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1908: Britain seized Iran’s oil. William D’Arcy purchased exclusive extraction rights from the Shah for 16% profit, with a clause that Iran would not audit the books. The company is BP, British Petroleum.

15,581 görüntüleme • 7 ay önce •via X (Twitter)

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The Shah’s personal animosity toward the great powers started here. His father, Reza Shah, already deeply resented Britain for its constant interference in Iran’s internal affairs and the long history of foreign powers treating Iran as something they could divide into spheres of influence. After only 13 years in power, Reza Shah had built Iran’s first modern national army in centuries, independent of Western financing and control. Yet in 1941, that young army suddenly found itself facing two of the world’s greatest powers invading Iran simultaneously from the north and south. The Allies forced Reza Shah to abdicate. His son, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, inherited the crown because any other route risked throwing Iran into chaos. The young Shah then faced the Soviet Union. The Soviets refused to fully withdraw from Iran and set up separatist governments in Iranian Azerbaijan and Mahabad. Iran restored its sovereignty over both. Then came Britain. The Shah inherited an oil industry that had been dominated by Britain since the Qajar era. After the oil crisis of the early 1950s, the 1954 Consortium Agreement replaced Britain’s near-monopoly with a consortium dominated by Western oil companies, including BP, Standard Oil, Texaco, Gulf, Socony and Shell, under a 50/50 profit-sharing arrangement with Iran. But that agreement was set to expire in 1979. And the Shah had no intention of renewing the old relationship. By the 1970s, this was a completely different Iran. The country Britain and Russia had once divided into spheres of influence had become the dominant military power in the Persian Gulf. Iran was moving toward full control over its own resources, backed by a military no foreign power could simply confront head-on as Britain and the Soviet Union had done in 1941. 1979 was supposed to mark the final chapter in that struggle for Iran’s economic sovereignty. Instead, it became the year of the Islamic Revolution. So for those western commentators spreading the “Western-installed puppet Shah” nonsense. The Shah spent his reign confronting Soviet territorial ambitions, breaking foreign control over Iranian oil and building a military specifically designed to ensure that Iran could never again be treated the way it was in 1941. If you want to talk about a leader whose rise was facilitated by the West, talk about Khomeini. The West abandoned the Shah, opened channels with Khomeini’s movement and convinced itself that Khomeini could become the Gandhi-like figure they hoped he would be and continue the 50-50 profit sharing agreement over oil. Unfortunately for the West, and catastrophically for Iran, Khomeini turned out to be something entirely different.

Arsalan Naamdar

19,378 görüntüleme • 1 ay önce

Johnny Harris, Johnny Harris I'm getting absolutely sick and tired of your factually incorrect, recycled talking points that you repeat over and over to spread false narratives about Iran and the Shah. I've been watching your videos for many years. Every time, I hope that because you clearly spend a lot of time researching, you'll eventually realize where you've been wrong and correct those mistakes in future videos. Instead, the same false narratives keep getting repeated. If you didn't have such a large platform, I wouldn't even care. Your video starts off reasonably well when discussing Reza Shah, but once you move on to Mohammad Reza Shah, your historical accuracy completely falls apart. To start, you claim: "The British are taking Iran's oil, and the Shah is okay with it, because remember, the British installed the Shah." I don't know if you understand how a hereditary monarchy works, but the crown passes from father to son. When Britain and the Soviet Union invaded Iran in 1941, Reza Shah's newly built military had no realistic chance of resisting two global superpowers. He was forced to abdicate and was sent into exile. His son then succeeded him, exactly as he would have under the normal line of succession. There were discussions between Britain and the Soviets about restoring a Qajar prince instead. They ultimately abandoned that idea because the Qajars had little support in Iran, whereas the Pahlavis did. If Britain had bypassed the line of succession and placed a Qajar or another political figure on the throne, that would have been installing a ruler. That is not what happened. Then you claim that "the Iranian people didn't like the Shah, they liked Mohammad Mossadegh." Who forced Soviet troops out of Iran after World War II? The Shah. Who reasserted Iranian control over the Soviet-backed separatist governments in Azerbaijan and Mahabad? The Shah. Following those events, Mohammad Reza Shah enjoyed enormous popularity. Now let's talk about Mossadegh. Who was most enthusiastic about Mossadegh's rise? The Soviet-backed Tudeh Party. The Tudeh Party, financially and politically aligned with Moscow, strongly supported him. Mossadegh certainly gained popularity among parts of the Iranian public because of his campaign to nationalize Iran's oil. What many people didn't realize was that the original D'Arcy concession—the agreement that handed Britain a 60-year oil concession—was signed under the Qajar dynasty, the dynasty to which Mossadegh himself belonged. So yes, it was the Qajar state that granted Britain that concession. Reza Shah later renegotiated it into a more favorable agreement for Iran. Yet somehow people continue repeating the myth that it was the Pahlavis who "gave away Iran's oil." Of course the Shah did not want Britain controlling Iran's oil indefinitely. What constrained him was reality. Iran had just emerged from World War II. It lacked the military strength to openly confront Britain, and unlike Mossadegh, the Shah had no interest in relying on Soviet support to challenge British influence. He also understood something Mossadegh failed to appreciate until it was too late. Nationalizing oil is easy on paper. Extracting it, transporting it, insuring it, refining it, finding buyers, and exporting it are entirely different matters. Iran lacked that infrastructure. When Mossadegh nationalized the oil industry before Iran was capable of operating it independently, Britain organized an international boycott. Oil exports collapsed, government revenues dried up, and the country was pushed into a severe financial crisis because oil was Iran's primary source of national income. The Shah's strategy was different. He wanted to continue receiving oil revenues, use that income to industrialize and modernize Iran, build the expertise and infrastructure necessary for an independent oil industry, and nationalize from a position of strength rather than symbolism. You are free to disagree with that strategy. You are not free to rewrite history. If you want to actually learn about this part of Iranian history, read this article.

Arsalan Naamdar

15,610 görüntüleme • 2 ay önce