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A dramatic altercation erupted between Iraqi parliament speaker Haibat Halbousi and second deputy Farhad Atroushi, a KDP Kurd, and it nearly turned physical. Midway through today’s session, a new item was added to the agenda: a vote to confirm the Iraqi Army Chief of Staff, even though it had...

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KDP appears to be overplaying its hand on Iraqi oil exports through the KRG pipeline, and the gambit seems to be already backfiring. Here is why: 1. Iraq exports around 3.4 million barrels per day through Basra's ports and the Strait of Hormuz, accounting for 85 to 95% of total shipments. Baghdad has requested only 200,000-250,000 barrels per day thru the KRG pipeline, roughly 7 to 8% of what was flowing through the south. Even if Baghdad wanted to push more volume through the line, it could not. Most of Iraq's oil sits in Basra, there is no pipeline infrastructure to move it north, and the same Iranian and militia threats that closed Hormuz could target the northern route just as easily. The KRG pipeline cannot rescue Iraq's oil sector. It was never going to. 2. Permitting the exports would have been a low-cost card and a show of goodwill. But by blocking even this, the KDP has handed Baghdad and Iraqi parties a scapegoat at the worst possible moment. During a crisis that is hitting government finances and ordinary Iraqis' salaries, the KDP chose to put conditions over a resource that would not have changed the picture in any big ways, and if salaries are delayed, Iraqi parties will point at Erbil. Basically, this has turned a pipeline dispute into a political framing device, and the KDP has placed itself inside the frame. For many Iraqi parties, this is not just ammunition. It is vindication. It confirms what they have long argued: that the KRG, and specifically the KDP, is ready to exploit Iraq's moments of weakness rather than stand with it. That perception, once reinforced in a crisis of this scale, will be difficult to undo. 3. The damage is compounded by isolation. Iraqi parties across the board, in their statements on this issue, are now referring to the "Erbil government," not the KRG. The language is deliberate: this is understood as a KDP decision, not an institutional one. Nearly all other Kurdistan Region parties either oppose the move or are critical of it, and when budget negotiations resume, they will direct blame squarely at the KDP. 4. Baghdad is also close to completing the rehabilitation of the Kirkuk-Ceyhan pipeline (the below video is today), which operates under an Iraq-Turkey agreement that predates the KRG and over which Erbil holds no legal or operational control. A small section of the line passes through KDP-controlled Duhok, but the KDP cannot realistically block it or do much about it. Once that line is operational, it will push the KRG pipeline further into irrelevance. More importantly, it will give Baghdad reason to sideline the KRG pipeline for good, not just during the current crisis but after things normalise too. Ironically, the card the KDP is holding is actively depreciating by overplaying its hand. The logic of holding a card is not inherently flawed. But deploying it in the middle of a regional crisis, on an issue of national significance, in an attempt to extract leverage, - in the current context - does not serve the KDP well. The timing is especially poor given the volatility of the broader environment. The trajectory of U.S. policy under Trump remains deeply unclear. The KDP is betting on a hand without knowing how the game ends.
0:59

KDP appears to be overplaying its hand on Iraqi oil exports through the KRG pipeline, and the gambit seems to be already backfiring. Here is why: 1. Iraq exports around 3.4 million barrels per day through Basra's ports and the Strait of Hormuz, accounting for 85 to 95% of total shipments. Baghdad has requested only 200,000-250,000 barrels per day thru the KRG pipeline, roughly 7 to 8% of what was flowing through the south. Even if Baghdad wanted to push more volume through the line, it could not. Most of Iraq's oil sits in Basra, there is no pipeline infrastructure to move it north, and the same Iranian and militia threats that closed Hormuz could target the northern route just as easily. The KRG pipeline cannot rescue Iraq's oil sector. It was never going to. 2. Permitting the exports would have been a low-cost card and a show of goodwill. But by blocking even this, the KDP has handed Baghdad and Iraqi parties a scapegoat at the worst possible moment. During a crisis that is hitting government finances and ordinary Iraqis' salaries, the KDP chose to put conditions over a resource that would not have changed the picture in any big ways, and if salaries are delayed, Iraqi parties will point at Erbil. Basically, this has turned a pipeline dispute into a political framing device, and the KDP has placed itself inside the frame. For many Iraqi parties, this is not just ammunition. It is vindication. It confirms what they have long argued: that the KRG, and specifically the KDP, is ready to exploit Iraq's moments of weakness rather than stand with it. That perception, once reinforced in a crisis of this scale, will be difficult to undo. 3. The damage is compounded by isolation. Iraqi parties across the board, in their statements on this issue, are now referring to the "Erbil government," not the KRG. The language is deliberate: this is understood as a KDP decision, not an institutional one. Nearly all other Kurdistan Region parties either oppose the move or are critical of it, and when budget negotiations resume, they will direct blame squarely at the KDP. 4. Baghdad is also close to completing the rehabilitation of the Kirkuk-Ceyhan pipeline (the below video is today), which operates under an Iraq-Turkey agreement that predates the KRG and over which Erbil holds no legal or operational control. A small section of the line passes through KDP-controlled Duhok, but the KDP cannot realistically block it or do much about it. Once that line is operational, it will push the KRG pipeline further into irrelevance. More importantly, it will give Baghdad reason to sideline the KRG pipeline for good, not just during the current crisis but after things normalise too. Ironically, the card the KDP is holding is actively depreciating by overplaying its hand. The logic of holding a card is not inherently flawed. But deploying it in the middle of a regional crisis, on an issue of national significance, in an attempt to extract leverage, - in the current context - does not serve the KDP well. The timing is especially poor given the volatility of the broader environment. The trajectory of U.S. policy under Trump remains deeply unclear. The KDP is betting on a hand without knowing how the game ends.

Kurdistan Watch

24,594 görüntüleme • 4 ay önce

On the protests in Lajan near Erbil: there is a complete and unprecedented blackout in the village. It has been besieged by KDP special forces using U.S.-supplied Humvees and other weapons, and both electricity and internet have been cut. Since the morning, journalists attempting to cover the events have been detained, expelled, or assaulted. Some protesters have reportedly been held inside the Lanaz refinery, while others have been forced to remain in the village, which is within walking distance of the facility. Lanaz refinery is owned by Mansour Barzani, Masoud Barzani’s son and commander of the KDP special forces. KDP-aligned media, including Rudaw - which until recently was far more outspoken - have remained completely silent. The only KDP outlet to cover the events, AVA Media, has framed the protesters as armed saboteurs who blocked the refinery gate and prevented trucks from moving. The grievances of the villagers, who are from the Harki tribe, are not new. Around four months ago, they also protested to demand jobs at the refinery, saying they have been left with only pollution and disease. The Harki issue is complex. It is a large tribe divided between the KDP and PUK: the main tribal leader is aligned with the PUK due to a historical blood feud with the Barzanis, while some sub-branches now have interests with the KDP. Others, like Khurshid Harki - who clashed with KDP forces when they tried to arrest him - are seen as mavericks driven by their own interests. The PUK media’s extensive coverage of the protests has further angered the KDP. The villagers’ demands are genuine, but their actions are becoming a major headache for the KDP, in part because the area is highly strategic: it hosts not only the refinery but also the KRG oil pipeline passes by it and lies close to the disputed territories and KDP–Iraqi fault lines. Any temporary suppression of the protests risks deepening the underlying problems there.
2:47

On the protests in Lajan near Erbil: there is a complete and unprecedented blackout in the village. It has been besieged by KDP special forces using U.S.-supplied Humvees and other weapons, and both electricity and internet have been cut. Since the morning, journalists attempting to cover the events have been detained, expelled, or assaulted. Some protesters have reportedly been held inside the Lanaz refinery, while others have been forced to remain in the village, which is within walking distance of the facility. Lanaz refinery is owned by Mansour Barzani, Masoud Barzani’s son and commander of the KDP special forces. KDP-aligned media, including Rudaw - which until recently was far more outspoken - have remained completely silent. The only KDP outlet to cover the events, AVA Media, has framed the protesters as armed saboteurs who blocked the refinery gate and prevented trucks from moving. The grievances of the villagers, who are from the Harki tribe, are not new. Around four months ago, they also protested to demand jobs at the refinery, saying they have been left with only pollution and disease. The Harki issue is complex. It is a large tribe divided between the KDP and PUK: the main tribal leader is aligned with the PUK due to a historical blood feud with the Barzanis, while some sub-branches now have interests with the KDP. Others, like Khurshid Harki - who clashed with KDP forces when they tried to arrest him - are seen as mavericks driven by their own interests. The PUK media’s extensive coverage of the protests has further angered the KDP. The villagers’ demands are genuine, but their actions are becoming a major headache for the KDP, in part because the area is highly strategic: it hosts not only the refinery but also the KRG oil pipeline passes by it and lies close to the disputed territories and KDP–Iraqi fault lines. Any temporary suppression of the protests risks deepening the underlying problems there.

Kurdistan Watch

21,089 görüntüleme • 8 ay önce

Yazidi MP-elect Murad Ismael says Yazidis are not Kurds but a distinct ethnicity, and that he will work to have this formally recognised in the Iraqi parliament. His stance matters because, unlike previous token Yazidi MPs backed either by the KDP or pro-Iran Shia militias, Murad won a general seat on a Yazidi Cause Alliance list that secured around 50,000 votes – the first time a purely Yazidi, grassroots list has achieved this. Murad raises a sensitive but necessary debate. He argues that Yazidis are not Kurds and that some Kurdish parties try to impose that identity on them. He likens it to “how Kurds in Turkey don’t want to be called mountain Turks,” saying Yazidis likewise do not want to be branded “Yazidi Kurds” – a label widely used in parts of the Kurdish media, particularly outlets close to the KDP.
1:24

Yazidi MP-elect Murad Ismael says Yazidis are not Kurds but a distinct ethnicity, and that he will work to have this formally recognised in the Iraqi parliament. His stance matters because, unlike previous token Yazidi MPs backed either by the KDP or pro-Iran Shia militias, Murad won a general seat on a Yazidi Cause Alliance list that secured around 50,000 votes – the first time a purely Yazidi, grassroots list has achieved this. Murad raises a sensitive but necessary debate. He argues that Yazidis are not Kurds and that some Kurdish parties try to impose that identity on them. He likens it to “how Kurds in Turkey don’t want to be called mountain Turks,” saying Yazidis likewise do not want to be branded “Yazidi Kurds” – a label widely used in parts of the Kurdish media, particularly outlets close to the KDP.

Kurdistan Watch

75,981 görüntüleme • 7 ay önce

This video of a Christian activist in Erbil has been widely circulated online, largely because few dare to publicly criticize the KDP this openly. The man, who is also an official with the Communist Party’s Ankara branch, accuses the KDP of turning Erbil’s Ankara district into a de facto red-light district in an attempt to distort its identity and erase the traditions of its Christian population. He claims that projects such as Pavillion - owned by Masrour Barzani’s 23-year-old son, Areen - have been built on land belonging to Christian farmers who have not even been compensated. He further alleges that new hotels and construction projects backed by KDP-affiliated businesspeople are part of a deliberate effort to demographically alter the district’s Christian character. He also criticizes the appointment of token Christian officials by the KDP, noting that these individuals are not even from the area. He goes on to accuse the KDP of reshaping Erbil’s broader identity by flooding the city with prostitution and elements he describes as alien to its cultural fabric. He notes that simply searching for the phrase “Mara’az Erbil” - a colloquial Iraqi Arabic term for “exhibition,” often used as a coded reference to prostitution and escorts - reveals how Erbil has become a well-known destination for such activities among Iraqi Arabs, despite the fact that almost none of the sex workers are not from the city. He concludes by asking why such activities are not taken to Barzan, instead of, in his words, “ruining the identity of Ankara and Erbil.”
6:31

This video of a Christian activist in Erbil has been widely circulated online, largely because few dare to publicly criticize the KDP this openly. The man, who is also an official with the Communist Party’s Ankara branch, accuses the KDP of turning Erbil’s Ankara district into a de facto red-light district in an attempt to distort its identity and erase the traditions of its Christian population. He claims that projects such as Pavillion - owned by Masrour Barzani’s 23-year-old son, Areen - have been built on land belonging to Christian farmers who have not even been compensated. He further alleges that new hotels and construction projects backed by KDP-affiliated businesspeople are part of a deliberate effort to demographically alter the district’s Christian character. He also criticizes the appointment of token Christian officials by the KDP, noting that these individuals are not even from the area. He goes on to accuse the KDP of reshaping Erbil’s broader identity by flooding the city with prostitution and elements he describes as alien to its cultural fabric. He notes that simply searching for the phrase “Mara’az Erbil” - a colloquial Iraqi Arabic term for “exhibition,” often used as a coded reference to prostitution and escorts - reveals how Erbil has become a well-known destination for such activities among Iraqi Arabs, despite the fact that almost none of the sex workers are not from the city. He concludes by asking why such activities are not taken to Barzan, instead of, in his words, “ruining the identity of Ankara and Erbil.”

Kurdistan Watch

19,369 görüntüleme • 1 yıl önce

The new administrative composition in post-SDF integration Kobani offers a clear picture of how Damascus is working to loosen the SDF’s long-standing grip on this symbolically important enclave, not by excluding it outright, but by diffusing power: At the district level, Damascus has appointed an ethnically Kurdish but Damascus-aligned official, with an ethnically Arab official as his deputy. In Kobani city itself, which is largely Kurdish, Damascus has given the administrative director post to a Barzani-backed KDP-S member, while the municipality chief post has gone to the incumbent PYD, with her deputy being another Barzani-backed KDP-S/ENKS member. In Jallabiya, Kobani’s other predominantly Kurdish subdistrict, a municipal council made up of independent locals and tribal-affiliated figures has been appointed. In the district’s two predominantly Arab subdistricts, the appointed officials are Damascus-affiliated Arabs. While the arrangement in Hasakah province is more complex, Kobani offers a clearer and more legible example of the model Damascus appears to be pursuing: fragmenting local authority, balancing rivals against one another, and gradually eroding the SDF’s 15-year monopoly over governance in Kurdish-populated areas. More details:
0:30

The new administrative composition in post-SDF integration Kobani offers a clear picture of how Damascus is working to loosen the SDF’s long-standing grip on this symbolically important enclave, not by excluding it outright, but by diffusing power: At the district level, Damascus has appointed an ethnically Kurdish but Damascus-aligned official, with an ethnically Arab official as his deputy. In Kobani city itself, which is largely Kurdish, Damascus has given the administrative director post to a Barzani-backed KDP-S member, while the municipality chief post has gone to the incumbent PYD, with her deputy being another Barzani-backed KDP-S/ENKS member. In Jallabiya, Kobani’s other predominantly Kurdish subdistrict, a municipal council made up of independent locals and tribal-affiliated figures has been appointed. In the district’s two predominantly Arab subdistricts, the appointed officials are Damascus-affiliated Arabs. While the arrangement in Hasakah province is more complex, Kobani offers a clearer and more legible example of the model Damascus appears to be pursuing: fragmenting local authority, balancing rivals against one another, and gradually eroding the SDF’s 15-year monopoly over governance in Kurdish-populated areas. More details:

The National Context

10,384 görüntüleme • 3 ay önce

The Prime Minister is facing the largest revolt of his career as a welfare reform deal with Labour MPs may not be enough to get the bill passed in a Commons vote later. It comes as around 80 disability and human rights groups are calling on MPs to vote against it. Louisa James reports.
2:08

The Prime Minister is facing the largest revolt of his career as a welfare reform deal with Labour MPs may not be enough to get the bill passed in a Commons vote later. It comes as around 80 disability and human rights groups are calling on MPs to vote against it. Louisa James reports.

Good Morning Britain

50,607 görüntüleme • 1 yıl önce

Very unsettling footage shows an exodus-like departure of families from Lajan village near Erbil, the site of protests by residents demanding jobs at the Barzani-owned Lanaz refinery which sits inside the village. The protests have already left two people dead - a protester and a truck driver who was on the protesters’ side when KDP security forces opened fire - and 13 injured, one of them in critical condition. According to local sources, the village has effectively been sealed off for two days by Gulan and special brigades, both led by Mansour Barzani, who also owns the refinery. Electricity and internet have been cut, and representatives of the village - from the Harki tribe - have twice met Erbil governorate officials and KDP security, but no agreement was reached. The KDP side is said to have demanded that villagers hand over several people accused of being armed saboteurs. Residents have been protesting intermittently but regularly for more than a year, and that each time they were promised jobs. Before the elections, the villagers say they were told that at least 120 villagers would be hired; now that the vote is over, they say the KDP has told them there will be no employment. Their core grievance is that the refinery is right inside the village: they bear the pollution but see none of the benefits. Lanaz is not a normal refinery; it is heavily fortified, in part because it is owned by Mansour Barzani. There is also deeper context: Lajan has historically been a stronghold of Mehi Agha, the influential Harki tribal chief and an arch-enemy of the Barzani tribe, with a blood feud between the two sides. Today, Mehi’s son Jawhar Agha leads the tribe, is aligned with the PUK, and lives in Mosul because he is not allowed to enter KDP-controlled areas. Lajan’s villagers are widely seen by the KDP as troublemakers, even though it is unclear why the refinery was built in the village only four years ago. The official KDP narrative is that the protesters do not have genuine demands and are loyalists of Jawhar Agha, directed by the PUK to cause trouble, while the protesters say they are simply demanding that the KDP honour its pre-election promises now that it no longer needs their votes.
1:48

Very unsettling footage shows an exodus-like departure of families from Lajan village near Erbil, the site of protests by residents demanding jobs at the Barzani-owned Lanaz refinery which sits inside the village. The protests have already left two people dead - a protester and a truck driver who was on the protesters’ side when KDP security forces opened fire - and 13 injured, one of them in critical condition. According to local sources, the village has effectively been sealed off for two days by Gulan and special brigades, both led by Mansour Barzani, who also owns the refinery. Electricity and internet have been cut, and representatives of the village - from the Harki tribe - have twice met Erbil governorate officials and KDP security, but no agreement was reached. The KDP side is said to have demanded that villagers hand over several people accused of being armed saboteurs. Residents have been protesting intermittently but regularly for more than a year, and that each time they were promised jobs. Before the elections, the villagers say they were told that at least 120 villagers would be hired; now that the vote is over, they say the KDP has told them there will be no employment. Their core grievance is that the refinery is right inside the village: they bear the pollution but see none of the benefits. Lanaz is not a normal refinery; it is heavily fortified, in part because it is owned by Mansour Barzani. There is also deeper context: Lajan has historically been a stronghold of Mehi Agha, the influential Harki tribal chief and an arch-enemy of the Barzani tribe, with a blood feud between the two sides. Today, Mehi’s son Jawhar Agha leads the tribe, is aligned with the PUK, and lives in Mosul because he is not allowed to enter KDP-controlled areas. Lajan’s villagers are widely seen by the KDP as troublemakers, even though it is unclear why the refinery was built in the village only four years ago. The official KDP narrative is that the protesters do not have genuine demands and are loyalists of Jawhar Agha, directed by the PUK to cause trouble, while the protesters say they are simply demanding that the KDP honour its pre-election promises now that it no longer needs their votes.

Kurdistan Watch

19,240 görüntüleme • 7 ay önce

Local Harki chief Khurshid Harki was seen among his supporters after repelling a well-equipped KDP security force sent to arrest him yesterday, some of whom arrived in Humvees originally provided by US forces for the fight against ISIS. He has since met with the head of Nechirvan Barzani’s security detail as part of ongoing mediation efforts. Khurshid reportedly stated that he only trusts Nechirvan Barzani and is willing to surrender to him directly. It remains unclear what these talks have produced, but from the intensity of yesterday’s clashes, it is evident that Harki fighters show significantly higher morale and motivation to fight, unlike the KDP security forces, who have not been paid for nearly 70 days and appear unwilling to risk their lives in a local dispute. It is also worth noting that several strategic KDP assets, including their two largest refineries are located there and the KRG oil pipeline run through this area. The clashes are taking place in Khabat district, which lies between Erbil and Mosul. With Mosul being a key stronghold of the Harki tribe, the group enjoys a logistical advantage in the current standoff if the situation spiral out of control.
0:23

Local Harki chief Khurshid Harki was seen among his supporters after repelling a well-equipped KDP security force sent to arrest him yesterday, some of whom arrived in Humvees originally provided by US forces for the fight against ISIS. He has since met with the head of Nechirvan Barzani’s security detail as part of ongoing mediation efforts. Khurshid reportedly stated that he only trusts Nechirvan Barzani and is willing to surrender to him directly. It remains unclear what these talks have produced, but from the intensity of yesterday’s clashes, it is evident that Harki fighters show significantly higher morale and motivation to fight, unlike the KDP security forces, who have not been paid for nearly 70 days and appear unwilling to risk their lives in a local dispute. It is also worth noting that several strategic KDP assets, including their two largest refineries are located there and the KRG oil pipeline run through this area. The clashes are taking place in Khabat district, which lies between Erbil and Mosul. With Mosul being a key stronghold of the Harki tribe, the group enjoys a logistical advantage in the current standoff if the situation spiral out of control.

Kurdistan Watch

15,068 görüntüleme • 1 yıl önce

Clashes between elements of the Harki tribe and KDP security forces have been ongoing and have spread to other areas, as more Harki members arrive from different regions. The fighting erupted after KDP forces attempted to arrest Khurshid Harki, one of the tribe’s chieftains, who has refused to surrender. At least one Harki fighter and one KDP security officer have been killed, and several military vehicles, including at least two Humvees, have been destroyed by Harki fighters. The unrest began following a land dispute between this faction of the Harki tribe and the Gorran tribe over territory crossed by the KRG oil pipeline. Clashes between the two tribes had already taken place. Although talks were held, tensions escalated when Bashar Mushir Agha, the head of the Gorran tribe, was seen publicly with Masrour Barzani during the fighting - a move that angered many within the Harki tribe, which is considered one of the largest, if not the largest tribe, in Kurdistan. A ceasefire agreement was reached yesterday, but Harki supporters now claim KDP forces violated it by attempting to arrest Khurshid Harki. In a video clip from the fighting, Khurshid Agha is seen holding a rifle and calling on his fighters to resist until reinforcements arrive from Zakho and Duhok. Khurshid Agha, a businessman and military commander affiliated with the KDP; the Harki tribe is split into several factions, with multiple figures claiming tribal leadership. Political party affiliations have further deepened these divisions. The most prominent Harki chief is Jawhar Muhadin Agha, a staunch KDP enemy that is aligned with the PUK. His base of support spans Duhok, Erbil, and Mosul, though he primarily operates out of Mosul, as he is unable to return to Erbil or Duhok. In a recent statement, he voiced support for Khurshid Harki and declared that the Harkis “will not accept being treated unfairly.” He commands a large following and is a multimillionaire.
0:34

Clashes between elements of the Harki tribe and KDP security forces have been ongoing and have spread to other areas, as more Harki members arrive from different regions. The fighting erupted after KDP forces attempted to arrest Khurshid Harki, one of the tribe’s chieftains, who has refused to surrender. At least one Harki fighter and one KDP security officer have been killed, and several military vehicles, including at least two Humvees, have been destroyed by Harki fighters. The unrest began following a land dispute between this faction of the Harki tribe and the Gorran tribe over territory crossed by the KRG oil pipeline. Clashes between the two tribes had already taken place. Although talks were held, tensions escalated when Bashar Mushir Agha, the head of the Gorran tribe, was seen publicly with Masrour Barzani during the fighting - a move that angered many within the Harki tribe, which is considered one of the largest, if not the largest tribe, in Kurdistan. A ceasefire agreement was reached yesterday, but Harki supporters now claim KDP forces violated it by attempting to arrest Khurshid Harki. In a video clip from the fighting, Khurshid Agha is seen holding a rifle and calling on his fighters to resist until reinforcements arrive from Zakho and Duhok. Khurshid Agha, a businessman and military commander affiliated with the KDP; the Harki tribe is split into several factions, with multiple figures claiming tribal leadership. Political party affiliations have further deepened these divisions. The most prominent Harki chief is Jawhar Muhadin Agha, a staunch KDP enemy that is aligned with the PUK. His base of support spans Duhok, Erbil, and Mosul, though he primarily operates out of Mosul, as he is unable to return to Erbil or Duhok. In a recent statement, he voiced support for Khurshid Harki and declared that the Harkis “will not accept being treated unfairly.” He commands a large following and is a multimillionaire.

Kurdistan Watch

57,708 görüntüleme • 1 yıl önce

Today, the KDP delegation in Baghdad met with most Shia and Sunni leaders. Two points stood out. First, while the delegation did meet with Qais al-Khazali, most KDP-linked outlets, including AVA and Rudaw, avoided mentioning it, even as they covered nearly all of the delegation’s other meetings. Second, the KDP still has not met with Mohammed al-Halbousi, and the dispute appears to have become personal, despite al-Khazali’s record of far harsher statements about the KDP and Masoud Barzani. Beyond the meetings themselves, the KDP briefed leaders on its presidential nominee and relayed five conditions for joining the next cabinet. These include passing the oil and gas law and implementing Article 140, both longstanding demands repeated in previous terms. The remaining points are securing the Kurdistan Region’s budget share, amending the election law, and resolving disputes over seat distribution and wider constitutional entitlements.
0:37

Today, the KDP delegation in Baghdad met with most Shia and Sunni leaders. Two points stood out. First, while the delegation did meet with Qais al-Khazali, most KDP-linked outlets, including AVA and Rudaw, avoided mentioning it, even as they covered nearly all of the delegation’s other meetings. Second, the KDP still has not met with Mohammed al-Halbousi, and the dispute appears to have become personal, despite al-Khazali’s record of far harsher statements about the KDP and Masoud Barzani. Beyond the meetings themselves, the KDP briefed leaders on its presidential nominee and relayed five conditions for joining the next cabinet. These include passing the oil and gas law and implementing Article 140, both longstanding demands repeated in previous terms. The remaining points are securing the Kurdistan Region’s budget share, amending the election law, and resolving disputes over seat distribution and wider constitutional entitlements.

Kurdistan Watch

20,578 görüntüleme • 7 ay önce

I will make a simple comparison to clarify what is happening in Syria with the terrorist PKK militias: 📍They have killed and executed an entire family in the city of Hasakah, abducted and executed detainees, and they currently hold dozens of Arab detainees in neighborhoods of Hasakah. All of this is documented in videos on my account and has been published. 📍They are also carrying out religious provocations by playing Kurdish nationalist songs inside Muslim mosques in Hasakah and Qamishli. This has been documented and published as a deliberate provocation against members of Arab tribes. 📍They executed a group of people near Ayn al-Arab (Kobani) in the eastern countryside of Aleppo while the victims were handcuffed, and this too is documented in video footage. Meanwhile, there is a single undisciplined individual whom the Syrian state will hold accountable for cutting a Kurdish woman’s hair, and they are trying to exploit this incident to manufacture victimhood narratives and propaganda. 📍For clarification: if the Syrian Arab Army wanted to seize the areas where the PKK terrorist militias are entrenched, it could do so within hours. However, at the same time, it is keen not to drag the entire Kurdish population into a confrontation with the Syrian state, and it works to separate armed groups from civilians despite the militias arming civilians and enforcing compulsory recruitment, including minors and children, in the areas they control in Hasakah and Kobani (Ayn al-Arab). The Syrian army carried out a successful operation in the Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh neighborhoods of Aleppo, separating civilians from militants, and was subsequently able to return all residents, especially Kurds, to their homes. See in this image here: days ago, the Syrian state, through its buses, began returning displaced Kurdish residents from Afrin who are currently in Raqqa back to Afrin, because it does not accept any forced displacement of Kurds unlike what the terrorist PKK practices. #Syria #PKK #SDF #Aleppo #RojavaUnderAttack #Haskah #Raqqa
0:34

I will make a simple comparison to clarify what is happening in Syria with the terrorist PKK militias: 📍They have killed and executed an entire family in the city of Hasakah, abducted and executed detainees, and they currently hold dozens of Arab detainees in neighborhoods of Hasakah. All of this is documented in videos on my account and has been published. 📍They are also carrying out religious provocations by playing Kurdish nationalist songs inside Muslim mosques in Hasakah and Qamishli. This has been documented and published as a deliberate provocation against members of Arab tribes. 📍They executed a group of people near Ayn al-Arab (Kobani) in the eastern countryside of Aleppo while the victims were handcuffed, and this too is documented in video footage. Meanwhile, there is a single undisciplined individual whom the Syrian state will hold accountable for cutting a Kurdish woman’s hair, and they are trying to exploit this incident to manufacture victimhood narratives and propaganda. 📍For clarification: if the Syrian Arab Army wanted to seize the areas where the PKK terrorist militias are entrenched, it could do so within hours. However, at the same time, it is keen not to drag the entire Kurdish population into a confrontation with the Syrian state, and it works to separate armed groups from civilians despite the militias arming civilians and enforcing compulsory recruitment, including minors and children, in the areas they control in Hasakah and Kobani (Ayn al-Arab). The Syrian army carried out a successful operation in the Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh neighborhoods of Aleppo, separating civilians from militants, and was subsequently able to return all residents, especially Kurds, to their homes. See in this image here: days ago, the Syrian state, through its buses, began returning displaced Kurdish residents from Afrin who are currently in Raqqa back to Afrin, because it does not accept any forced displacement of Kurds unlike what the terrorist PKK practices. #Syria #PKK #SDF #Aleppo #RojavaUnderAttack #Haskah #Raqqa

Omar Alhariri

28,751 görüntüleme • 6 ay önce

#Leaked Information On the meeting they planned to topple the Iraqi Shia government. Saddam daugher's voice attached 👉The daughter of former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein, Raghad Hussein, held meetings with the so-called Syrian president Ahmad Sharaa, the Turkish intelligence chief in Damascus, as well as former military commanders and pilots. They are forming highly dangerous Sunni jihadist groups in Deir ez-Zor, Raqqa, Tabqa, and other cities in Syria to prepare for attacks on Iraq. The role of importing jihadist terrorist networks into Syria has been assigned to Turkey, while funding is being provided by Qatar and Saudi Arabia. According to the leaked document, U.S. ambassador Tom Barrack, described as being of Arab nationalist origin, is also part of this plan. However, the report is unclear on whether Barrack is acting on behalf of official U.S. policy or in a personal capacity. According to a previously leaked American source in Syria, Tom Barrack asked the Kurdish-led SDF in Syria to join these groups three weeks ago. The SDF commander refused, stating that they are not mercenaries. As a result, Barrack allegedly gave Turkey and the Syrian regime the green light to eliminate the SDF. Under the command of Turkish intelligence, terrorists are being transferred into Syria. Training is being conducted by the Turkish military, while funding is provided by Qatar and Saudi Arabia. They are planning to topple the Shia-led government in Iraq and establish a new regime centrally controlled by Sunnis. This plan would abolish the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, something Turkey has sought for a long time. Under the pretext of fighting terrorism, Turkey has surrounded Iraqi Kurdistan with military bases and is waiting for such an opportunity. Turkey’s role in this situation is described as clear, with Erdogan portraying himself as a new leader of a revived Ottoman Empire, expanding Turkish influence across the region and targeting Kurdish cities one by one. The leaked report does not mention Israel’s position, leaving its role in the current situation unclear. Experts believe that using jihadist groups to topple the Iraqi government and potentially Iran afterward may succeed in Iraq but would face serious challenges in Iran. Even Iranian opposition groups in the U.S. and Europe may seek regime change but do not want foreign terrorists to destroy their country. The banner shown in the video was recorded in Syria and displays images of Saddam Hussein, Erdogan, Ahmed al-Sharaa, Mohammed bin Salman, and Tamim bin Hamad, shown side by side. This is presented as a sign of cooperation among these actors in training and supporting terrorist groups. The leaked document reportedly includes an audio recording of Raghad Hussein, which has been attached in the comments section. The video also features a Kurdish journalist explaining the same report in the Kurdish language for Kurdish audiences.
5:21

#Leaked Information On the meeting they planned to topple the Iraqi Shia government. Saddam daugher's voice attached 👉The daughter of former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein, Raghad Hussein, held meetings with the so-called Syrian president Ahmad Sharaa, the Turkish intelligence chief in Damascus, as well as former military commanders and pilots. They are forming highly dangerous Sunni jihadist groups in Deir ez-Zor, Raqqa, Tabqa, and other cities in Syria to prepare for attacks on Iraq. The role of importing jihadist terrorist networks into Syria has been assigned to Turkey, while funding is being provided by Qatar and Saudi Arabia. According to the leaked document, U.S. ambassador Tom Barrack, described as being of Arab nationalist origin, is also part of this plan. However, the report is unclear on whether Barrack is acting on behalf of official U.S. policy or in a personal capacity. According to a previously leaked American source in Syria, Tom Barrack asked the Kurdish-led SDF in Syria to join these groups three weeks ago. The SDF commander refused, stating that they are not mercenaries. As a result, Barrack allegedly gave Turkey and the Syrian regime the green light to eliminate the SDF. Under the command of Turkish intelligence, terrorists are being transferred into Syria. Training is being conducted by the Turkish military, while funding is provided by Qatar and Saudi Arabia. They are planning to topple the Shia-led government in Iraq and establish a new regime centrally controlled by Sunnis. This plan would abolish the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, something Turkey has sought for a long time. Under the pretext of fighting terrorism, Turkey has surrounded Iraqi Kurdistan with military bases and is waiting for such an opportunity. Turkey’s role in this situation is described as clear, with Erdogan portraying himself as a new leader of a revived Ottoman Empire, expanding Turkish influence across the region and targeting Kurdish cities one by one. The leaked report does not mention Israel’s position, leaving its role in the current situation unclear. Experts believe that using jihadist groups to topple the Iraqi government and potentially Iran afterward may succeed in Iraq but would face serious challenges in Iran. Even Iranian opposition groups in the U.S. and Europe may seek regime change but do not want foreign terrorists to destroy their country. The banner shown in the video was recorded in Syria and displays images of Saddam Hussein, Erdogan, Ahmed al-Sharaa, Mohammed bin Salman, and Tamim bin Hamad, shown side by side. This is presented as a sign of cooperation among these actors in training and supporting terrorist groups. The leaked document reportedly includes an audio recording of Raghad Hussein, which has been attached in the comments section. The video also features a Kurdish journalist explaining the same report in the Kurdish language for Kurdish audiences.

Botin Kurdistani

12,709 görüntüleme • 5 ay önce

This feud between Hoshyar Zebari and Fouad Hussein is getting very interesting. Following Zebari's accusation that Hussein has been a poor foreign minister, which we reported below, Hussein has fired back with a rather pointed response, calling Zebari "sick" and accusing him of "jealousy." He said: "May God heal him... envy can be deadly sometimes. He has issues. Every time he brings these up... Initially, I didn't even want to reply to him. But I will quote the poet Al-Mutanabbi: 'It is a calamity to be judged by one who is recklessly ignorant, and spoken to by one who lacks understanding.'" Hussein added that it is Zebari who should be blamed for this tit for tat, and that the one who starts it is the unjust one. It is worth noting that Hoshyar Zebari is a senior KDP politburo member and uncle of Masoud Barzani, while Fouad Hussein, the current Iraqi foreign minister, is a key confidant of Barzani with close personal ties to him but comes from a non-KDP background.
2:15

This feud between Hoshyar Zebari and Fouad Hussein is getting very interesting. Following Zebari's accusation that Hussein has been a poor foreign minister, which we reported below, Hussein has fired back with a rather pointed response, calling Zebari "sick" and accusing him of "jealousy." He said: "May God heal him... envy can be deadly sometimes. He has issues. Every time he brings these up... Initially, I didn't even want to reply to him. But I will quote the poet Al-Mutanabbi: 'It is a calamity to be judged by one who is recklessly ignorant, and spoken to by one who lacks understanding.'" Hussein added that it is Zebari who should be blamed for this tit for tat, and that the one who starts it is the unjust one. It is worth noting that Hoshyar Zebari is a senior KDP politburo member and uncle of Masoud Barzani, while Fouad Hussein, the current Iraqi foreign minister, is a key confidant of Barzani with close personal ties to him but comes from a non-KDP background.

Kurdistan Watch

13,068 görüntüleme • 5 ay önce

This is perhaps one of the most candid acknowledgments from a KDP official regarding the depth of their ties with Turkey: Hoshyar Zebari states that the KDP is not only close to Turkey but saying, “We don’t hide anything from each other.” He goes on to praise Turkey’s treatment of civilians, claiming that it has shown more mercy and kindness than the PKK. When challenged by the reporter—who references conversations with local civilians—Zebari responds, “I know these locals better. Turkey isn’t preventing them from going about their daily lives or mistreating them”. Zebari also acknowledges direct intelligence cooperation, noting that the KDP knows the terrain better than the Turks. He adds that individuals arrested in the area are typically those collaborating with the PKK. When the report displays a map showing Turkish military bases scattered across the region, Zebari explains that their presence dates back to 1992, citing the threat posed by the PKK. He says that the KDP is fully aware of the extent of Turkey’s deployment, adding that he knows the location of Turkish posts “like the palm of my hand.” When pressed further about the scale of Turkey’s military footprint, Zebari responds bluntly: “You know what? We are fine with that.” The report states that Turkey currently maintains 136 bases and outposts across the KDP-controlled areas of the Kurdistan Region of which 121 of these—around 89%—have been established since 2018. Interestingly, the documentary also features PUK leader Bafel Talabani, who argues that Turkey uses the war against the PKK as a pretext for its military presence. He claims that Turkish forces have a far great presence than U.S. troops in the region, and that the Turkish deployment primarily serves to protect the KDP. Talabani also claims that cooperation between Turkey and the KDP goes beyond military coordination, encompassing intelligence-sharing as well.
3:42

This is perhaps one of the most candid acknowledgments from a KDP official regarding the depth of their ties with Turkey: Hoshyar Zebari states that the KDP is not only close to Turkey but saying, “We don’t hide anything from each other.” He goes on to praise Turkey’s treatment of civilians, claiming that it has shown more mercy and kindness than the PKK. When challenged by the reporter—who references conversations with local civilians—Zebari responds, “I know these locals better. Turkey isn’t preventing them from going about their daily lives or mistreating them”. Zebari also acknowledges direct intelligence cooperation, noting that the KDP knows the terrain better than the Turks. He adds that individuals arrested in the area are typically those collaborating with the PKK. When the report displays a map showing Turkish military bases scattered across the region, Zebari explains that their presence dates back to 1992, citing the threat posed by the PKK. He says that the KDP is fully aware of the extent of Turkey’s deployment, adding that he knows the location of Turkish posts “like the palm of my hand.” When pressed further about the scale of Turkey’s military footprint, Zebari responds bluntly: “You know what? We are fine with that.” The report states that Turkey currently maintains 136 bases and outposts across the KDP-controlled areas of the Kurdistan Region of which 121 of these—around 89%—have been established since 2018. Interestingly, the documentary also features PUK leader Bafel Talabani, who argues that Turkey uses the war against the PKK as a pretext for its military presence. He claims that Turkish forces have a far great presence than U.S. troops in the region, and that the Turkish deployment primarily serves to protect the KDP. Talabani also claims that cooperation between Turkey and the KDP goes beyond military coordination, encompassing intelligence-sharing as well.

Kurdistan Watch

16,736 görüntüleme • 1 yıl önce

Ignore, the fake news. My position has not changed. I oppose CAB3 as a citizen, as a lawyer and as a Member of Parliament. We are escalating our efforts to build a force of MPs that will radically resist CAB3 as it makes its way to Parliament. If I am chairing anything, it is the RESISTANCE!
1:41

Ignore, the fake news. My position has not changed. I oppose CAB3 as a citizen, as a lawyer and as a Member of Parliament. We are escalating our efforts to build a force of MPs that will radically resist CAB3 as it makes its way to Parliament. If I am chairing anything, it is the RESISTANCE!

Agency Gumbo

35,831 görüntüleme • 2 ay önce

Video (translated): In the Turkish Parliament, he showed a photo of an ISIS commander within the Syrian Arab Army who travelled from Turkey to Syria, executed Kurdish girls, and held their braided hair as a gift for his ISIS friend , pro-Kurdish DEM Party Group Deputy Chair Sezai Temelli face to face Turkish Defence minster ,showing a photo of an ISIS commander embedded in the Syrian Army who executed Kurdish girls and cut off one of the girl’s hair braid as a gift for his ISIS friend. he said , its shame to support to ISIS against kurds in SYRIA And added : “We are calling out to women and to parliament: Will you not have even a single sentence in the face of this brutality? “ Are you standing behind the murderers who held a woman’s braided hair in their hand and said, “This was the only thing left intact”? #Rojava
2:05

Video (translated): In the Turkish Parliament, he showed a photo of an ISIS commander within the Syrian Arab Army who travelled from Turkey to Syria, executed Kurdish girls, and held their braided hair as a gift for his ISIS friend , pro-Kurdish DEM Party Group Deputy Chair Sezai Temelli face to face Turkish Defence minster ,showing a photo of an ISIS commander embedded in the Syrian Army who executed Kurdish girls and cut off one of the girl’s hair braid as a gift for his ISIS friend. he said , its shame to support to ISIS against kurds in SYRIA And added : “We are calling out to women and to parliament: Will you not have even a single sentence in the face of this brutality? “ Are you standing behind the murderers who held a woman’s braided hair in their hand and said, “This was the only thing left intact”? #Rojava

Botin Kurdistani

107,155 görüntüleme • 6 ay önce

Deputy Chief of Staff of the Iranian Armed Forces: “They do not dare to disarm Hezbollah. Hezbollah has crushed the Israeli army. In Lebanon, the air is in the hands of the Zionist regime; it launches missiles from a distance and people are martyred, but it does not dare to wage a ground war.”
1:03

Deputy Chief of Staff of the Iranian Armed Forces: “They do not dare to disarm Hezbollah. Hezbollah has crushed the Israeli army. In Lebanon, the air is in the hands of the Zionist regime; it launches missiles from a distance and people are martyred, but it does not dare to wage a ground war.”

Open Source Intel

69,075 görüntüleme • 7 ay önce

This video is completely correct. £3bn a year has been taken from the NHS to give to US billionaires because Donald Trump demanded it, in return we get nothing. And MPs don't even get a vote on it.
1:46

This video is completely correct. £3bn a year has been taken from the NHS to give to US billionaires because Donald Trump demanded it, in return we get nothing. And MPs don't even get a vote on it.

BladeoftheSun

102,823 görüntüleme • 7 ay önce