Sudanese Echo
@SudaneseEcho • 15,665 subscribers
Reflecting Sudan’s true voices. Sharing updates on resilience, achievements, and the fight for justice. Focused on truth, unity, and Sudan’s bright future.
Videos
Rapid Support Militia Commander Defects with 300 Officers and Fighters and 30 Military Vehicles, Apologizes to Sudanese People as Defections Mount and Militia Suffers Defeats in Kordofan Sudanese Echo has learned that Lieutenant Colonel Mohamed Azraq Al-Fanjari, commander of the Special Missions Group within the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed), has defected alongside approximately 300 officers and fighters and 30 military vehicles. The development adds to a growing series of defections from the militia in recent months, coinciding with significant battlefield defeats in North Kordofan and the loss of several strategically important positions. In a recorded statement addressed to the Sudanese people, Al-Fanjari confirmed that he was relinquishing all his military duties and responsibilities within the militia, declaring his commitment to protecting Sudanese lives and pursuing peace. He said his decision followed sincere self-reflection and careful consideration of the country's suffering, describing the conflict as a "senseless war" that had devastated communities, displaced millions of innocent civilians, and claimed lives that should have been devoted to rebuilding Sudan. Al-Fanjari also issued a direct apology to the Sudanese people. "I offer my sincere apologies to every Sudanese family that has suffered harm, displacement, or loss during this war," he said. He publicly repudiated violations and abuses committed against unarmed civilians, including attacks on their lives, property, and honour, describing his decision as motivated entirely by moral and patriotic convictions. His statement is particularly significant because it comes from a field commander within a militia whose forces have been responsible for widespread atrocities against civilians, including killings, forced displacement, looting, and sexual violence. Although Al-Fanjari did not identify specific incidents or name those responsible, his apology and acknowledgment of abuses mark a notable departure from the position of the organization he previously served. Addressing his former comrades, Al-Fanjari urged fighters still serving in the Rapid Support Militia to reconsider their involvement in the conflict and allow truth and reason to prevail. "This war has no just cause and no future," he declared. "We must all return to the embrace of our homeland and stand united behind our Armed Forces. I offer you this advice in all sincerity," he added, calling on fighters to stop shedding the blood of their fellow Sudanese and emphasizing that the country has room for everyone. Al-Fanjari's departure follows several significant defections involving senior commanders, armed groups, and military vehicles throughout 2026. Among the most prominent was Major General Al-Nour Ahmed Adam, widely known as Al-Nour Al-Gubba, who left the militia in April and joined the Sudanese Armed Forces. His departure followed reported disagreements with the militia's leadership, including allegations that he had been marginalized and humiliated despite his military rank and battlefield contributions. He was subsequently received by General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan, Sudan's army chief and chairman of the Sovereignty Council. Another prominent commander, Brigadier General Ali Rizgallah, known as Al-Savna, also broke with the militia after publicly criticizing its leadership. Al-Savna, who had participated in major operations across Khartoum, Kordofan, and Darfur, complained that Abdel Rahim Dagalo, the militia's deputy commander, controlled key decisions concerning weapons, supplies, medical treatment, and salaries. His departure attracted considerable attention because of his military position and connections to tribal fighting groups, although reports differed on whether he had formally joined the Sudanese Armed Forces. In August, a force led by Brigadier General Musa Khamsin reportedly defected with 318 fighters and approximately 50 armed vehicles, reaching army-controlled territory in Northern State. Other reported defections during the same period involved 270 personnel, including 21 field commanders, and another 45 fighters from the Bara front. That month also saw the reported defection of approximately 200 fighters led by Abu Bakr Dahloub, who had headed the Special Missions Intelligence Division in North Kordofan, before joining the Sudanese army. On September 25, field commander Al-Tayeb Al-Ahيدab announced his defection alongside approximately 50 fighters, joining the Sudanese Armed Forces and allied units as the army regained control of Sudri in North Kordofan. He attributed his decision to the suffering and abuses he had witnessed within the militia, particularly in Kordofan and Darfur. These departures follow the high-profile defection of Abu Agla Keikal, commander of the Sudan Shield Forces, in October 2024, which represented one of the most significant losses of commanders and affiliated fighters suffered by the militia at that stage of the war. Beyond battlefield losses, internal tribal divisions and unequal treatment of commanders and fighters have emerged as important factors behind the growing number of defections. Former commanders have described widespread resentment over the concentration of military authority, resources, and senior positions within the Dagalo family and its closest associates. The militia's leadership structure is heavily influenced by the Dagalo family and tribal patronage networks, particularly members of the Mahariya, a branch of the Rizeigat tribe to which the family belongs. Fighters and commanders from other communities, including the Misseriya and Mahamid, have reportedly complained about unequal access to supplies, medical treatment, salaries, and decision-making authority. These tensions became particularly visible during the disputes involving Al-Nour Al-Gubba and Al-Savna, both associated with the Mahamid, following the militia's assault on Mustariha, the stronghold of tribal leader Musa Hilal. The confrontation exposed deep divisions even among groups belonging to the wider Rizeigat community. Reports have also described mounting resentment among Misseriya fighters in Kordofan over the heavy casualties suffered by their communities and their limited influence over military decisions despite their substantial participation in the fighting. These internal divisions expose a striking contradiction in the militia's political messaging. Its leaders claim to represent an inclusive national project built on equality and the rejection of tribal discrimination, yet former commanders describe an organization in which power and resources are concentrated within a narrow family and tribal circle. The militia's inability to ensure equal treatment among its own fighters raises serious questions about its claims to offer an inclusive political future for Sudan. The defections have also coincided with a series of military setbacks in North Kordofan, where the Sudanese Armed Forces and allied units have recaptured important positions and inflicted substantial losses on the militia. In July, the Joint Forces reported destroying more than 62 militia vehicles and capturing another 54 during operations targeting positions and supply routes connecting central and western Sudan. In September, the army regained control of Sudri on September 25 and Um Sharu the following day. On October 2, the Sudanese Armed Forces reported recapturing Al-Mazrub, a strategically important militia stronghold in North Kordofan, following intense fighting that reportedly caused significant losses in personnel and equipment. Al-Mazrub's importance lies in its position along transport and supply routes linking North and West Kordofan. Losing the area further complicates the militia's ability to move troops, maintain supply lines, and reinforce its positions. These battlefield defeats are increasing pressure on commanders and fighters already frustrated by internal disputes over leadership, resources, and tribal loyalties. The prospect of continued fighting under increasingly difficult conditions may encourage further defections, particularly among groups that feel marginalized by the militia's leadership. The Rapid Support Militia has benefited from extensive UAE support, including weapons supplies, financing, and logistical networks, which have helped sustain its military operations despite substantial losses. However, continued external assistance cannot necessarily resolve internal divisions or restore confidence among commanders and fighters who increasingly question the leadership's decisions and priorities. Al-Fanjari's defection, accompanied by approximately 300 officers and fighters and 30 military vehicles, adds another significant episode to this pattern. His recorded statement also delivers a direct message to those who remain within the militia, coming from a commander who served in its military formations before publicly calling on his former comrades to leave and stand with Sudan's national army. As military operations continue across Kordofan and more armed groups abandon the Rapid Support Militia, questions are mounting over its leadership's ability to contain internal divisions and maintain the loyalty of its forces. The scale of these defections, the military equipment accompanying departing units, and the possibility of further commanders following their example could have important consequences for the militia's ability to sustain its operations in the months ahead. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
Sudanese Echo34,368 views • 4 days ago
Circulated Footage Shows Rapid Support Militia Member Saying He Bought an Infant for 1,000 Pounds and Threatening to “Tear Him Apart” Amid a Documented Record of Abuses Against Civilians Footage circulating on social media shows an armed man presented as a member of the Rapid Support militia carrying an infant and telling those around him that he had “bought” the child for just 1,000 pounds. He repeats the claim several times, asking his companions to witness what he is saying, before directly threatening the baby because of his crying, saying he would “tear him apart” if he continued screaming. At the end of the clip, he says that anyone who wants the child can contact him privately. The footage does not, on its own, establish how the child came into the man’s custody, nor does it independently verify whether the alleged “purchase” actually took place. That does not diminish the seriousness of what can be seen and heard. An infant is being held among armed men, spoken about as though he were a commodity, assigned a price, and then threatened with being “torn apart” for crying. The footage warrants urgent efforts to identify the child, establish his whereabouts, ensure his safety, and investigate the circumstances that brought him into the hands of these fighters. The gravity of the clip is also shaped by the wider context in which it emerged. The Rapid Support militia has been linked by UN bodies and international investigations to a broad pattern of abuses against civilians, including killings, abductions, rape, gang rape, sexual slavery, arbitrary detention, forced displacement, and other forms of coercion. UN reporting has also documented cases involving women and girls who were abducted, detained, repeatedly raped, subjected to forced labour, and in some instances reportedly sold for financial gain or forced into sexual exploitation for the benefit of their captors. Against that background, a member of the Rapid Support militia speaking about having “bought” an infant cannot be viewed simply as an isolated shocking remark. It comes from a force whose members have already been documented in connection with slavery, sexual slavery, abduction, detention, and the exploitation of civilians through violence and coercion. Whether this child was in fact sold, who took him, where he came from, and what happened to his family are all questions that require immediate investigation. Accountability, however, should not stop with the individuals who commit abuses on the ground. It should also extend to the financing, arming, logistics, and external support networks that enabled this terrorist militia to sustain and expand its operations. Throughout the war, a growing body of UN findings, international investigations, and major reporting has documented UAE support for the Rapid Support militia, including supply routes and networks linked to Chad, Libya, and Somalia, as well as weapons, drones, foreign fighters, and contractors. As that body of evidence has grown, the UAE’s role in supporting the Rapid Support militia has increasingly ceased to be treated as a peripheral allegation. It has become one of the worst-kept secrets of the war, and one of the key factors that enabled the militia to keep fighting and prolong the conflict. Until the international community chooses to assume real responsibility, rather than allowing financial interests and political deals to overshadow the human cost of this war, Sudanese civilians will continue to pay the price. At the centre of this tragedy is a child who knows nothing about the war, the forces fighting it, or the states financing it. All the footage shows is a crying infant in the arms of an armed man who says he bought him for 1,000 pounds, and then threatens to “tear him apart.” Finding this child and ensuring his safety should be an immediate priority, followed by an independent investigation into how he came into the hands of the Rapid Support militia, whether he was in fact sold, and what happened to his family. Whatever interests are being pursued through this war, the suffering of Sudanese children should never become an acceptable price for them. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
Sudanese Echo143,056 views • 21 days ago
“We Raped Your Daughter and Wife in Front of You. You Are Not a Man”: Samer Osman Recounts How a Sudanese Officer Died of Anguish Inside a UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia Detention Centre In a harrowing video testimony, Samer Osman recounts one of the most painful incidents he witnessed inside a detention centre operated by the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia in Khartoum. His account centres on a captured Sudanese officer lying on the floor with his hands tightly bound behind his back. According to Osman, a militia member named Abdullah stood before the prisoner and told him: “We raped your daughter and your wife in front of you. Where is your manhood now?” The man laughed and boasted about what he said they had done before telling the bound officer: “You are not a man.” When the officer heard those words, he tried to reach Abdullah despite the restraints holding his hands behind his back. He threw his body forward with whatever strength he had left, falling from side to side as he struggled to stand, defend himself or reach the man boasting about the rape of his family. Abdullah then kicked him in the stomach and face as he lay bound on the ground, and walked away. The words were more painful than the kicks. Osman said the other detainees became enraged when they heard the taunt. They were watching a helpless man being psychologically destroyed while his tormentor laughed and used the reported rape of his wife and daughter to humiliate him. Militia guards opened the detention-cell door and fired at the prisoners, killing eleven of them, according to Osman’s testimony. Eleven men died. Yet Osman said that, at that moment, even the pain of their deaths felt less devastating than the words Abdullah had spoken. Every prisoner understood what the militia was doing. It was attacking the officer’s body, dignity, memory and family at the same time, turning his wife and daughter into instruments of torture and leaving him trapped with the image of them in the hands of men who boasted about abusing them. The officer remained bound in the same position. For three days, he kept his head lowered to the ground and refused food and water. The detainees gave him portions of their meagre food and scarce water, brought the plate close to his face, surrendered their own rations and tried to feed him with their hands. He turned his head away and spat out the food, even when they placed it in his mouth. They remained thirsty so that he could have their water. The other prisoners gathered around a man overwhelmed by trauma and pleaded with him to eat, drink and speak. A religious elder named Sheikh Ali repeatedly came to him, reminding him of God and speaking about faith, goodness and the Quran, trying to hold on to his spirit before it slipped away. After three days, the officer finally said: “I just want to breathe.” Some detainees removed their torn shirts and used them to fan him. They offered him water, and he took one sip before saying that he wanted no more. Osman urged him to speak: “My brother, please talk. Let out what is inside you. Try.” The officer raised his head, looked at him with bloodshot eyes and said: “Leave me alone, everyone. Please, leave me alone.” Then he gave the detainees his final instruction: “Whoever among you gets out alive, I entrust him with seeking justice for my wife and daughter.” When the time came for Fajr, the Muslim dawn prayer, they tried to lift him into a position in which he could pray. The militia had refused to remove his restraints from the moment he was brought into the detention centre. They lifted him upright, and he collapsed onto his right side. They tried to support him again, but he could no longer hold himself up. One prisoner held him while another religious elder, Sheikh Khalid, came to help. “He has become heavy,” Sheikh Khalid said. He touched the officer and then told the others: “May God have mercy on him.” The man died bound at dawn. According to Osman, the officer died from overwhelming anguish and oppression, left alone with the image of his wife and daughter and what the militia member claimed had been done to them. At the time the testimony was recorded, Osman said the detainees still did not know whether the two women were alive, whether the militia had killed them or what had happened to them. The reported rape and their fate remain part of Osman’s testimony, with no independent information available to confirm the details. Osman’s account illuminates the wider system of torture established by the Rapid Support Militia across Khartoum. The militia converted civilian buildings, schools and military facilities into detention centres where prisoners described beatings, starvation, humiliation, psychological torture and executions. It left behind emaciated survivors, burial sites and thousands of families still searching for missing relatives. In March 2025, the Guardian published an investigation from a former militia base near the village of Garri, approximately 70 kilometres north of Khartoum, after the Sudanese military recaptured the site. Journalists found a previously unknown detention centre with shackles hanging from doors, apparent punishment chambers and bloodstains on the floor. Nearby, they discovered an extensive burial ground containing at least 550 unmarked graves, some of which appeared to contain more than one body. The newspaper reported that more than 500 people may have been tortured or starved to death before being buried there. Doctors examined 135 civilians rescued from the detention centre and found widespread signs of torture and chronic malnutrition. Some survivors were unable to walk and had to be carried outside, while many were too traumatised to speak. Satellite imagery showed that the graves appeared after the militia seized the base, and a Human Rights Watch expert said the site could constitute one of the largest atrocity crime scenes discovered in Sudan since the war began. Read the Guardian investigation The Guardian later reported the story of Alwaleed Abdeen, a 35-year-old Sudanese entrepreneur held for six months inside a school that the militia had converted into a prison in Jebel Aulia, south of Khartoum. In the last video recorded after his rescue, Abdeen was so emaciated that his friends struggled to recognise him even after he spoke his name. His bones were visible beneath his skin after months of starvation and torture, and he later died in hospital. Read the Guardian report on Alwaleed Abdeen The individual incident described by Osman still requires an independent investigation, yet its details fit a documented pattern that emerged as the militia was driven from extensive areas of Khartoum, Omdurman and Bahri: secret detention centres, starvation, restraints, beatings, humiliation, deaths in custody and burial grounds beside the places where prisoners were tortured. Those responsible for such acts have stripped themselves of every trace of humanity. Armed thugs were transformed into a military and political project through the continued flow of weapons, money and foreign logistical support. Over the course of Sudan’s war, hundreds of reports, investigations, documented materials, UN findings and official assessments have built an extensive, cumulative record of multifaceted Emirati support for the Rapid Support Militia. This evidence has drawn on flight data, satellite imagery, weapons and ammunition analysis, export documentation, commercial records and witness testimony. Together, these sources have revealed a support system involving weapons, ammunition, drones, military vehicles, financing, logistics, training networks and foreign mercenaries, alongside political, diplomatic and media support that helped the militia sustain its war and crimes against the Sudanese people. The UAE has repeatedly denied providing military support to the militia. This testimony also provides a clear answer to those who try to manufacture a divide between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Sudanese people. Army officers are part of the Sudanese people, drawn from the same homes, neighbourhoods, towns and villages. They and their families have endured the same killings, detention, torture, displacement and abuses inflicted on civilians, and in many cases have faced additional targeting because of their military service. That officer was a Sudanese man, a husband and a father before every other title, and his tragedy formed part of the tragedy of an entire nation. Osman’s testimony also answers a question often asked by those who struggle to understand why Sudanese people continue to fight and mobilise in defence of their cities and homeland. The answer lies inside that detention centre. People fight because they have seen what the Janjaweed, the militias from which the Rapid Support Militia emerged, did when they seized neighbourhoods, homes and the bodies of civilians. They fight so that another bound man will never have to face someone boasting about raping his wife and daughter. They mobilise so that schools do not become prisons, football fields do not become graveyards, homes do not become military barracks, and women are never again used as instruments for torturing their husbands and fathers. After all this, some advocates of political settlements continue asking Sudanese people to negotiate with the militia’s commanders and grant them a new position in government. The meaning of such a proposal is clear: reward armed men for what they have done and return the tormentor to power over his victims through a political agreement. Negotiations can serve specific purposes, including ending the fighting, securing the militia’s disarmament, releasing detainees, determining the fate of the disappeared, opening burial sites to investigation and holding those responsible accountable. A settlement that preserves the militia’s army, influence and share of political power would amount to political surrender before a project built through killing, rape, torture and humiliation. The Sudanese people reject any military or political role for this militia in the country’s future government. That rejection will endure however long the road becomes, even if the war continues for years, because allowing the militia to remain within the state would leave every Sudanese family living under the threat of the detention cell, the torturer and the mass grave. Osman addressed the officer who had died in restraints: “By God, as you lie in your grave, your daughter and wife have been avenged many times over.” Those words carry the pain of a survivor and the anger of an entire people. The justice Sudan needs begins with defeating the militia’s project, disarming it, holding its commanders and perpetrators accountable, confronting those who armed it, and ensuring that it never returns to rule Sudanese people under any name or political settlement. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
Sudanese Echo210,125 views • 1 month ago
Genocide Brought to You by the UAE: The Hunt in El Fasher Where Civilians Were Chased, Humiliated, and Executed by the UAE Backed Rapid Support Militia They cornered unarmed civilians in El Fasher, yelling, mocking, and laughing while recording themselves. “Get over here.” “Shut up.” “What are you hiding up your ass.” These are not words from a battlefield but from a gang of killers taunting men trying to survive. The victims pleaded, swore they had nothing, but the militia wanted humiliation before death. Seconds later, gunfire ended the conversation. This is how the UAE backed Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) operates, cruelty first, death after. They did not see civilians, they saw prey. Looting came between insults. Racism filled the air, “acting as if you are Arab,” one shouted before ordering, “Kill him now.” Then came the final command, “Kill them all.” The video shows a few minutes of horror, but what happened outside the camera’s frame is beyond words. Among those who appear in the footage are children, some barely in their teens, carrying rifles and shouting with the same hatred as the men beside them. Their presence reveals another layer of the crime, where childhood itself is stolen and turned into a weapon. Those who were chased fell where they ran. Those caught were stripped, mocked, and executed. Women and children who screamed were silenced forever. The ground of El Fasher, already soaked with grief, drank new blood that day. For more than 550 days, the people of El Fasher warned the world of this siege. They spoke of hunger, of fear, of the Rapid Support Militia tightening its grip while the world debated words. Every laugh in that video carries the weight of betrayal. The weapons they hold, the vehicles they ride, the confidence they have, all of it traces back to their sponsor. The United Arab Emirates, while speaking of peace in public forums, has fed this war in private with money, weapons, and political cover. The result is not just the death of people, but the death of truth. What we see in this footage is not an isolated crime. It is a mirror of an entire system built on impunity and foreign complicity. These are not rogue fighters, they are the instruments of a policy. And while they humiliate, rob, and kill, the world measures its words and hides behind diplomacy. This is not history, it is happening now. Genocide is unfolding in El Fasher. Civilians are being hunted and executed by a militia financed and armed by the UAE. The camera captured only a fragment of the nightmare, but that fragment is enough to expose the truth. Sudan bleeds while the world watches in silence. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
Sudanese Echo1,090,595 views • 11 months ago
Summer Holiday Photos Place the UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia Leader in the Emirates as Atrocities Continue Across Sudan A series of photographs circulated on Sudanese social media this month that, at first glance, appeared entirely ordinary. A spacious courtyard at dusk, a customised Mercedes parked on a quiet street, and an older man sitting on a pale sofa with a child on his lap. They could easily have been photographs from any family summer holiday, far removed from the war, famine and mass graves that have come to define Sudan’s landscape. The older man in the photographs, however, is Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, better known as Hemedti, commander of the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, the paramilitary force commonly associated with the Janjaweed. In January 2025, the United States sanctioned Hemedti by name as it formally determined that members of the Rapid Support Militia and allied militias had committed genocide in Darfur. The decision came after nearly two years of war in which atrocities attributed to the militia had spread across large parts of Sudan. In El Geneina, Human Rights Watch documented an ethnic cleansing campaign against the Masalit that included mass killings, rape, looting and forced displacement, among the most horrific episodes of violence since the war began. In Khartoum, the militia controlled large areas of the capital for months. Civilian homes and buildings were turned into military positions and detention facilities. As the Sudanese army advanced and retook areas previously held by the militia, detention sites, graves and bodies began to emerge, alongside testimony from survivors describing torture, starvation, humiliation and detention in brutal conditions. The period of militia control over large parts of Khartoum, Omdurman and Bahri was also marked by widespread looting of homes and property, the occupation of civilian residences, and repeated accounts of rape and sexual violence. The same devastation then spread into Gezira State after the militia entered the region in December 2023. Towns and villages were subjected to killings, looting and attacks, forcing hundreds of thousands of people to flee. Many of them had already escaped Khartoum and had gone to Gezira in search of safety. In June 2024, Wad Al-Noura became the site of one of the militia’s most notorious massacres in the state. Months later, a wave of attacks swept through villages in eastern Gezira, with Al-Sireha among the communities subjected to large-scale killings. The violence extended across dozens of villages and towns amid reports of killings, looting, arson, sexual violence and forced displacement. The pattern repeated itself across different parts of Sudan: the militia entered civilian communities, killings and looting followed, homes were occupied, people were detained, sexual violence was reported, and entire populations were forced to abandon their towns and villages. El Fasher became one of the bloodiest chapters in that trajectory. After a prolonged siege, the city fell to the Rapid Support Militia. United Nations investigators documented the killing of more than 6,000 people during the first three days, while the fate of an estimated 150,000 residents remained unknown. The UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan subsequently concluded that the violations committed there bore hallmarks of genocide. As the geographical scale of these atrocities expanded and the war continued year after year, another question became central to international investigations: where was the militia obtaining the weapons, financing and supplies that allowed it to sustain its military capabilities? The Rapid Support Militia continued fighting on multiple fronts, acquiring weapons, ammunition, vehicles and drones while also deploying foreign fighters in a war stretching from Darfur to Khartoum, Gezira, Kordofan and El Fasher. From the early months of the conflict, evidence began accumulating around the UAE’s role in the supply network supporting the militia. In a report dated January 15, 2024, the UN Panel of Experts on Sudan said information it had gathered concerning the transfer of weapons and ammunition to the Rapid Support Militia through Amdjarass airport in eastern Chad was “credible.” In July 2024, The Guardian published an investigation into Emirati passports and documents discovered among equipment linked to the militia in Sudan. In September, The New York Times investigated UAE activity in Amdjarass and allegations that the humanitarian operation there was running alongside a pipeline supplying weapons and other support to the militia. The following month, The Washington Post published an investigation based on weapons captured by the Sudanese army, together with US assessments and reports, linking equipment and ammunition found in the hands of the Rapid Support Militia to the UAE. In November 2024, Amnesty International identified the French-made Galix defence system installed on UAE-manufactured Nimr Ajban armoured vehicles used by the militia. Flight data then revealed another dimension of the supply network. In December 2024, Reuters tracked at least 86 flights from the UAE to Amdjarass since the war began. A significant number were operated by companies previously linked in UN reporting to arms-transfer operations in the region. Researcher Justin Lynch also contributed to tracking and analysing flight and supply networks connecting these routes to the Rapid Support Militia. By early 2025, the issue had reached the level of official scrutiny in Washington. On January 24, Senator Chris Van Hollen and Representative Sara Jacobs said that, based on a briefing from the Biden administration and other reporting, they had confirmed that the UAE was continuing to provide weapons to the militia despite earlier assurances to Washington that it would stop. Over the following months, further evidence emerged from weapons stockpiles and supply convoys themselves. In April 2025, an investigation by France 24’s Observers team traced Bulgarian-made mortar rounds found in Darfur to a transaction involving an Emirati buyer, with the UAE Armed Forces listed in documentation as the end user. On April 29, Reuters, in an investigation involving journalist Reade Levinson, reported that the UN Panel of Experts was examining how Bulgarian ammunition officially exported to the UAE had ended up in a Rapid Support Militia supply convoy in Darfur. Bulgaria said it had never authorised the ammunition to be re-exported to Sudan. In May 2025, Amnesty International identified Chinese-made GB50A guided bombs and AH-4 155mm howitzers in the possession of the Rapid Support Militia. The organisation concluded that the weapons were “almost certainly” re-exported to Sudan by the UAE. As the investigations widened, a broader network emerged involving mercenaries, financing, companies and regional logistics. Beginning in 2024, Colombian investigative outlet La Silla Vacía exposed details of the recruitment of former Colombian soldiers to fight alongside the Rapid Support Militia. Subsequent investigations traced the networks used to recruit and transport these fighters, with UAE-based companies and routes repeatedly appearing in the reporting. Bellingcat has also investigated weapons and supply routes associated with the militia, while a joint investigation by Lighthouse Reports and its partners uncovered training camps, sites used to prepare weapons and vehicles, and supply convoys in eastern Libya connected to the Rapid Support Militia, along with Colombian mercenaries operating within the same network. On the financial side, The Sentry documented networks involving companies, gold trading, financing and property linked to senior Rapid Support Militia figures, including businesses and activities operating from within the UAE. These findings added a financial and commercial dimension to the military and logistical picture. In October 2025, The Wall Street Journal reported that US intelligence agencies had detected an increase in the flow of Emirati weapons to the militia, including drones, light and heavy weapons, vehicles, artillery, mortars and ammunition. The UAE continues to deny providing military support to the Rapid Support Militia. Over the course of the war, however, a substantial body of reporting and investigation has accumulated from the UN Panel of Experts, US assessments and sources, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, The Guardian, Reuters, France 24, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Lighthouse Reports, Bellingcat and The Sentry. These are multiple, independent sources using different investigative methods. Flight records, export documentation, weapons and ammunition analysis, corporate and property records, satellite imagery and testimony from people on the ground have each exposed different parts of a support network that helped sustain the militia’s war. Alongside the evidence concerning weapons, financing and logistics, direct indications of Hemedti’s own presence inside the UAE also emerged during the conflict. In June 2025, The New York Times reported, citing US officials, that Hemedti had stayed at a protected residence in Abu Dhabi, where he recorded video addresses to his supporters in Sudan. The Sentry also documented his personal ownership of three apartments in Dubai, close to Al Minhad military airbase. The photographs that surfaced this month add another dimension to those reports. Hemedti appears once again inside the UAE, this time in quiet family photographs, while the war led by his militia continues in Sudan and the consequences of its atrocities stretch from El Geneina to Khartoum, Gezira and El Fasher. The information is there. The investigations have been published. The evidence continues to accumulate. The question becomes more urgent with every new investigation: how much more evidence does the world need before it acts? #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
Sudanese Echo132,106 views • 1 month ago
The Sound of Gunfire, the Shouts of the Militia, and the Silence of the World: El Fasher Screams While the World Stays Deaf, A Genocide Engineered by the UAE What happened in El Fasher was not a battle. It was a moment when humanity itself went silent. The video that emerged from the city is not just evidence, it is a glimpse into horror itself. In it, members of the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) are heard shouting from their vehicle, firing wildly, and screaming at the driver with chilling excitement: “Catch up with the girls ahead!” “Hurry, let’s reach them!” “Go forward, go forward!” Gunfire cracks through the air as the militiamen, drunk with power, chase fleeing civilians across open ground. The girls are not seen, but their terror fills the silence between shots. The laughter of the gunmen, their frenzied commands, and their use of the word “loot” as if they were on a hunting expedition expose minds corrupted beyond redemption, men who no longer see human beings, only prey. What can be imagined after this video is far worse than what is seen. Because we know what this militia has done before. We know what it means when they hunt civilians: mass rape, abduction, enslavement, and the destruction of women’s lives. The end of this chase is not victory or arrest, it is screams smothered by the dust, blood soaking the earth, and bodies desecrated in silence. What the camera captured is only the surface, what followed is hell itself. For more than 550 days, the people of El Fasher cried to the world, besieged by hunger and fear. They warned that this day would come. They said that silence would become the first weapon used against them. And still, the world did nothing, until the screams that everyone feared became real. Every shot in that video carries the fingerprint of foreign complicity. Every laugh from the gunmen is an echo of global indifference. The world knows who armed these killers, who funded them, and who gave them political protection. The United Arab Emirates has fueled this infernal machine, financing, arming, and emboldening the Janjaweed, speaking of peace while feeding death. This is not a tragedy of the past, nor a scene from a film. It is a genocide unfolding now, carried out by a militia backed by the United Arab Emirates against innocent civilians. History will remember the killers, but it will also record those who saw and stayed silent. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAEFundsTerrorism
Sudanese Echo217,818 views • 11 months ago
1:44
Sensitive content
This media may contain sensitive content.
A Child Soldier in the UAE Backed Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) Whips a Bound Civilian on Camera, a Scene That Captures the Future of Violence Abu Dhabi Is Cultivating A shocking video circulated in recent hours, filmed and published by the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) themselves, showing a horrifying scene of brutality. The militia made no effort to hide their faces, nor the face of the child soldier, as if proudly showcasing what they consider an accomplishment. Their open display of violence reflects the impunity they enjoy and the confidence they draw from continuous UAE support that provides them with weapons, money, and political protection. This is a militia that commits crimes, records them, broadcasts them, and boasts about them without hesitation. In the video, a very young boy, likely under the age of ten, wearing the militia’s uniform, viciously whips a bound civilian who lies helpless on the ground. The man is tied tightly, completely unable to move, shield himself, or protect any part of his body. The child strikes him everywhere, including his face, delivering blows meant not just to hurt but to humiliate. Each strike lands on a man who cannot even raise an arm to defend himself. As the child hits him, the man filming the scene spews degrading insults at the victim, calling him “Falangai” (slave), “son of a dog,” “dog,” “donkey,” and “son of a bitch.” The cruelty of the verbal abuse matches the brutality of the physical assault. The victim is treated as if he is not human, but an object meant to be punished, mocked, and broken. The bound man pleads desperately, repeatedly saying “I will ransom myself,” showing clearly that he is being extorted for money in exchange for his life and safety. His voice trembles as he begs them to release him, to allow him to buy his freedom. Yet the man filming refuses and instead directs the child, sometimes pretending to say “leave him, do not hit him,” though he never steps in. He keeps filming, documenting every hit to the face, every insult, every moment of fear, as if creating material for intimidation or bragging. The treatment of the bound man is deliberate and calculated. He is tied, defenseless, hit across the face and body, insulted continuously, and denied even the minimum dignity that any human deserves. The intention is not to question or restrain him but to break him, to display total control over him, and to show that his fate depends entirely on the whims of his captors. This video is more than evidence of torture. It is a window into how the militia shapes its environment and its future fighters. A child who should be in school or playing is taught instead to deliver blows to a helpless man, to strike his face, and to see fear as something normal. He learns violence not from stories or training manuals, but by participating directly in it. This is how a future generation is being built: not through discipline, but through cruelty. This scene is not unique. Sudanese civilians in areas overrun by the militia have endured similar abuses for months: beatings, insults, ransom demands, and even the involvement of children in torture. All of this has been made possible and expanded through the extensive support the UAE has poured into the militia, giving it the resources and confidence to operate above the law and beyond any moral restraint. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
Sudanese Echo186,744 views • 10 months ago
Canadian Sniper Rifles Found with UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia as CBC Investigation Highlights UAE Role in Regional Arms Flows A visual investigation by Canada’s CBC News has revealed that Canadian-made sniper rifles have appeared in the hands of fighters from Sudan’s UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, as well as a Libyan militia and Yemeni arms dealers, despite arms embargoes and sanctions linked to these conflict zones. The most disturbing part of the investigation concerns Sudan. CBC documented a video showing a fighter from the Rapid Support Militia abusing detainees on the back of a truck. The fighter is seen slapping one presumed captive and striking another with the stock of a Canadian-made rifle. CBC said it blurred parts of the footage because some of those involved may be underage. According to CBC, the weapon visible in the video is a Sterling Cross XLCR precision rifle, manufactured by Sterling Cross, a small-arms company based in Abbotsford, British Columbia. CBC had previously reported in November that XLCR rifles had been photographed in Sudan and used by the Rapid Support Militia. CBC said the images and videos were first provided by an online user known as streakingdelilah. The Canadian broadcaster then independently sourced and verified the material, sharing it with researchers at Bellingcat and the Centre for Information Resilience, which runs the Sudan Witness project. Sebastian Vandermeersch, a Bellingcat researcher, described the Sudan video as one of the clearest examples of a fighter holding a Canadian weapon while committing obvious abuses against a captive. Although the video was shared recently, CBC reported that it was likely filmed in June 2024, when the Rapid Support Militia captured Jebel Moya, an area south of Khartoum. Bellingcat geolocated the footage to that area and also identified additional videos from Jebel Moya showing detainees subjected to degrading treatment, including being forced to imitate animal sounds or pledge allegiance to the Rapid Support Militia. The investigation places the Sudan case within a wider regional pattern. Similar Canadian-made rifles were also traced to Libya and Yemen. In Yemen, videos led CBC to an illicit arms market in Sanaa, where machine guns, sniper rifles and at least one rocket launcher were displayed. One Yemeni arms dealer confirmed in a voice message that such weapons are smuggled into the country. In Libya, CBC geolocated images of another Sterling Cross rifle and linked them to a social media page connected to the Judicial Security Apparatus, associated with the Special Deterrence Force, known as RADA. Libya researcher Wolfram Lacher said the force had been involved in armed conflicts and also controls Mitiga prison, a facility known for abuse, torture and arbitrary detention. CBC noted that prison conditions were so severe that the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for RADA leaders over crimes against humanity. The UAE emerges in the CBC investigation as the common thread connecting Sudan, Libya and Yemen. Experts interviewed by CBC pointed to the United Arab Emirates as a central player in rerouting weapons to armed groups across the region. “The thread that binds these three cases together is that you have UAE support for clients in these conflicts,” Lacher told CBC, adding that these are three cases in which the UAE is known to have massively supplied weapons. Emadeddin Badi, a senior fellow at the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, said the actors supported by the UAE are generally “non-state armed groups with a track record of brutality and crimes against humanity.” CBC contacted the UAE Embassy for comment but received no response. The investigation also noted that the UAE has previously denied involvement in Sudan and Libya, and said in 2025 that it would withdraw its forces from Yemen. Canadian government export reports show that 113 rifles were shipped from Canada to the UAE in 2019 and 2020. In March 2019, Sterling Cross posted an image on Instagram showing roughly 80 XLCR rifles being inspected before delivery. The findings come amid growing international scrutiny of the UAE’s role in Sudan’s war. The Rapid Support Militia, backed by the UAE, has been accused of widespread atrocities against civilians in Darfur, Khartoum, Gezira, Kordofan and other parts of the country. CBC’s investigation adds a new dimension to the arms file by showing Canadian-made weapons in the hands of the militia, while experts point to the UAE as a central actor in regional weapons diversion networks. After the investigation was published, Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Anita Anand told CBC that she was “very concerned” about where Canadian weapons were ending up. She said it was unacceptable for Canada’s permitting process to allow military material to reach conflict zones, and said possible breaches of the permitting process could require enforcement by Canadian authorities. Kelsey Gallagher of Project Ploughshares, a Canadian peace research institute, said the repeated appearance of Canadian weapons in violation of UN arms embargoes shows a pattern of illicit diversion that requires action from the Canadian government. For Sudanese people, the importance of this investigation is clear. It provides new visual evidence of the type of weaponry reaching the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, and of how these weapons are being used against civilians and detainees. It also increases pressure on Western governments, especially Canada, to review their military exports and end-use controls. Most importantly, the investigation points directly to the UAE. Experts cited by CBC identify the UAE as the common factor in weapons flows to armed groups in Sudan, Libya and Yemen. In Sudan, that means the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, a force using foreign-supplied weapons while committing abuses against Sudanese civilians and captives. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
Sudanese Echo52,065 views • 3 months ago
In Al-Kurmuk, the UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia Continues Its Pattern of Destruction: Looting the Health Insurance Center, Leaving Civilians to Rebuild, as the Army and the People Confront the Impact of Destruction Sponsored by One of the World’s Richest Countries At the Health Insurance Center in the city of Al-Kurmuk, another familiar face of the crimes committed by the Rapid Support Forces militia appeared in the towns and villages it entered. Looted rooms, scattered papers, an empty pharmacy, and a medical laboratory stripped of its contents. The scene sums up what has happened in many parts of Sudan, where the militia enters public service institutions, leaves them in ruins, and forces civilians to confront the aftermath of destruction once the fighting stops. The man’s voice in the video carries clear pain as he walks through the center. He speaks with the bitterness of someone seeing a public effort lost before his eyes, and a health facility that once served people turned into a place of loss and looting. He speaks as someone who knows the center, its people, and its value, as if every destroyed room reminds him of those who worked there and those who once waited there for treatment and medicine. The Health Insurance Center in Al-Kurmuk was one of the city’s important health facilities. The Health Insurance administration had made major efforts to establish and equip it, providing medical equipment and devices, along with a fully equipped dental clinic, so it could offer healthcare and treatment services to the people of Al-Kurmuk and the surrounding areas. The center had also received praise from the senior administration of the fund because of the standard of services it provided and the quality of care it offered to patients. Then the militia came, extended its hand toward that effort, looted what it could, and destroyed what it left behind. Years of work and construction were lost in moments of recklessness, and the citizen was left to pay the price. A looted pharmacy means a patient searching for medicine and finding nothing. An empty laboratory means a medical service has stopped. A destroyed center means that a city and its surrounding areas have lost a facility that supported people in times of illness and need. This behavior is familiar from the Rapid Support Forces militia. In every city and village it entered, the same scene was repeated in different forms: homes looted, facilities vandalized, institutions destroyed, and the daily lives of civilians targeted. Schools, health centers, markets, and service facilities became targets of looting and destruction, as if the aim was to break society and strip it of the foundations of life. In Al-Kurmuk, the video reveals part of the cost that awaits Sudanese people after the militia leaves any area. Liberation opens the road for life to return, while also exposing the scale of destruction that requires difficult work. Civilians need more than security. They need medicine to return, laboratories to function again, pharmacies to be restored, facilities to be repaired, and trust in public service institutions to be rebuilt. At this stage, the responsibility of the army and the people moves along the same path. The Sudanese army, after fighting the battle of liberation and paying with the blood of its soldiers to recover towns and villages from the militia’s grip, opens the way for civilians to return and protects what remains of state institutions. Along that same path, the Sudanese people stand with patience and determination, each contributing what they can to rebuild what has been destroyed, clean public facilities, revive essential services, and repair the damage the war has left behind in healthcare, education, markets, and daily life. As Sudanese people try to rise from beneath the rubble, with limited resources and an unbreakable will, the world stands witness to the catastrophic impact of the support provided by the UAE to this militia. One of the richest countries in the world is, through that support, contributing to the destruction of a country exhausted by war and poverty. Yet this destruction has failed to break the will of the Sudanese people or take away their ability to endure, rebuild, and rise again. #Sudan #RSFIsATerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanese #UAESponsorsTerrorism
Sudanese Echo36,781 views • 3 months ago
This Is Not a Film About 19th-Century Slavery... It’s a Crime Happening Now at the Hands of the UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia A horrifying video has emerged showing members of the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) torturing a man who appears to be a civilian, suspected of being affiliated with the Sudanese Armed Forces or Joint Forces. In the footage, the militia stops a pickup truck and forces the driver to park it directly on the victim’s chest — a brutal method clearly intended to inflict maximum pain. Despite the man's visible agony, the assailants continue shouting humiliating commands at him. “Say the Rapid Support Militia are brave... say they defeated you... say the army is weak,” they demand, turning the man’s suffering into a spectacle of degradation. This is not a movie trying to tell us about slavery in the old days. This is reality — happening now — carried out by a militia that uses humiliation and cruelty as a weapon of war, under the watch of the international community. What we saw in this video is not a dramatic scene — it’s a real crime being committed against unarmed civilians, simply because they are suspected of supporting the army or refusing to submit. Slavery has returned in a new form — a militia parking vehicles on people’s chests and forcing them to praise their oppressors. The video is yet another piece of evidence of the systematic brutality practiced by the Janjaweed militia against civilians in Sudan, with complete impunity. It exposes the militia’s mentality of terror and public humiliation toward anyone suspected of supporting the national army — a deliberate effort to crush morale and spread fear among the population. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
Sudanese Echo141,809 views • 1 year ago
Circulating Footage Shows One of the UAE-Supplied “Drones of Death” Used by the Rapid Support Forces Militia Crashing in North Kordofan Footage circulating on social media appears to show a Chinese-made armed drone operated by the Rapid Support Forces militia after it crashed in the Al-Goweiz area of Badiyat Dar Al-Reih in North Kordofan State. No casualties have been reported. The footage shows the aircraft largely intact, with several air-to-ground munitions still mounted beneath its wings. The weapons appear to belong to a class of guided munitions used to strike ground targets. Preliminary information circulating alongside the footage suggests that the drone may have crashed because of a technical malfunction. A visual comparison with known Chinese drone models suggests that the aircraft could be a CH-95, based on its twin-tail configuration, rear-mounted pusher propeller, wing design and raised wingtips. This type of drone can be used for surveillance, reconnaissance and precision strikes with guided weapons. It may also belong to the FH-95 family, given the strong visual similarities between the two designs. A definitive identification cannot be made from the available footage alone and would require an examination of the wreckage, serial numbers and internal components. The munitions mounted beneath the wings indicate that the drone had been prepared for a combat mission. Its crash prevented it from reaching its intended target, where the strike could have killed civilians or destroyed homes and essential infrastructure. The aircraft forms part of a wider system of advanced Chinese-made drones and weapons delivered to the Rapid Support Forces militia through UAE-linked supply networks. These weapons have expanded the militia’s ability to conduct long-range aerial attacks against towns, villages and civilian infrastructure. The militia has previously been documented using Chinese-made GB50A guided bombs, while Chinese drones including the Wing Loong II and FeiHong-95 have also appeared in its arsenal. International investigations have linked the transfer of these weapons to the United Arab Emirates, despite Abu Dhabi’s repeated denial that it provides military support to the militia. These aircraft have become “drones of death”, killing civilians and striking markets, hospitals, water facilities, power stations and fuel depots. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, led by Volker Türk, documented 15 drone strikes on El Obeid and surrounding areas between 6 and 28 June. The attacks killed at least 45 civilians and injured 41 others. Türk also warned about the escalating attacks across North Kordofan and the targeting of facilities that civilians depend on for food, water, fuel and essential services. He said another human rights catastrophe was unfolding in the state. The wreckage in Al-Goweiz provides further evidence of the scale of external military support reaching the Rapid Support Forces militia and of the UAE’s role in prolonging the war and expanding aerial attacks against populated areas. Every drone delivered to the militia represents a direct threat to civilian life and creates another opportunity for a massacre. The continued failure to take decisive international action against the UAE-linked supply networks allows Sudan’s machinery of war and civilian killing to remain in operation. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
Sudanese Echo35,172 views • 3 months ago
Justice Has Yet to Be Served: Was Abdullah Al-Sakka, the UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia Member Accused of Torturing Qisma Ali Omar to Death, Really Captured? On the evening of Thursday, July 30, and the morning of Friday, July 31, 2026, a video circulated showing several prisoners from the Rapid support mitltiia. They were reportedly captured by fighters from Sudan’s Joint Force during recent battles in North Kordofan. Sudanese social media accounts, along with several widely followed news platforms, quickly claimed that one of the men in the video was Abdullah Al-Sakka, whose name has been associated with one of the most painful and horrifying videos to emerge from Sudan’s war. In that video, a young woman named Qisma Ali Omar appeared suspended by her arms from a tree. Her legs were tied as her body swung while she endured severe pain and humiliation. Some commentators viewed reports of Al-Sakka’s capture as the beginning of justice for Qisma. Sudanese Echo therefore examined the available material. The investigation raised serious questions about the identity of the prisoner and suggested that claims announcing Abdullah Al-Sakka’s capture may have been premature. Qisma Ali Omar and the Crime That Shocked Sudan By September 11, 2025, the video showing the torture of Qisma Ali Omar had spread widely across Sudanese social media, provoking an enormous wave of anger. The footage showed a young woman tied to a tree with a rope. Her hands and legs were restrained in a scene that reflected deliberate cruelty and systematic humiliation. The victim was soon identified as Qisma Ali Omar, a young woman from Nyala who belonged to the Zaghawa community. During September 2025, her name became a symbol of grief and public outrage, as well as a powerful reminder of the crimes committed against civilians during Sudan’s war. According to accounts that circulated with the video, members of the Rapid support mitltiia accused Qisma of cooperating with their opponents after she sent a voice message in the Zaghawa language to one of her relatives. Reports indicate that she was tortured while suspended from the tree and later died. The man filming her could be heard questioning her and treating her with extreme cruelty, in footage that triggered outrage inside Sudan and beyond. During the same period, the Rapid support mitltiia acknowledged in a statement that the man visible in the video was wearing the uniform commonly used by its fighters. The militia denied that its members were involved and claimed that the footage had been fabricated. Open-source investigations conducted after the video circulated led researchers to an account bearing the name Abdullah Al-Sakka. Material posted on the account contained indications that its owner was directly connected to the Rapid support mitltiia. Images of the account owner were then compared with the man seen in the video of Qisma’s torture. These comparisons contributed to the widespread identification of Al-Sakka as the man accused of carrying out and filming the crime. The account had published 143 videos over several months. Some of the footage showed the man in Zalingei, Central Darfur, near facilities and locations used by the Rapid support mitltiia. Activists also circulated another video, reportedly filmed by a militia intelligence unit several days before Qisma’s torture. It appeared to show a young woman resembling Qisma being handed over to commanders from the Rapid support mitltiia. One person in the video can be heard saying: “This is the accused woman. She has now been handed over by Rapid Support intelligence.” The names of two men, Taha and Saeed, are also mentioned. The woman’s phone is shown, along with a reference to a personal photograph that was allegedly among the materials used to accuse her. Accounts differ regarding the allegation made against Qisma. Some reports linked it to a voice message, while the second video referred to a personal photograph. Neither account provides any justification for her unlawful detention, torture or humiliation. What happened to Qisma forms part of a wider pattern in which civilians are accused of supporting the Sudanese army, before those allegations are used to justify their arrest, abuse and public humiliation. Is the Prisoner in the Video Abdullah Al-Sakka? Sudanese Echo began its verification process by extracting the clearest available frames from the prisoners’ video. The images were enhanced and compared with several photographs of Abdullah Al-Sakka taken from his previous accounts. The investigation also used artificial intelligence tools to assist in comparing the visible facial characteristics of the two men. The preliminary results indicated that the likelihood of the prisoner being Abdullah Al-Sakka was low. Sudanese Echo treated this result with caution. Facial comparison tools can be affected by camera angles, lighting, video quality, image compression, changes in body weight, injuries and differences in facial expression. Image enhancement tools also have significant limitations when applied to low-quality footage. They cannot recover every original detail lost from the source material. Their results therefore cannot independently confirm or exclude a person’s identity. Even with these limitations, the technical result, visual examination and apparent differences between the men’s facial features all weakened the widely circulated claim regarding the prisoner’s identity. Sudanese Echo then contacted Sudanese military intelligence and requested official confirmation of the prisoner’s identity, including whether Abdullah Al-Sakka was among the group shown in the video. The publication had received no response by the time this report was prepared. Sudanese Echo subsequently reviewed the well-known account attributed to Abdullah Al-Sakka. No recent activity was found that could establish his current location or circumstances. The account’s most recent post was published in February 2026. The account’s inactivity does not establish that its owner was captured. It also provides no clear indication of whether he was killed, injured or had disappeared. During the investigation, Sudanese Echo found material published on July 9, 2026, showing a man believed to be Abdullah Al-Sakka with apparent injuries. The material can be viewed through the following link: The link leads to a post on a TikTok account with the username user7332654721704. The post was published approximately 22 days before the prisoners’ video appeared. This time difference provides an important point of reference when examining the visible differences between the two men, although it does not independently establish the prisoner’s identity. As the investigation continued, Sudanese Echo located another account that appeared to be associated with Abdullah Al-Sakka. The account had published new material only hours before this report was prepared. One of its recent posts can be accessed through the following link: The link leads to a video posted by a TikTok account with the username b276521. The continued activity on this account provides another indication that weakens the claim that Abdullah Al-Sakka is the prisoner shown in the video. At the same time, the account’s activity does not prove that Al-Sakka personally uploaded the recent material. The account may be managed by another person, the footage may be old and reposted, or the content may have been published on his behalf. Sudanese Echo therefore treated the account’s activity as a lead requiring further examination, rather than conclusive evidence of Al-Sakka’s location or current status. A further development emerged as the investigation expanded, this time concerning the prisoner’s identity directly. Sudanese Echo found posts published by accounts attributed to members or supporters of the Rapid support mitltiia. The posts called for the release of a man reportedly captured during fighting in North Kordofan. These accounts used the same prisoners’ video that had been published by the Joint Force and later circulated by other accounts claiming the prisoner was Abdullah Al-Sakka. When Sudanese Echo traced the name mentioned in the posts, the prisoner was identified as Gadim Hamdan Adam Koko. The publication also found that accounts supporting the Rapid support mitltiia had circulated the same video while demanding the release of Gadim Hamdan Adam Koko. They used the exact footage that other accounts had cited as evidence that the prisoner was Abdullah Al-Sakka. One of the relevant posts can be viewed through the following link: A visual review of the available material indicates that the facial features of Gadim Hamdan Adam Koko, as seen in the circulated posts, more closely resemble those of the prisoner than the available images of Abdullah Al-Sakka. This conclusion should still be treated carefully. Social media posts may contain inaccurate or incomplete information. Confirming the prisoner’s identity would require independent evidence, including official documents, clearer photographs or confirmation from a credible authority holding the individual. The association of Gadim Hamdan Adam Koko’s name with the same video represents a significant development in the verification process. It provides a plausible explanation for the prisoner’s identity and is consistent with the earlier findings showing that the evidence connecting the man in the video to Abdullah Al-Sakka was weak. Taken together, the visual and technical comparisons, the absence of official confirmation, the July 9 footage, the recent activity on the second account and the appearance of Gadim Hamdan Adam Koko’s name alongside the prisoners’ video indicate that the captive is most likely Gadim Hamdan Adam Koko. Justice for Qisma and Other Victims It is understandable that Sudanese people want to see everyone involved in the torture of Qisma and other victims brought before a court. Achieving that goal requires accurate information that protects the integrity of the evidence and assists investigators in identifying those genuinely responsible for the crime. Misidentifying a prisoner could give the real suspect an opportunity to disappear. It could also damage the credibility of the documentation and reduce a crime requiring a serious criminal investigation to a rapidly circulating emotional claim. Qisma Ali Omar’s killing forms part of a wider pattern of abuses committed by the Rapid support mitltiia against civilians. The militia’s ability to continue committing such crimes has been enabled by the military, financial and logistical support it receives from the United Arab Emirates. One fact remains established: Qisma appeared in an exceptionally brutal video, restrained and suspended from a tree. What happened to her demands an independent criminal investigation capable of identifying everyone involved in her detention, torture and filming. Justice requires the full truth to be established, the real perpetrators to be arrested, the evidence to be preserved, witnesses to be heard and those responsible to be brought before a fair court. Until that happens, the most accurate conclusion remains: Justice has yet to be served. #Sudan #RSFIsATerroristOrganisation #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
Sudanese Echo25,950 views • 2 months ago
Sudan Tells UN Security Council UAE Support for Rapid Support Militia Is Prolonging War and Enabling Abuses Against Women and Children Sudan’s representative to the United Nations, Asrar Ahmed Al-Siddig, stated that the Rapid Support militia has systematically used conflict-related sexual violence as a weapon of war, while foreign support for the rebel militia, particularly from the United Arab Emirates, has prolonged the conflict and deepened the suffering of Sudanese women and children. She made the remarks during Sudan’s address to the UN Security Council’s 10190th meeting, held under the theme “Honouring the Promise of International Law to Survivors of Conflict-Related Sexual Violence.” Speaking on behalf of millions of Sudanese women, whom she described as the Kandakat, Al-Siddig highlighted their strength, resilience and unwavering commitment to their families and communities throughout one of the most difficult periods in Sudan’s history. She explained that the sexual violence committed by the militia was neither isolated nor incidental. It was deliberate, organised and intended to terrorise Sudanese communities, humiliate victims and destroy the country’s social fabric. According to the figures presented by Sudan, 2,250 incidents of conflict-related sexual violence have been documented since the war began. Among the identified survivors were 2,200 children, while a further 190 documented cases involved sexual slavery. Al-Siddig stressed that these figures represent only a fraction of the true scale of the crimes. Social stigma, fear of retaliation and the lack of access to areas under militia control continue to prevent many women and girls from reporting what they have endured. She stated that the war of aggression has continued and intensified because of the sustained flow of weapons, military equipment, financing and political cover from the militia’s foreign backers, most notably the United Arab Emirates. She added that this external support has prolonged the suffering of Sudanese women and children and enabled the militia to continue committing grave violations against civilians. Sudan called on the Security Council to firmly condemn these violations, hold accountable the states and actors enabling them, and designate the Rapid Support Forces militia as a terrorist organisation. The Sudanese representative also reaffirmed the country’s commitment to its comprehensive national plan for the protection of women and girls. The plan includes strengthening prevention and early-warning mechanisms, providing dignified survivor-centred services, improving survivors’ access to justice, advancing gender-responsive security-sector reform, and supporting child protection and reintegration. She concluded by stressing that sustainable peace cannot be achieved without protecting women and children, and that genuine recovery requires justice, accountability and an end to impunity for crimes of conflict-related sexual violence. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
Sudanese Echo31,530 views • 3 months ago
Swedish-Made Medical Coolers Found at UAE-Backed Rapid Support Forces Militia Sites in Khartoum Deepen Allegations of Organ Harvesting and Link Secret Detention Centres, Mass Graves and Thousands of Missing Civilians The Sudanese army has found Swedish-made medical coolers produced by Dometic Medical Systems in areas of Khartoum recaptured from the UAE-backed Rapid Support Forces militia. The equipment is designed to preserve and transport temperature-sensitive medical and biological materials. The discovery strengthens serious allegations that the militia harvested organs from civilians it killed or detained inside the network of secret prisons it established across Khartoum and Darfur, using specialised cooling equipment to preserve and transport the organs through an organised trafficking network. In a letter dated 12 June 2026, the Sudanese government informed the United Nations Security Council that the Rapid Support Forces militia operated mass detention centres where prisoners were subjected to torture, starvation and killing. The letter also stated that foreign medical personnel had participated in removing organs from detainees at Dagris Prison in Nyala as part of a cross-border organ trafficking network. According to the letter, around 20,000 people were being held at Dagris Prison in Nyala, while hundreds of others, including children, were detained at Shalla Prison in El Fasher. The discovery of medical coolers at militia sites in Khartoum adds a physical dimension to these claims and raises direct questions about the fate of thousands of civilians who disappeared after being detained, the recipients of the organs and the routes used to transport them outside Sudan. The equipment was found amid a wider landscape of secret detention centres, torture rooms, mass graves and bodies discovered inside wells, buildings and other locations abandoned by the militia across Khartoum and Omdurman. In Qari, north of Khartoum, an investigation published by The Guardian documented a detention centre operated by the Rapid Support Forces militia, with hundreds of unmarked graves nearby. Survivors described beatings, torture, starvation and executions. Estimates cited in the investigation indicated that more than 500 people may have died from torture or deprivation of food before being buried around the prison. Images from inside the facility showed bloodstained rooms, iron restraints and areas prepared for the punishment and torture of detainees. Survivors also described repeated killings and the abandonment of sick and wounded prisoners without treatment as hunger and disease spread through overcrowded cells. Photographs and videos of prisoners released from militia detention centres provided further evidence of the conditions inside. Several survivors appeared severely emaciated, with their bodies reduced to skin and bone by starvation, torture and the denial of water and medical care. One of the most widely documented cases was that of businessman and community activist Al-Waleed Abdeen, who emerged from a militia detention centre in Jebel Aulia after losing so much weight that some relatives struggled to recognise him. Images showed his bones protruding beneath his skin after months of detention, torture and starvation. He later died from the consequences of the abuse he had suffered. In Khartoum’s Al-Fayhaa neighbourhood, authorities found the bodies of 11 people, including women and children, inside a deep well after the militia withdrew from the area. Police said the victims had been killed during the Rapid Support Forces militia’s control of the neighbourhood and their bodies thrown into the well in an attempt to conceal the crime. Authorities also announced the discovery of mass graves in the Al-Riyadh district and other parts of Khartoum containing the remains of people killed while the militia controlled the capital. These sites add to the unidentified graves and bodies found inside homes, civilian buildings and former detention facilities. These findings connect thousands of missing civilians whose whereabouts became unknown after their arrest, detainees who died under torture and starvation, mass graves uncovered after the militia’s withdrawal and specialised medical coolers found inside its positions. Together, they strengthen allegations that the militia’s detention system extended from torture, killing and enforced disappearance to the exploitation of victims’ bodies, the removal of their organs and their transfer through an organised criminal network. The allegations are consistent with the broader pattern of crimes committed by the militia since the war began. In El Geneina, the Rapid Support Forces militia and allied forces carried out mass killings, sexual violence, torture, looting, the burning of neighbourhoods and forced displacement, targeting the Masalit and other non-Arab communities in particular. Human rights organisations described the campaign as ethnic cleansing involving war crimes and crimes against humanity. In Al Jazira State, the militia attacked dozens of villages and towns, killed civilians inside homes, markets and roads, committed sexual violence, kidnappings and unlawful detention, looted hospitals, farms and private property, and forced large numbers of residents to flee. In El Fasher, the United Nations Independent International Fact-Finding Mission said the evidence revealed a campaign bearing the hallmarks of genocide. The documented acts included ethnically motivated killings, attacks on non-Arab communities, widespread sexual violence, forced displacement and the deliberate denial of food, water and medical care. International reports also documented field executions, torture, mass killings, the organised abduction of women and girls, gang rape, sexual slavery and attacks on children and civilians attempting to flee the city. In recent weeks, the militia’s attacks on civilians have expanded to markets, schools, water sources, power stations and fuel facilities through the use of drones. The strikes included attacks in El Obeid on markets, service facilities, fuel stations and water points, as well as the market and surrounding residential areas in Al-Rahad Abu Dukhna. A drone also struck the only water well in the Andro area of North Darfur, killing and injuring dozens of civilians who had gathered to obtain water. The medical coolers were found at the centre of a wider record involving secret prisons, survivors reduced to skeletal figures, mass graves, bodies dumped in wells and thousands of civilians who disappeared after detention, alongside official information submitted to the Security Council concerning the harvesting and trafficking of detainees’ organs. The growing body of evidence points to an organised system of killing, torture, starvation and enforced disappearance in areas controlled by the Rapid Support Forces militia. The allegations now extend to the trafficking of victims’ bodies and organs, amid the military, financial and logistical support the militia has continued to receive from the United Arab Emirates. Video source: X account العــــالمي ♛🦅 💙|🇸🇩 #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
Sudanese Echo27,626 views • 2 months ago
Captured Joint Force Fighter Forced to Carry a Rapid Support Militia Member Like a Pack Animal and Mocked Over El Fasher’s Starvation, Exposing the Janjaweed Mentality Armed by the UAE A widely circulated video reveals the degrading treatment of captives by the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia. The footage shows a captured fighter from Sudan’s Joint Force, an alliance of Darfur armed movements fighting alongside the Sudanese army, being forced to carry a militia member on his back while others surround him, laugh and shout commands normally directed at donkeys and camels. “Turn the donkey around,” one man says. They then order the captive to lower the man riding on his back before another militia member asks to be carried. The fighters command him to kneel as they would command a camel, hurl degrading insults at him and mockingly ask: “How have you found the treatment?” The video ends with one of them swearing that they will chain the captives “one by one”. The militia members also use the word “ambaz” to humiliate him, with one saying: “These are people who eat ambaz.” Ambaz is the residue left after groundnuts are pressed for oil and is primarily used as animal feed. Civilians trapped in besieged El Fasher were forced to eat it after the militia cut the city’s food and supply routes. The men in the video turn the starvation they inflicted into another weapon of humiliation, describing a starving person as an animal and treating him accordingly. The footage documents the deliberate degradation of a captive and the denial of his human dignity, conduct prohibited under international humanitarian law. It also exposes a culture of supremacy within the militia, one that regards certain Sudanese communities as inferior and uses ethnic abuse, starvation and violence to subjugate them. It is the same Janjaweed mentality associated with identity-based killings across Darfur. Sudanese people have endured the consequences of this mentality across entire cities and states. In Khartoum, the Rapid Support Militia occupied and looted homes, converted civilian buildings into detention and torture sites, and committed widespread killings, sexual violence and other abuses against the population. In Gezira State, it attacked villages, killed civilians, looted homes and crops, and forced hundreds of thousands to flee. In El Geneina, the militia and its allies carried out an ethnic-cleansing campaign against the Masalit and other non-Arab communities, involving mass killings, rape, torture, the burning of neighbourhoods and forced displacement. El Fasher then endured a prolonged siege in which starvation, shelling and drone attacks were used to terrorise its population. After the city fell, civilians, captives, wounded people and those attempting to escape were subjected to widespread killings. The UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan concluded that the crimes committed by the militia in El Fasher bore the hallmarks of genocide. The danger posed by this ideology becomes even greater when the UAE supplies its adherents with sophisticated weapons, long-range drones, guided bombs and heavy artillery. Over the course of the war, hundreds of reports, investigations, documented materials and official statements have traced weapons, drones, foreign mercenaries and Emirati supply networks supporting the militia. This foreign sponsorship has given a group steeped in humiliation and identity-based violence the military capacity to besiege cities, starve their inhabitants, attack hospitals and civilian infrastructure, pursue fleeing civilians and expand the scale of its crimes. This video offers a concentrated image of what Emirati support has meant for Sudanese people: a human being degraded and treated as an animal, a city deliberately starved and its residents’ hunger turned into a source of mockery, and a Janjaweed militia equipped with modern military technology to continue what it inflicted on Khartoum, Gezira, El Geneina and El Fasher. This is the price Sudan continues to pay for the arming of the Janjaweed. This is precisely why any agreement that preserves the militia or grants it political or military legitimacy is unacceptable to the Sudanese people. A group responsible for such crimes, sustained by foreign weapons and supply networks, will remain a permanent threat to Sudan and its population. Any genuine peace must dismantle and disarm the militia, terminate its financing and supply networks, and hold those responsible for its crimes accountable, allowing Sudanese people to reclaim their state, their security and their right to justice. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
Sudanese Echo17,380 views • 1 month ago
Is Ethiopia a UAE Colony? Former Ethiopian Diplomat Says Abu Dhabi Controls Addis Ababa and Uses Ethiopian Territory to Supply the Rapid Support Militia Former Ethiopian diplomat Mohamed Hassan has described Ethiopia as a de facto colony of the United Arab Emirates, alleging that Abu Dhabi has captured the country’s political decision-making through financial influence, gold smuggling and proxy warfare. “In fact, the United Arab Emirates is the decision-maker in Addis Ababa,” Hassan said in an exclusive interview with Sovereign Media’s Ahmed Kaballo. The veteran Marxist thinker argued that the UAE has used its vast financial resources to buy the loyalty of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, turning him into what Hassan called a “puppet” who advances Emirati interests across the region. Hassan said this relationship serves two principal Emirati strategies. The first centres on extracting Sudan’s resources and expanding Abu Dhabi’s control over strategic ports, a policy he described as “port imperialism”. According to Hassan, the UAE oversees large-scale operations to smuggle gold from Sudan’s extensive reserves, routing the stolen wealth through states under its influence, including Ethiopia and Chad, before it reaches Abu Dhabi. The second strategy, he said, involves using Ethiopian territory to sustain the war against Sudan. Hassan alleged that Abiy Ahmed’s government trains fighters from the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia inside Ethiopia and facilitates the movement of weapons and mercenaries across the border to support the militia’s war against Sudan and its people. Hassan’s allegations come amid growing evidence of Ethiopian involvement in supporting the militia. In February 2026, Reuters revealed a covert training camp in Ethiopia’s Benishangul-Gumuz region, about 32 kilometres from the Sudanese border. An Ethiopian security document reviewed by the agency said 4,300 fighters were training there and receiving logistical and military supplies from the UAE, while a diplomatic cable put the camp’s capacity at up to 10,000. Eight sources said Abu Dhabi financed the facility and provided trainers and logistical support, although Reuters could not independently verify the Emirati financing. In April, Middle East Eye reported that satellite imagery showed an Ethiopian army base in Asosa connected to UAE supply lines and facilitating support for the militia. Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab subsequently documented continued activity consistent with military assistance at the base. Its latest alert, published on 28 August 2026, identified about 100 newly arrived light technical vehicles, 15 vehicles consistent with armoured personnel carriers, cargo containers and transport trucks. Yale assessed that the assembled vehicles could transport between 750 and 1,000 personnel and warned that the buildup increased the threat of a significant and imminent militia attack on Ad-Damazin, the capital of Sudan’s Blue Nile State. Sudan has also accused Ethiopia of allowing long-range drones to operate from its territory. In May, the Sudanese Armed Forces said evidence recovered from a downed drone linked attacks on Khartoum and other Sudanese cities to Ethiopia’s Bahir Dar airport and the UAE. Reuters could not independently verify the allegation. Ethiopia dismissed it as baseless, while the UAE has denied supporting the militia or participating in Sudan’s war. Hassan linked this foreign domination to Ethiopia’s deepening domestic crisis, arguing that Abiy Ahmed is steadily losing control of the country. “Of course, Abiy Ahmed is losing most parts of the country. The whole northern Ethiopia is out of his hand. Probably he might even collapse very soon,” Hassan told Kaballo. He also blamed Abiy Ahmed, along with previous governments, for the systematic deterioration of Ethiopia’s state institutions and education system. Hassan cited a World Bank report which, he said, places Ethiopia’s human capital among the worst in Africa. He also referred to figures he attributed to Ethiopia’s Ministry of Education indicating that 42 per cent of graduates are unable to find employment. Hassan’s remarks present a stark Ethiopian critique of Abu Dhabi’s growing regional power. His account describes an arrangement built on financial capture, resource extraction, strategic ports and the use of Ethiopian territory to channel weapons and mercenaries to the Rapid Support Militia, leaving the Sudanese and Ethiopian people to bear the consequences. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
Sudanese Echo13,927 views • 1 month ago
After Both Parents Were Killed by the UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia in El Fasher, Mohamed Zakaria Scores 100% as His Teachers Embrace Him in Tears, in a Scene That Captures Sudan’s Grief and Resilience A video circulating on Sudanese social media has captured an extraordinary moment of grief, pride and resilience, as a young boy named Mohamed Zakaria receives his end-of-year certificate after achieving a perfect score of 100 percent and ranking first in his class. As Mohamed stands before the school, a teacher explains the circumstances behind his achievement: “Mohamed Zakaria came through extraordinary circumstances. After both his parents were killed in El Fasher, his maternal aunts and uncle took him into their care. Now, Mohamed has excelled, ranking first with a perfect score of 100%.” What follows transforms an ordinary school ceremony into something much more powerful. The headmaster and teachers gather around Mohamed, embracing him one after another. Some struggle to hold back their tears. Others openly cry as they hug the child and celebrate his achievement. In the background, a Sudanese song repeats the words, “We are all El Fasher”, followed later by “Dar Ali Dinar, never shall it fall.” The combination is difficult to watch without understanding what Mohamed has come to represent. His teachers are celebrating a brilliant student, but the tears surrounding him tell another story. In that moment, Mohamed appears almost as a symbol of Sudan itself, a country grieving enormous loss while still trying to stand, rebuild and continue living. The child receiving his certificate is also one of countless Sudanese children forced to carry consequences that should never have belonged to them. After an 18-month siege, the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia captured the North Darfur capital in October 2025, unleashing violence on an extraordinary scale. The UN Human Rights Office later documented more than 6,000 killings in just the first three days of the final offensive, including at least 4,400 people killed inside El Fasher and more than 1,600 killed along escape routes while trying to flee. The UN said the real toll was undoubtedly significantly higher. British MPs were subsequently told during a briefing involving researchers from Yale University's Humanitarian Research Lab that an estimate of at least 60,000 deaths in the first weeks after the city's fall was conservative. Yale researchers used satellite imagery to document mass killings, suspected body disposal sites and locations containing objects consistent with large numbers of human remains. The killings were accompanied by systematic atrocities against civilians. The UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission concluded that the campaign in and around El Fasher bore the “hallmarks of genocide”, documenting ethnically targeted killings, severe bodily and psychological harm, widespread rape and other sexual violence, torture, arbitrary detention and enforced disappearances, particularly against Fur and Zaghawa communities. Survivors have described rape and gang rape by Rapid Support Militia fighters, including sexual assaults committed while women and girls were detained or attempting to escape the city. Across the wider Sudan war, the Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa has documented sexual violence against girls as young as six, while the US government said in January 2025 that the Rapid Support Militia and allied militias had systematically killed men and boys, including infants, on ethnic grounds and deliberately targeted women and girls for rape and other brutal sexual violence. The scale and persistence of these atrocities have also drawn intense international scrutiny to the external support that has helped sustain the Rapid Support Militia throughout the war, particularly the role of the United Arab Emirates. The UAE's backing of the militia has been the subject of an extensive body of reports, investigations and expert assessments since the conflict began. Evidence and allegations concerning Emirati military, financial and logistical support have been examined by United Nations experts, major international news organizations including The New York Times, The Washington Post, Reuters, The Guardian, The Wall Street Journal, the Financial Times and France 24, as well as human rights organizations including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, among many others. Taken together, this extensive body of reporting has made the UAE's support for the Rapid Support Militia one of the most extensively documented aspects of foreign involvement in Sudan's war. The scene surrounding Mohamed is painful because his story is far from unique. Across Sudan, countless children have lost parents, siblings and homes, fled violence and hunger, and been forced to carry memories no child should have to bear. His achievement cannot erase what happened to him or bring back his parents. Yet the tears and embraces of his teachers capture something larger: Sudan is bleeding, but it is also trying to heal. Through relatives who take in orphaned children, teachers who surround them with care, and children like Mohamed who continue to learn and succeed despite devastating loss, Sudan is trying to rebuild from the ruins. His certificate may say 100 percent, but behind that number lies a loss that cannot be measured. And in the tears of the teachers embracing him is something larger: the grief of a country that has lost so much, and the determination of its children to keep going. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
Sudanese Echo14,390 views • 1 month ago
“She Burned Her Thesis to Save Her Mother”: The Story of Nidal, a Sudanese Psychologist Who Survived the Genocide In a story that captures both the depths of tragedy and the heights of courage, Sudanese psychologist Nidal Shams Eldin Abdullah recounted how she was forced to burn her university graduation thesis to keep her mother alive after fighters from the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) shot her in front of her eyes. “They shot my mother in front of me,” Nidal said, her voice trembling. “Her intestines came out. I tried to put them back, but I couldn’t.” With nothing but her thesis papers left, she set them on fire to create warmth in a desperate attempt to save her mother’s life during the cold rainy season. “It was the only thing I had,” she said. “Everything else was wet.” After the attack, Nidal carried her wounded mother for days, walking through mud and cold, surviving on nothing but willpower until they reached the Sudan-Chad border. Against all odds, her mother survived. Once a practicing psychologist, Nidal now lives as a refugee, continuing to help others despite her own deep wounds. “How can a psychologist heal herself in the middle of a war?” she asked softly. Then she added, “All Sudanese are brave. Not just me. There are many braver than I am.” Her name, Nidal, meaning resistance, fits her story perfectly. She is more than a survivor; she is a symbol of the quiet, unwavering strength of Sudanese civilians, especially women, who have endured the atrocities committed by the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). The suffering caused by the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) extends far beyond Nidal’s story. Across Darfur, Khartoum, and Al-Jazirah, civilians have faced horrors beyond imagination. Families were slaughtered inside their homes, women and girls were subjected to systematic sexual violence, and men were detained, tortured, and executed in cold blood. Entire neighborhoods were burned to the ground, hospitals looted, and humanitarian convoys attacked, turning cities like El Fasher and El Geneina into fields of ashes and grief. Every testimony tells the same story of deliberate cruelty, proving that what is happening in Sudan is not chaos, but a calculated campaign of terror aimed at breaking the nation’s spirit. Yet voices like Nidal’s remain, standing as living proof that even under the shadow of genocide, the Sudanese people continue to resist with courage, dignity, and unbroken faith. #Sudan #EchoesOfResilience #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAESponsorsTerrorism #UAEKillsSudanesePeople
Sudanese Echo50,946 views • 11 months ago
More Than 1,300 Tons of Weapons Reveal the Scale of UAE Support for the Genocidal Rapid Support Militia in North Kordofan The enormous military stockpiles discovered by the Sudanese Armed Forces and allied forces following the liberation of several areas in North Kordofan reveal the scale of the military, financial, and logistical support provided by the United Arab Emirates to the Rapid Support Militia. This support enabled the militia to occupy towns and villages and carry out killings, torture, forced displacement, and widespread looting against the Sudanese people. Military sources reported that approximately 480 tons of various weapons were documented in the city of Bara, while the quantity of weapons and ammunition found in Jabra Al-Sheikh had exceeded 850 tons by Thursday. The preliminary total from the two areas has therefore surpassed 1,300 tons. Specialized military committees are continuing to document and inventory the captured equipment, and the total is expected to rise as additional weapons and ammunition are discovered inside civilian homes that the militia seized and converted into military storage facilities. According to the preliminary inventory of equipment captured during the battles to liberate areas of North Kordofan, the forces recovered more than 240 combat and armored vehicles, eight weapons and ammunition warehouses, ten medical supply warehouses, and thousands of barrels filled with fuel. The sheer volume of these supplies demonstrates the level of resources the UAE provided to prolong the war and keep the militia’s killing machine operational. The same militia supplied with these weapons invaded cities, tortured Sudanese civilians, killed residents, forced communities to flee, looted markets and homes, and converted civilian property into military bases and storage sites. The discovery of weapons inside residential homes also exposes the militia’s systematic seizure of civilian neighborhoods for military purposes. Sudanese homes were used to store ammunition, fuel, and other supplies delivered through the UAE-backed logistical network. International investigations have documented the delivery of advanced weapons to the militia with support from the UAE, alongside the recruitment and transportation of foreign mercenaries and the operation of air and land supply networks that enabled the militia to continue its war against the Sudanese people. The arsenal uncovered in Bara and Jabra Al-Sheikh represents only part of the resources Abu Dhabi has committed to enabling a militia responsible for massacres, rape, torture, and mass displacement. Each area liberated by the Sudanese army reveals further evidence of the scale of the UAE project that turned Sudan into a battlefield for financing and arming a militia engaged in genocide and terror against civilians. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
Sudanese Echo14,004 views • 2 months ago
Al-Rahad Abu Dakkana: Another Chapter in the Rapid Support Forces Terrorist Militia’s Crimes Against Civilians Using UAE-Supplied Death Drones Eight civilians were killed and 27 others injured, including women, after the Rapid Support Forces terrorist militia launched a drone attack on the city of Al-Rahad Abu Dakkana in North Kordofan on Monday morning. The strikes also targeted several essential service facilities, while footage documented a direct hit on a civilian vehicle. The attack reflects the daily reality facing Sudanese communities, as militia drones pursue civilians across towns and villages and strike vehicles, water facilities, power infrastructure and medical services. The assault adds another chapter to the militia’s long record of atrocities against civilians. In El Geneina, it carried out large-scale ethnically targeted massacres and buried victims in mass graves. In Khartoum, it turned residential neighbourhoods into scenes of killing, rape, abduction and looting, leaving behind destroyed homes and mass graves. The militia also overran villages across Al Jazirah State, killing residents, burning homes and looting property, before besieging El Fasher and attacking markets, hospitals and displacement camps through bombardment and starvation. The United Nations Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan concluded that the militia’s crimes in El Fasher bore the “hallmarks of genocide” and that genocidal intent was the only reasonable inference from its systematic targeting of the Fur and Zaghawa communities. The United Nations has warned that the expanding use of drones is causing rising civilian casualties and spreading the war into new areas. According to the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, drone strikes killed at least 880 civilians between January and April 2026, accounting for more than 80 percent of the civilian deaths documented by its office during that period. The UN also described attacks on markets, schools, hospitals and essential infrastructure as a recurring pattern, and warned that increasingly powerful drones were being used to deliver wide-area explosive weapons into populated areas. These aerial capabilities were not developed by the militia inside Sudan. They reached it through external supply networks, amid mounting international evidence and investigations documenting the UAE’s continued arming of the militia and provision of capabilities used to kill and terrorise Sudanese civilians. The continuation of these crimes exposes a profound international moral failure, in which economic and security interests tied to the UAE are given greater weight than Sudanese lives. This reality was reinforced by Nathaniel Raymond, Executive Director of the Humanitarian Research Lab at the Yale School of Public Health and a specialist in documenting mass atrocities and abuses against civilians. In testimony before the UK House of Commons International Development Committee, Raymond described the British government’s approach to Sudan as a case of “policy capture”, driven by fears of damaging relations with Abu Dhabi. He also spoke of Emirati pressure and threats directed at London when the issue of the UAE’s support for the militia was raised. Asked whether the British government had used all the tools available to prevent atrocities, he replied unequivocally: “No, absolutely not.” His testimony exposes the widening gap between international rhetoric on civilian protection and actual policy, as political and economic interests continue to obstruct accountability, enable the flow of weapons, and prolong the catastrophe endured by the Sudanese people. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
Sudanese Echo15,768 views • 2 months ago