the Harki tribe is expected to meet with the KRG Interior Ministry to discuss the dispute.

11,060 views

Here is Lahur Sheikh Jangi Resisted Arrest and Why Bafel Talabani Responded with Overwhelming Force: First, here is another angle shows the moment Lahur Sheikh Jangi was captured, sparking widespread controversy and shock over the way he was arrested and handled. The force carrying out the arrest was PUK’s counter-terrorism unit, led by its commander Wahab Halabjayee, who was seen holding Lahur. In the video, another fighter appears to try to slap Lahur, though Halabjayee seems to push him back, but the scene itself has been shocking to many. It is worth noting that before Bafel Talabani’s 2021 coup, Halabjayee was one of Lahur’s closest confidants, which makes this moment even more striking. What also stands out is the scale of force Bafel decided to deploy, several thousand fighters equipped by weapons supplied by the coalition forces, including tanks, to arrest a man and roughly 200 armed guards. Ironically, just a day earlier Lahur had attended a funeral with only a handful of guards and could easily have been arrested there without all this. But as Talabani told a group of journalists two days earlier, he intended to arrest Lahur inside his compound and hinted at using overwhelming force if he resisted. Some argue the decision was deliberate: a show of strength designed to spread fear and send a message. Why Lahur chose to resist is less clear. Even if the arrest was political, he could not realistically win such a lopsided battle, especially as his compound was surrounded from all sides. It was also notable that Lahur chose to announce his defiance not through his own Zoom News TV, but via AVA Media, linked to Masrour Barzani. Some allege Masrour had promised to intervene if Lahur held out long enough, hoping to push for a halt to the fighting. This has been compared to the case of Khurshid Harki, a local chieftain who successfully repelled a KDP attempt to arrest him before eventually reaching a settlement, though the two cases differ in context and geography. Others claim the KDP was aware of the plan all along, suggesting it may have been part of a broader KDP–PUK agreement, with the PUK in return withdrawing its support for Adham Barzani, Masoud Barzani’s cousin and a former KDP leader. Another version points to Azhi Amin, the expelled PUK intelligence chief now living in Erbil and in contact with Lahur. A sworn enemy of Bafel, Azhi was said to have promised assistance but ultimately offered little. Some speculate the three small drones that struck Talabani’s residence and PUK military headquarters that night were linked to cells loyal to him. Another explanation is that the plan collapsed from within: during the clashes, Lahur’s militia commander, Rebwar Hamid Haji Ghalib, the son of a senior PUK commander, allegedly switched sides and opened the gates, triggering the collapse of Lahur’s resistance. Though the full picture remains murky, by the following morning Bafel attended the funeral of three PUK fighters killed in the clashes. Visibly tired, he seemed shaken yet relieved, perhaps because his years-long plan to dismantle Lahur’s compound and arrest him, delayed since 2021 by external pressure, had finally succeeded.

Here is Lahur Sheikh Jangi Resisted Arrest and Why Bafel Talabani Responded with Overwhelming Force: First, here is another angle shows the moment Lahur Sheikh Jangi was captured, sparking widespread controversy and shock over the way he was arrested and handled. The force carrying out the arrest was PUK’s counter-terrorism unit, led by its commander Wahab Halabjayee, who was seen holding Lahur. In the video, another fighter appears to try to slap Lahur, though Halabjayee seems to push him back, but the scene itself has been shocking to many. It is worth noting that before Bafel Talabani’s 2021 coup, Halabjayee was one of Lahur’s closest confidants, which makes this moment even more striking. What also stands out is the scale of force Bafel decided to deploy, several thousand fighters equipped by weapons supplied by the coalition forces, including tanks, to arrest a man and roughly 200 armed guards. Ironically, just a day earlier Lahur had attended a funeral with only a handful of guards and could easily have been arrested there without all this. But as Talabani told a group of journalists two days earlier, he intended to arrest Lahur inside his compound and hinted at using overwhelming force if he resisted. Some argue the decision was deliberate: a show of strength designed to spread fear and send a message. Why Lahur chose to resist is less clear. Even if the arrest was political, he could not realistically win such a lopsided battle, especially as his compound was surrounded from all sides. It was also notable that Lahur chose to announce his defiance not through his own Zoom News TV, but via AVA Media, linked to Masrour Barzani. Some allege Masrour had promised to intervene if Lahur held out long enough, hoping to push for a halt to the fighting. This has been compared to the case of Khurshid Harki, a local chieftain who successfully repelled a KDP attempt to arrest him before eventually reaching a settlement, though the two cases differ in context and geography. Others claim the KDP was aware of the plan all along, suggesting it may have been part of a broader KDP–PUK agreement, with the PUK in return withdrawing its support for Adham Barzani, Masoud Barzani’s cousin and a former KDP leader. Another version points to Azhi Amin, the expelled PUK intelligence chief now living in Erbil and in contact with Lahur. A sworn enemy of Bafel, Azhi was said to have promised assistance but ultimately offered little. Some speculate the three small drones that struck Talabani’s residence and PUK military headquarters that night were linked to cells loyal to him. Another explanation is that the plan collapsed from within: during the clashes, Lahur’s militia commander, Rebwar Hamid Haji Ghalib, the son of a senior PUK commander, allegedly switched sides and opened the gates, triggering the collapse of Lahur’s resistance. Though the full picture remains murky, by the following morning Bafel attended the funeral of three PUK fighters killed in the clashes. Visibly tired, he seemed shaken yet relieved, perhaps because his years-long plan to dismantle Lahur’s compound and arrest him, delayed since 2021 by external pressure, had finally succeeded.

61,572 views

Almost all the videos circulating of men from the Kurdistan Region traveling to Syrian Kurdish areas to take up arms, saying they want to defend them against what they see as a Syrian government threat, appear to be people from the Sulaimani area. All the open-source videos circulating so far of people from the Kurdistan region show the men as being from the Sulaimani area, which means the publicly available evidence supports one clear pattern: almost all those going appear to be from Sulaimani, and to a lesser extent Kirkuk. The videos suggest they are being deployed to places such as Hasakah city, Tell Tamir, and other fronts including Rmelan. They also imply some level of organization, with individuals appearing to be arranged into small groups of roughly eight people, each assigned a specific task. This is notable, and it looks politically driven. Sulaimani is farther from Syrian territory than Duhok or Erbil, yet it is producing most of the visible mobilization. A likely explanation is politics: the KDP appears to be discouraging or preventing people from Erbil and Duhok from going, while the PUK, which has publicly sent elements of its anti-terror unit, may be more permissive or even quietly supportive. It is well known that the SDF’s military ties with the PUK are closer. But this also suggests the KDP and Barzani are acting more cautiously. Barzani appears to be playing a different game and is not aligned with a military confrontation at any price, especially given that his camp has its own Syrian Kurdish faction and does not want to burn bridges with Ahmad al-Sharaa and Damascus. Barzani also hinted yesterday that “protecting Kurdish rights” is his only red line. That implies they may not be fundamentally opposed to the SDF being absorbed into the Syrian army on an individual basis. It is also worth noting that, based on their latest statements in light of recent developments, Barzani’s position and Öcalan’s position now sound more similar than many would expect. Both emphasize Kurdish rights, but both also argue that Kurds should engage politically with Damascus.

Almost all the videos circulating of men from the Kurdistan Region traveling to Syrian Kurdish areas to take up arms, saying they want to defend them against what they see as a Syrian government threat, appear to be people from the Sulaimani area. All the open-source videos circulating so far of people from the Kurdistan region show the men as being from the Sulaimani area, which means the publicly available evidence supports one clear pattern: almost all those going appear to be from Sulaimani, and to a lesser extent Kirkuk. The videos suggest they are being deployed to places such as Hasakah city, Tell Tamir, and other fronts including Rmelan. They also imply some level of organization, with individuals appearing to be arranged into small groups of roughly eight people, each assigned a specific task. This is notable, and it looks politically driven. Sulaimani is farther from Syrian territory than Duhok or Erbil, yet it is producing most of the visible mobilization. A likely explanation is politics: the KDP appears to be discouraging or preventing people from Erbil and Duhok from going, while the PUK, which has publicly sent elements of its anti-terror unit, may be more permissive or even quietly supportive. It is well known that the SDF’s military ties with the PUK are closer. But this also suggests the KDP and Barzani are acting more cautiously. Barzani appears to be playing a different game and is not aligned with a military confrontation at any price, especially given that his camp has its own Syrian Kurdish faction and does not want to burn bridges with Ahmad al-Sharaa and Damascus. Barzani also hinted yesterday that “protecting Kurdish rights” is his only red line. That implies they may not be fundamentally opposed to the SDF being absorbed into the Syrian army on an individual basis. It is also worth noting that, based on their latest statements in light of recent developments, Barzani’s position and Öcalan’s position now sound more similar than many would expect. Both emphasize Kurdish rights, but both also argue that Kurds should engage politically with Damascus.

39,734 views

This footage of an Iraqi soldier using the farmer’s own scarf to forcibly drag him out of his tractor in Kirkuk’s Dubz district has gone viral across Kurdish social media, sparking widespread outrage across the political spectrum.

This footage of an Iraqi soldier using the farmer’s own scarf to forcibly drag him out of his tractor in Kirkuk’s Dubz district has gone viral across Kurdish social media, sparking widespread outrage across the political spectrum.

60,980 views

This shows how difficult it is to control information in such residential areas: yesterday, the Erbil governor and other officials claimed the drone strike on the Rotana Hotel was intercepted, but this CCTV video clearly shows it was not and that it struck the target. It makes little sense to withhold the truth when what actually happened is so easy to verify.

This shows how difficult it is to control information in such residential areas: yesterday, the Erbil governor and other officials claimed the drone strike on the Rotana Hotel was intercepted, but this CCTV video clearly shows it was not and that it struck the target. It makes little sense to withhold the truth when what actually happened is so easy to verify.

22,738 views

For the first time, Duhok city was targeted today, with two drones launched at the city, while a third targeted Akre to the east. Two of the three drones appear to have been intercepted. According to a local source, the intended targets were the residences of two Kurdish officials, though no further details were provided. Until now, all the drones have targeted Erbil or Sulaimani. The only previous strike in Duhok province hit an oilfield, not the city itself.

For the first time, Duhok city was targeted today, with two drones launched at the city, while a third targeted Akre to the east. Two of the three drones appear to have been intercepted. According to a local source, the intended targets were the residences of two Kurdish officials, though no further details were provided. Until now, all the drones have targeted Erbil or Sulaimani. The only previous strike in Duhok province hit an oilfield, not the city itself.

19,824 views

Rotana (Arjaan) Hotel in Erbil and the adjacent Sky Towers residential building appear to have been targeted by a one-way drone, likely launched by Iraqi pro-Iran factions. Eyewitnesses say the drone struck one of the hotel’s rooms. No casualties were reported. Residents in the area say many Americans have recently moved into Sky Towers. That raises serious questions about why they are relocating to such a residential area, where it is difficult to maintain a low profile, information spreads quickly, and local residents are put at risk. At least four other drones were intercepted, but their intended targets remain unknown.

19,527 views

Two drones struck the Iraqi Army’s 14th Division engineering battalion at the former Iraqi mechanics site in Makhmour, south of Erbil. Three Iraqi soldiers were reportedly injured. Notably, locals who witnessed the drones’ flight path said they appeared to have come from west of Makhmour, from the direction of Qayyara, where pro-Iran militias are active. That raises the possibility that the Iraqi army position may have been targeted by pro-Iran factions. The incident is especially noteworthy because Makhmour has long been one of the key areas for joint operations with the US-led coalition, and until recently US advisers were stationed there, though it remains unclear whether they are still present since the war with Iran. Until October 2017, Makhmour was under KDP control. It is a majority Kurdish town, but has since been under Iraqi army control.

Two drones struck the Iraqi Army’s 14th Division engineering battalion at the former Iraqi mechanics site in Makhmour, south of Erbil. Three Iraqi soldiers were reportedly injured. Notably, locals who witnessed the drones’ flight path said they appeared to have come from west of Makhmour, from the direction of Qayyara, where pro-Iran militias are active. That raises the possibility that the Iraqi army position may have been targeted by pro-Iran factions. The incident is especially noteworthy because Makhmour has long been one of the key areas for joint operations with the US-led coalition, and until recently US advisers were stationed there, though it remains unclear whether they are still present since the war with Iran. Until October 2017, Makhmour was under KDP control. It is a majority Kurdish town, but has since been under Iraqi army control.

17,045 views

Turkish forces are preventing villagers in the Bradost area of Sidakan district, in north Erbil, from reaching their homes. The reasons remain unclear, but Turkey exercises significant control over movement in dozens of villages across the Bradost area. Ankara maintains dozens of military outposts in Sidakan and effectively controls roughly half of the district. Despite a recent PKK ceasefire, Sidakan has experienced the highest number of violent incidents, according to the CPT. The district holds strategic importance as it lies at the tri-border junction of Turkey, Iran, and Iraq.

Turkish forces are preventing villagers in the Bradost area of Sidakan district, in north Erbil, from reaching their homes. The reasons remain unclear, but Turkey exercises significant control over movement in dozens of villages across the Bradost area. Ankara maintains dozens of military outposts in Sidakan and effectively controls roughly half of the district. Despite a recent PKK ceasefire, Sidakan has experienced the highest number of violent incidents, according to the CPT. The district holds strategic importance as it lies at the tri-border junction of Turkey, Iran, and Iraq.

30,161 views

Notable: The Lanaz refinery, majority-owned by Mansour Barzani, appears to have been struck by a drone last night, though the extent of the damage remains unclear. The refinery is in Khabat district in west Erbil. Lanaz was also the site of major recent protests by nearby villagers. The refinery has long been controversial because of its ownership structure and because it reportedly benefited from both cheap KRG oil and, until recently, oil from SDF-held fields in Syria’s Hasakah province. That supply now appears to have stopped. Mansour Barzani is Masoud Barzani’s second son and leads KDP Peshmarga’s ‘special forces’.

Notable: The Lanaz refinery, majority-owned by Mansour Barzani, appears to have been struck by a drone last night, though the extent of the damage remains unclear. The refinery is in Khabat district in west Erbil. Lanaz was also the site of major recent protests by nearby villagers. The refinery has long been controversial because of its ownership structure and because it reportedly benefited from both cheap KRG oil and, until recently, oil from SDF-held fields in Syria’s Hasakah province. That supply now appears to have stopped. Mansour Barzani is Masoud Barzani’s second son and leads KDP Peshmarga’s ‘special forces’.

14,271 views

On the Iranian drone attack on the US military outpost inside Erbil Airport, and the missiles fired at the US Consulate in Erbil, all incoming projectiles have so far been intercepted, with no reported hits. Reports indicate that around two drones targeted the airport, while two to three missiles or rockets were launched toward the consulate. For now, the impact is mainly psychological. The dinar-to-dollar exchange rate is rising, and schools and universities across Kurdistan have been suspended at least until Wednesday.

On the Iranian drone attack on the US military outpost inside Erbil Airport, and the missiles fired at the US Consulate in Erbil, all incoming projectiles have so far been intercepted, with no reported hits. Reports indicate that around two drones targeted the airport, while two to three missiles or rockets were launched toward the consulate. For now, the impact is mainly psychological. The dinar-to-dollar exchange rate is rising, and schools and universities across Kurdistan have been suspended at least until Wednesday.

12,573 views

Drone strikes targeted the base of PAK, an Iranian Kurdish group, near Pirde (Altun Kupri) in southern Erbil province. The extent of the damage remains unknown. The drone was likely launched by Iraqi pro-Iran groups, as the PAK base is close to Altun Kupri in Kirkuk, where Shia groups, including some Shia Turkmen factions, are based.

Drone strikes targeted the base of PAK, an Iranian Kurdish group, near Pirde (Altun Kupri) in southern Erbil province. The extent of the damage remains unknown. The drone was likely launched by Iraqi pro-Iran groups, as the PAK base is close to Altun Kupri in Kirkuk, where Shia groups, including some Shia Turkmen factions, are based.

12,289 views

A clearer Google Earth video from the BBC documentary reveals the area’s topography and shows how Turkish military bases and fixed outposts are dotting the entire Turkey–Iraq border now:

A clearer Google Earth video from the BBC documentary reveals the area’s topography and shows how Turkish military bases and fixed outposts are dotting the entire Turkey–Iraq border now:

20,442 views

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Timber trucks in Amedi supply Turkish outposts as satellite data shows sharp woodland loss along the border Truckloads of cut timber on roads in Amedi district, east Duhok province, over the past week have caused controversy in the Kurdistan Region. Rudaw reports five to ten trucks a day, which has started a week or so ago, moving through Barwari Bala, which is to the north of Amedi close to the Turkish border, toward Turkish military positions, with wood cut on both the Amedi side and across the border in Turkey. Village heads and local officials told Rudaw that most of the cutting is done by contractors building roads to Turkish positions. The wood goes to outposts including Girê Biyê, Bin Brifka and Miska - all in Amedi district, often one or two truckloads per position. Turkey has steadily expanded its bases and roads in Duhok's border mountains since launching its Claw operations against the PKK in 2019. The practice dates back years. In 2021, Sheikh Mus Babat, a contractor from the Babat tribe - a Kurdish tribe from Turkey, told Rudaw that his company had built a 74 km military road into Haftanin. The Kurdish Babat tribe is influential in Uludere, directly across the border from this area, and has a strong presence in Turkey's village guard system, fighting the PKK alongside Turkish forces for decades. Babat said another firm had built a 38 km road from Ashite to the Kesta mountains. He confirmed that trees were being felled and said the wood heated Turkish soldiers, denying it was sold in Turkey. Turkish court records support his account. A 2024 Court of Cassation ruling on the death of a Turkish soldier states that he was in "northern Iraq" in November 2020 to inspect winter firewood supplied by tender to bases in the Claw-Tiger operation area. Residents told Shafaq News website that the cutting happens every year at this time and continues until late autumn, which is consistent with outposts stockpiling fuel before winter. There is no count of trees cut and no public record of whether the KRG has authorised the cutting. However, the trucks pass through KDP checkpoints on their way to the outposts, which means the authorities are at least aware of the movement. There is also no record of any restoration. Turkey runs large afforestation programmes at home, including in Sirnak province opposite Amedi, and its forestry law requires an afforestation fee when forest land is used for other purposes. No equivalent mechanism has been documented for its positions inside the Kurdistan Region. Long-term forest decline is a problem across Duhok governorate. A study using the same method for each district found that forest-classified land fell by about 19% in Amedi between 2000 and 2024. It fell by 27% in Zakho and 33% in Duhok district. Duhok district has no comparable Turkish military presence, so its larger decline points to drought, fires, urban growth and land-use change across the governorate.

Timber trucks in Amedi supply Turkish outposts as satellite data shows sharp woodland loss along the border Truckloads of cut timber on roads in Amedi district, east Duhok province, over the past week have caused controversy in the Kurdistan Region. Rudaw reports five to ten trucks a day, which has started a week or so ago, moving through Barwari Bala, which is to the north of Amedi close to the Turkish border, toward Turkish military positions, with wood cut on both the Amedi side and across the border in Turkey. Village heads and local officials told Rudaw that most of the cutting is done by contractors building roads to Turkish positions. The wood goes to outposts including Girê Biyê, Bin Brifka and Miska - all in Amedi district, often one or two truckloads per position. Turkey has steadily expanded its bases and roads in Duhok's border mountains since launching its Claw operations against the PKK in 2019. The practice dates back years. In 2021, Sheikh Mus Babat, a contractor from the Babat tribe - a Kurdish tribe from Turkey, told Rudaw that his company had built a 74 km military road into Haftanin. The Kurdish Babat tribe is influential in Uludere, directly across the border from this area, and has a strong presence in Turkey's village guard system, fighting the PKK alongside Turkish forces for decades. Babat said another firm had built a 38 km road from Ashite to the Kesta mountains. He confirmed that trees were being felled and said the wood heated Turkish soldiers, denying it was sold in Turkey. Turkish court records support his account. A 2024 Court of Cassation ruling on the death of a Turkish soldier states that he was in "northern Iraq" in November 2020 to inspect winter firewood supplied by tender to bases in the Claw-Tiger operation area. Residents told Shafaq News website that the cutting happens every year at this time and continues until late autumn, which is consistent with outposts stockpiling fuel before winter. There is no count of trees cut and no public record of whether the KRG has authorised the cutting. However, the trucks pass through KDP checkpoints on their way to the outposts, which means the authorities are at least aware of the movement. There is also no record of any restoration. Turkey runs large afforestation programmes at home, including in Sirnak province opposite Amedi, and its forestry law requires an afforestation fee when forest land is used for other purposes. No equivalent mechanism has been documented for its positions inside the Kurdistan Region. Long-term forest decline is a problem across Duhok governorate. A study using the same method for each district found that forest-classified land fell by about 19% in Amedi between 2000 and 2024. It fell by 27% in Zakho and 33% in Duhok district. Duhok district has no comparable Turkish military presence, so its larger decline points to drought, fires, urban growth and land-use change across the governorate.

Kurdistan Watch

16,444 views • 2 days ago

KDP President Masoud Barzani says, in response to a question about Article 140 concerning the disputed territories, that although Erbil is the capital of the Kurdistan Region, it is an Iraqi city, just like Mosul, Basra or Baghdad, and that Kirkuk is the same: an Iraqi city. He says that implementing Article 140 is about holding a referendum in which the people of these areas would decide whether they want to be administratively part of the Kurdistan Region or governed by federal Iraq. But regardless of the outcome, Kirkuk would remain an Iraqi city. This is remarkable in terms of the language Barzani is using. He has historically been much more cautious with such rhetoric, although Nechirvan Barzani and, in recent years, even Masrour Barzani have become increasingly open about describing these places as Iraqi cities. Masoud Barzani, however, was much more careful, particularly in the years preceding the 2017 referendum. His rhetoric now is notably more explicit in stressing that these cities are Iraqi.

KDP President Masoud Barzani says, in response to a question about Article 140 concerning the disputed territories, that although Erbil is the capital of the Kurdistan Region, it is an Iraqi city, just like Mosul, Basra or Baghdad, and that Kirkuk is the same: an Iraqi city. He says that implementing Article 140 is about holding a referendum in which the people of these areas would decide whether they want to be administratively part of the Kurdistan Region or governed by federal Iraq. But regardless of the outcome, Kirkuk would remain an Iraqi city. This is remarkable in terms of the language Barzani is using. He has historically been much more cautious with such rhetoric, although Nechirvan Barzani and, in recent years, even Masrour Barzani have become increasingly open about describing these places as Iraqi cities. Masoud Barzani, however, was much more careful, particularly in the years preceding the 2017 referendum. His rhetoric now is notably more explicit in stressing that these cities are Iraqi.

Kurdistan Watch

21,458 views • 6 days ago

A shocking video in which tens of teenage males brutally attack a girl while calling her a 'whore' because she reportedly wanted to watch a motorcycle racing in a neighbourhood in Sulaimani in Kurdistan Region earlier today has gone viral:

A shocking video in which tens of teenage males brutally attack a girl while calling her a 'whore' because she reportedly wanted to watch a motorcycle racing in a neighbourhood in Sulaimani in Kurdistan Region earlier today has gone viral:

Kurdistan Watch

2,672,247 views • 3 years ago

More footage of U.S. troops leaving Erbil en route to Turkey, likely to Incirlik Air Base in Adana. According to local sources, most weapons and equipment have already been evacuated. What remains, according to some sources, is one C-RAM system, used for counter-drone defence, to protect the U.S. Consulate in Erbil, the largest U.S. consulate building in the world. The same sources say that while all U.S. troops have been withdrawn, some non-military intelligence operatives have remained behind and are operating from the new consulate.

More footage of U.S. troops leaving Erbil en route to Turkey, likely to Incirlik Air Base in Adana. According to local sources, most weapons and equipment have already been evacuated. What remains, according to some sources, is one C-RAM system, used for counter-drone defence, to protect the U.S. Consulate in Erbil, the largest U.S. consulate building in the world. The same sources say that while all U.S. troops have been withdrawn, some non-military intelligence operatives have remained behind and are operating from the new consulate.

Kurdistan Watch

13,651 views • 6 days ago

Just in: SDF commander Mazloum Abdi has announced the formal dissolution of the SDF and the end of its mission as an independent force following its integration into the Syrian army. Abdi is reportedly set to become a presidential adviser for Kurdish affairs and will be based in Damascus. He also said there is a preliminary understanding on Kurdish-language education. Without elaborating, he said “it can be built on,” indicating that this is not yet a final or concrete agreement on education.

Just in: SDF commander Mazloum Abdi has announced the formal dissolution of the SDF and the end of its mission as an independent force following its integration into the Syrian army. Abdi is reportedly set to become a presidential adviser for Kurdish affairs and will be based in Damascus. He also said there is a preliminary understanding on Kurdish-language education. Without elaborating, he said “it can be built on,” indicating that this is not yet a final or concrete agreement on education.

Kurdistan Watch

28,220 views • 1 month ago

Ammar al-Hakim, head of the Hikma Movement, is in the Kurdistan Region. Yesterday, he visited Barzani for the funeral of a senior Barzani tribal figure, and today he was in Duhok. Notably, Hakim, who is Shia, can be seen leading Sunni worshippers in prayer at the guest house of the Doski tribe. What is particularly interesting is that just four weeks ago, Sirwan Barzani, CEO of Korek Telecom, which is now under heavy restrictions by Iraq’s Communications and Media Commission (and its licence revoked), accused the Hikma Movement of being behind Korek’s problems and the collapse of its legal operations in Iraq. Yet Hakim, the leader of Hikma, is now visiting the Kurdistan Region and receiving a warm welcome. This significantly weakens the Korek narrative that its problems are primarily a politically driven campaign by Hikma. At the very least, Hakim’s reception in the Region sits awkwardly with Sirwan Barzani’s claims.

Ammar al-Hakim, head of the Hikma Movement, is in the Kurdistan Region. Yesterday, he visited Barzani for the funeral of a senior Barzani tribal figure, and today he was in Duhok. Notably, Hakim, who is Shia, can be seen leading Sunni worshippers in prayer at the guest house of the Doski tribe. What is particularly interesting is that just four weeks ago, Sirwan Barzani, CEO of Korek Telecom, which is now under heavy restrictions by Iraq’s Communications and Media Commission (and its licence revoked), accused the Hikma Movement of being behind Korek’s problems and the collapse of its legal operations in Iraq. Yet Hakim, the leader of Hikma, is now visiting the Kurdistan Region and receiving a warm welcome. This significantly weakens the Korek narrative that its problems are primarily a politically driven campaign by Hikma. At the very least, Hakim’s reception in the Region sits awkwardly with Sirwan Barzani’s claims.

Kurdistan Watch

18,571 views • 27 days ago

The tension around Khabat district in western Erbil is ongoing, with a wave of arrests in nearby Harki villages that began after the Lajan protests spread to the area. The KDP has deployed heavy forces in both Lajan (site of recent protests) and these parts of Khabat, setting up a series of checkpoints across the villages and using numerous MRAP-type armored vehicles and anti-riot vehicles to move troops. Meanwhile, protests in some areas continue in response to the clampdown.

The tension around Khabat district in western Erbil is ongoing, with a wave of arrests in nearby Harki villages that began after the Lajan protests spread to the area. The KDP has deployed heavy forces in both Lajan (site of recent protests) and these parts of Khabat, setting up a series of checkpoints across the villages and using numerous MRAP-type armored vehicles and anti-riot vehicles to move troops. Meanwhile, protests in some areas continue in response to the clampdown.

Kurdistan Watch

144,094 views • 10 months ago

A recent video shows Bafel Talabani at a weapons auction with two American YouTubers known for firearms content. What stands out is how openly they goad him into bidding higher, hyping him up with military bravado: “charge,” “take no prisoners,” “eat their wounded.” They coach him through the auction like handlers working a fight, and he plays along until the hammer drops at $11,000. They are essentially treating him as a fool, and he does not seem to realize it. These appear to be the same YouTubers Talabani previously filmed with in Iraq, where he mobilized his entire commando force to test weapons on camera, turning a public security apparatus into a prop for online entertainment. The $11,000 is not the point. Everyone knows these families hold wealth in the hundreds of millions, if not billions. What matters is not just the optics but what it reveals about the man himself. At home, Talabani projects the tough, militaristic leader who rules through force. Yet put him in a room with two YouTubers and he becomes pliable, eager to please, visibly pushed around. That contrast says something about the personality behind the strongman act. To be clear, there is nothing wrong with a leader befriending foreigners, and there is nothing wrong with having hobbies. Leaders are human. They need downtime, and no one begrudges them that. But there is a difference between having a private interest and performing it like this, on camera, being pushed around while your own people watch. That is not a leader enjoying a hobby. That is a terrible look. The timing compounds all of it. The economic crisis is deepening. Salary payments remain erratic. Talabani’s own media channel has been weaponizing the salary issue to project solidarity with ordinary citizens. Yet here is their leader, on camera, being goaded into throwing money around at a foreign auction. After that, the populist messaging becomes very hard to take seriously.

A recent video shows Bafel Talabani at a weapons auction with two American YouTubers known for firearms content. What stands out is how openly they goad him into bidding higher, hyping him up with military bravado: “charge,” “take no prisoners,” “eat their wounded.” They coach him through the auction like handlers working a fight, and he plays along until the hammer drops at $11,000. They are essentially treating him as a fool, and he does not seem to realize it. These appear to be the same YouTubers Talabani previously filmed with in Iraq, where he mobilized his entire commando force to test weapons on camera, turning a public security apparatus into a prop for online entertainment. The $11,000 is not the point. Everyone knows these families hold wealth in the hundreds of millions, if not billions. What matters is not just the optics but what it reveals about the man himself. At home, Talabani projects the tough, militaristic leader who rules through force. Yet put him in a room with two YouTubers and he becomes pliable, eager to please, visibly pushed around. That contrast says something about the personality behind the strongman act. To be clear, there is nothing wrong with a leader befriending foreigners, and there is nothing wrong with having hobbies. Leaders are human. They need downtime, and no one begrudges them that. But there is a difference between having a private interest and performing it like this, on camera, being pushed around while your own people watch. That is not a leader enjoying a hobby. That is a terrible look. The timing compounds all of it. The economic crisis is deepening. Salary payments remain erratic. Talabani’s own media channel has been weaponizing the salary issue to project solidarity with ordinary citizens. Yet here is their leader, on camera, being goaded into throwing money around at a foreign auction. After that, the populist messaging becomes very hard to take seriously.

Kurdistan Watch

63,166 views • 7 months ago

Yazidi MP-elect Murad Ismael says Yazidis are not Kurds but a distinct ethnicity, and that he will work to have this formally recognised in the Iraqi parliament. His stance matters because, unlike previous token Yazidi MPs backed either by the KDP or pro-Iran Shia militias, Murad won a general seat on a Yazidi Cause Alliance list that secured around 50,000 votes – the first time a purely Yazidi, grassroots list has achieved this. Murad raises a sensitive but necessary debate. He argues that Yazidis are not Kurds and that some Kurdish parties try to impose that identity on them. He likens it to “how Kurds in Turkey don’t want to be called mountain Turks,” saying Yazidis likewise do not want to be branded “Yazidi Kurds” – a label widely used in parts of the Kurdish media, particularly outlets close to the KDP.

Yazidi MP-elect Murad Ismael says Yazidis are not Kurds but a distinct ethnicity, and that he will work to have this formally recognised in the Iraqi parliament. His stance matters because, unlike previous token Yazidi MPs backed either by the KDP or pro-Iran Shia militias, Murad won a general seat on a Yazidi Cause Alliance list that secured around 50,000 votes – the first time a purely Yazidi, grassroots list has achieved this. Murad raises a sensitive but necessary debate. He argues that Yazidis are not Kurds and that some Kurdish parties try to impose that identity on them. He likens it to “how Kurds in Turkey don’t want to be called mountain Turks,” saying Yazidis likewise do not want to be branded “Yazidi Kurds” – a label widely used in parts of the Kurdish media, particularly outlets close to the KDP.

Kurdistan Watch

75,981 views • 9 months ago

Iraqi Turkmen Front leader and Kirkuk Governor Muhammad Seman says Turkey’s military presence in Iraq is not only aimed at fighting the PKK, but also at protecting the Turkmen population. Seman has already faced criticism despite being in office for only a few months, particularly after placing Kirkuk within the orbit of the “Turkic world” and associating the province with Turkic-world municipal initiatives. Some Kurds are now even mocking previous Kurdish governors for being overly conciliatory, arguing that Kirkuk’s Turkmen governor has, within months, begun presenting the province as part of the Turkic world, even though Turkmen hold only two of the 16 seats on the provincial council.

Iraqi Turkmen Front leader and Kirkuk Governor Muhammad Seman says Turkey’s military presence in Iraq is not only aimed at fighting the PKK, but also at protecting the Turkmen population. Seman has already faced criticism despite being in office for only a few months, particularly after placing Kirkuk within the orbit of the “Turkic world” and associating the province with Turkic-world municipal initiatives. Some Kurds are now even mocking previous Kurdish governors for being overly conciliatory, arguing that Kirkuk’s Turkmen governor has, within months, begun presenting the province as part of the Turkic world, even though Turkmen hold only two of the 16 seats on the provincial council.

Kurdistan Watch

19,189 views • 1 month ago

Here is an example of the long queues for the KRG’s subsidised 750-dinar ($0.57) per litre fuel, which is available only at a limited number of designated petrol stations. This footage is from Akre, in eastern Duhok province, where only a single petrol station is distributing the subsidised fuel. Most petrol stations across Erbil and Duhok have shut down due to the fuel crisis, while the few stations selling government-subsidised fuel are seeing queues that can take hours to clear. Many fuel traders say the KRG’s decision to cap prices forces them to sell at a significant loss, leaving many with little choice but to stop selling altogether. Fuel quality is also reportedly deteriorating rapidly, with a growing number of motorists reporting engine problems. Meanwhile, Kurdish opposition efforts to secure access to Iraqi subsidised fuel, sold at 450 dinars ($0.34) per litre, are continuing. The pressure from those proposals appears to have contributed to the KRG’s rushed decision to cut prices in an attempt to ease the crisis, but the policy has so far largely backfired.

Here is an example of the long queues for the KRG’s subsidised 750-dinar ($0.57) per litre fuel, which is available only at a limited number of designated petrol stations. This footage is from Akre, in eastern Duhok province, where only a single petrol station is distributing the subsidised fuel. Most petrol stations across Erbil and Duhok have shut down due to the fuel crisis, while the few stations selling government-subsidised fuel are seeing queues that can take hours to clear. Many fuel traders say the KRG’s decision to cap prices forces them to sell at a significant loss, leaving many with little choice but to stop selling altogether. Fuel quality is also reportedly deteriorating rapidly, with a growing number of motorists reporting engine problems. Meanwhile, Kurdish opposition efforts to secure access to Iraqi subsidised fuel, sold at 450 dinars ($0.34) per litre, are continuing. The pressure from those proposals appears to have contributed to the KRG’s rushed decision to cut prices in an attempt to ease the crisis, but the policy has so far largely backfired.

Kurdistan Watch

18,417 views • 2 months ago

On the KRG fuel crisis, Iraq’s oil minister said that during last year’s oil agreement, the KRG itself requested an allocation of 50,000 barrels per day for domestic consumption because it has its own private refineries. He said Baghdad told the KRG plainly at the time: the federal government should receive those 50,000 barrels for export, while the Oil Ministry would instead supply the Kurdistan Region with petroleum products, including gasoline and gas oil, at the same standard prices calculated for the rest of Iraq’s governorates. He added that when the KRG recently needed cooking gas (LPG), the ministry supplied it. This is largely consistent with how KRG officials themselves described the issue during last year’s negotiations, as we outlined below. What is particularly interesting, however, is the minister’s conclusion that “the Oil and Gas Law is what is capable of providing all the solutions to this issue,” effectively framing the current fuel dispute as another consequence of the unresolved federal-KRG energy framework.

On the KRG fuel crisis, Iraq’s oil minister said that during last year’s oil agreement, the KRG itself requested an allocation of 50,000 barrels per day for domestic consumption because it has its own private refineries. He said Baghdad told the KRG plainly at the time: the federal government should receive those 50,000 barrels for export, while the Oil Ministry would instead supply the Kurdistan Region with petroleum products, including gasoline and gas oil, at the same standard prices calculated for the rest of Iraq’s governorates. He added that when the KRG recently needed cooking gas (LPG), the ministry supplied it. This is largely consistent with how KRG officials themselves described the issue during last year’s negotiations, as we outlined below. What is particularly interesting, however, is the minister’s conclusion that “the Oil and Gas Law is what is capable of providing all the solutions to this issue,” effectively framing the current fuel dispute as another consequence of the unresolved federal-KRG energy framework.

Kurdistan Watch

15,507 views • 1 month ago

The head of Iraq’s Communications and Media Commission, commenting on the Korek Telecom case, said the company owes 2 trillion dinars ($1.5 billion) in licence fees, another 2 trillion dinars in taxes, and more than $1 billion to foreign companies after losing an international arbitration case. He said Korek has ignored these obligations, as well as a settlement reached with the companies eight months ago. He insisted the case is “100% technical” and has nothing to do with politics, responding to Korek CEO Sirwan Barzani’s claim that the measures are politically motivated. He said Korek hasn’t complied with any of CMC’s regulations and hasn’t abided by their own settlement eight months ago. The CMC head also said the decision is unlikely to be reversed and urged Korek customers to obtain another SIM card and transfer their social media and banking authentication codes to non-Korek numbers.

The head of Iraq’s Communications and Media Commission, commenting on the Korek Telecom case, said the company owes 2 trillion dinars ($1.5 billion) in licence fees, another 2 trillion dinars in taxes, and more than $1 billion to foreign companies after losing an international arbitration case. He said Korek has ignored these obligations, as well as a settlement reached with the companies eight months ago. He insisted the case is “100% technical” and has nothing to do with politics, responding to Korek CEO Sirwan Barzani’s claim that the measures are politically motivated. He said Korek hasn’t complied with any of CMC’s regulations and hasn’t abided by their own settlement eight months ago. The CMC head also said the decision is unlikely to be reversed and urged Korek customers to obtain another SIM card and transfer their social media and banking authentication codes to non-Korek numbers.

Kurdistan Watch

12,343 views • 1 month ago

A man has filmed himself stuck between KDP and PUK checkpoints with 20 Wi-Fi routers, as neither side will let him through with the goods. He apparently passed through the KDP checkpoint coming from Erbil, but when he tried to cross the PUK checkpoint in the Smaquli area, east of Erbil but still we’ll within Erbil province, at the line separating the section of Erbil under PUK control, they prevented him from continuing. When he tried to go back through the KDP checkpoint, they blocked him too. He says in the video he is now stranded in the no-man’s land between the two. Neither side will let him through, because there is now a hard border between KDP and PUK zones. For anything of commercial value, you have to pay a customs-like fee, but the fee goes to a private company owned by whichever party controls that checkpoint. There is physically not one unified KRG as one region. And if movement is physically constrained in this way, that is stronger evidence than any nominal institutional name. This has been happening for months now, with many people documenting that there is effectively no free movement between the two zones.

A man has filmed himself stuck between KDP and PUK checkpoints with 20 Wi-Fi routers, as neither side will let him through with the goods. He apparently passed through the KDP checkpoint coming from Erbil, but when he tried to cross the PUK checkpoint in the Smaquli area, east of Erbil but still we’ll within Erbil province, at the line separating the section of Erbil under PUK control, they prevented him from continuing. When he tried to go back through the KDP checkpoint, they blocked him too. He says in the video he is now stranded in the no-man’s land between the two. Neither side will let him through, because there is now a hard border between KDP and PUK zones. For anything of commercial value, you have to pay a customs-like fee, but the fee goes to a private company owned by whichever party controls that checkpoint. There is physically not one unified KRG as one region. And if movement is physically constrained in this way, that is stronger evidence than any nominal institutional name. This has been happening for months now, with many people documenting that there is effectively no free movement between the two zones.

Kurdistan Watch

13,213 views • 1 month ago

This is interesting. For what appears to be the first time publicly, Masrour Barzani is seen speaking Arabic during a brief section of his Al Jazeera interview. This is notable because Masrour and several other Iraqi Kurdish leaders of his generation have spent years trying to improve their Arabic through practice and private tutoring. The clip suggests that his comprehension is strong, but his spoken Arabic remains limited. He answers in very short sentences and avoids more complex formulations, although he clearly understands the questions being put to him. The fact that he is now willing to speak Arabic publicly is interesting in itself. It may partly reflect an attempt to overcome the hesitation that often comes with speaking a language one understands much better than one can actively use. It also suggests that he is probably capable of at least limited direct exchanges in Arabic with Iraqi officials and delegations, even if his ability to sustain a detailed conversation remains limited. This is not unique to Masrour. Other prominent Kurdish leaders of the same generation, including Nechirvan Barzani, Bafel Talabani and Qubad Talabani, have also had varying difficulties with spoken Arabic and have reportedly worked to improve it. Nechirvan, for example, said several years ago that he understood Arabic fluently but was still gradually learning to speak it, suggesting that his spoken ability has probably improved since then. Bafel Talabani’s case is less clear. There is very little publicly available evidence of him speaking Arabic, and his spoken ability may be considerably weaker. At the same time, his frequent visits to Baghdad and regular interaction with Iraqi political leaders would give him substantially more opportunity to practise and improve it.

This is interesting. For what appears to be the first time publicly, Masrour Barzani is seen speaking Arabic during a brief section of his Al Jazeera interview. This is notable because Masrour and several other Iraqi Kurdish leaders of his generation have spent years trying to improve their Arabic through practice and private tutoring. The clip suggests that his comprehension is strong, but his spoken Arabic remains limited. He answers in very short sentences and avoids more complex formulations, although he clearly understands the questions being put to him. The fact that he is now willing to speak Arabic publicly is interesting in itself. It may partly reflect an attempt to overcome the hesitation that often comes with speaking a language one understands much better than one can actively use. It also suggests that he is probably capable of at least limited direct exchanges in Arabic with Iraqi officials and delegations, even if his ability to sustain a detailed conversation remains limited. This is not unique to Masrour. Other prominent Kurdish leaders of the same generation, including Nechirvan Barzani, Bafel Talabani and Qubad Talabani, have also had varying difficulties with spoken Arabic and have reportedly worked to improve it. Nechirvan, for example, said several years ago that he understood Arabic fluently but was still gradually learning to speak it, suggesting that his spoken ability has probably improved since then. Bafel Talabani’s case is less clear. There is very little publicly available evidence of him speaking Arabic, and his spoken ability may be considerably weaker. At the same time, his frequent visits to Baghdad and regular interaction with Iraqi political leaders would give him substantially more opportunity to practise and improve it.

Kurdistan Watch

14,245 views • 1 month ago

Footage shows the newer explosion in Suleimani’s Tasluja area, which hosts several PUK forces, including Peshmerga, Commando forces and counterterrorism units. The blast was very powerful. At least eight people have been injured in tonight’s IRGC attacks on Suleimani. The second part of the video shows a nearby mosque whose windows were shattered by the force of the explosion.

Footage shows the newer explosion in Suleimani’s Tasluja area, which hosts several PUK forces, including Peshmerga, Commando forces and counterterrorism units. The blast was very powerful. At least eight people have been injured in tonight’s IRGC attacks on Suleimani. The second part of the video shows a nearby mosque whose windows were shattered by the force of the explosion.

Kurdistan Watch

18,428 views • 2 months ago

Ali Bapir, leader of Kurdistan’s second largest Islamist party, attended the funeral of the six fallen Peshmerga and said: “This war has been imposed on Iran by the Zionist entity and the United States, and it is not the Kurdistan Region’s war.” That broadly reflects the Islamist position: • He prayed that the six Peshmerga would be granted martyrdom and that the wounded would recover. • He said the Kurdistan Region has so far stayed out of the war and expressed hope that it would not be drawn into a conflict that is not its own. • He described the war as one imposed on Iran by the Zionist entity and the United States. • He thanked the Kurdistan Region’s leaders for not allowing the Region, so far, to be pulled into the war.

Ali Bapir, leader of Kurdistan’s second largest Islamist party, attended the funeral of the six fallen Peshmerga and said: “This war has been imposed on Iran by the Zionist entity and the United States, and it is not the Kurdistan Region’s war.” That broadly reflects the Islamist position: • He prayed that the six Peshmerga would be granted martyrdom and that the wounded would recover. • He said the Kurdistan Region has so far stayed out of the war and expressed hope that it would not be drawn into a conflict that is not its own. • He described the war as one imposed on Iran by the Zionist entity and the United States. • He thanked the Kurdistan Region’s leaders for not allowing the Region, so far, to be pulled into the war.

Kurdistan Watch

34,347 views • 6 months ago