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C.F. Vigor ‘27 EDGE Jabarrius Garror has set three visits following his de-commitment from Alabama. Jabarrius“Chicken”Garr0r •Texas A&M June 5th-7th •Texas June 12th-14th •Florida State June 19th-21st Garror has racked up 210 tackles & 42.5 sacks the past two seasons.
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![BREAKING NEWS🚨🚨🚨:. Michael Proctor lost his last-minute request to delay his deposition in the Karen Read and John O'Keefe civil case. As a result, Proctor is required to attend a deposition with Alan Jackson on June 25th or July 14th. Karen Read and Alan Jackson have won, again. As the ruling was handed down late Monday at the conclusion of a 4:15PM ET Zoom hearing in front of Judge Gildea in Plymouth Superior Court --after an emergency 8:45AM ET hearing led to a six hour race-against-the-clock where Proctor's counsel was given one last chance to provide the court sufficient grounds to delay Proctor's deposition-- I reported: Judge Gildea finds that the supplemental submission does not meet the requirements to delay the deposition. Judge found that the person who submitted a document on Proctor's behalf was not qualified to do so. Then a random person named "Brendon" joined the Zoom and cussed. Then Judge went back to his ruling and found the letter submitted turned the request from Proctor into a request to delay his deposition forever. That, Judge Gildea found, was not what Proctor originally requested. Further, the letter was done by Committee but all Committee members were not present. The motion for a protective order is denied. Proctor shall appear TOMORROW, ruled Judge Gildea originally. However, due to scheduling conflicts for counsel, further discussion needed to occur and the hearing did not end. I then reported: Lawyers for all parties are now heading into a breakout room to discuss the nature of Michael Proctor's deposition. The hearing is not yet over, as Judge Gildea wants an update from Karen Read's counsel about how long this deposition will take before the end for the day. Shock and awe ruling from Judge Gildea right there, as to denying Proctor's request for a proactive order to delay his deposition. After the breakout room ended, I reported; Karen's lawyers propose the dates of June 25th (the day of a status hearing in the case) or July 14th. Judge Gildea modifies his order to say that Proctor shall appear on a date agreed to by counsel. Judge asks what depositions are scheduled for June 24th. The Brian Albert is on June 24th, but that may be subject to a motion to compel. Karen's deposition is also June 24th. The 26th is Matthew McCabe, also subject to discussion and a motion to compel, scheduled for 10AM ET. There will be a status conference on the 26th of June, 2026, at 9:45AM. "The timing of that hearing will encourage us all to be brief," Judge Gildea said. We will see you then. The hearing for June 25th is now moved to June 26th, 2026. Earlier today, I reported; The Michael Proctor and Sean Goode "Proctorgate" files have caused serious damage, and Karen Read stands tall. Read more about those shocking, and abhorrent, messages here (also discussed by Judge Gildea during today's hearing) wherein Proctor (a former State Trooper who investigated Karen Read for the death of John O'Keefe) and former Canton cop Sean Goode talked about everything from how Anne Frank was a "liar" to how Proctor felt Goode should "let them die" after Proctor noticed a car accident victim was, in Proctor's words, a "ni**er". Proctor also discussed "planting cocaine" on someone and, shockingly, said "America sucks" because the country stopped the Third Reich during World War II (while, at the same time, saying "Jews in Sharon" should be "put in a concentration camp") at this link: To this day, the death of John O'Keefe remains unsolved. Proctor is just one of multiple witnesses involving in the twice-failed prosecution of Karen for John's death who Read's lawyers have told Judge Gildea are attempting to avoid or delay depositions (including Colin Albert, Jennifer McCabe, Brian Higgins, Matt McCabe, Nicole Albert and Brian Albert). Last week, on Wednesday, I reported: In a shocking hearing before Judge Mark Gildea on Wednesday, Karen Read's lawyers announced that they have been forced to file a motion to compel a deposition of Colin Albert. Further, Karen's lawyers will be filing motions to compel depositions of Jennifer McCabe, Brian Higgins, Matt McCabe, Nicole Albert and Brian Albert, as those parties are seeking to delay their depositions until late July, or early August, of 2026. "Colin Albert refused to appear or produce documents...his attorney said he is unavailable and then, suddenly, said Colin would only be available for seven more days and, then, [Colin] would be gone for the entire discovery period," Karen's Lawyer, Aaron Rosenberg, told Judge Gildea during Wednesday's hearing. In that regard, here is the full recording of today's John O'Keefe and Karen Read hearing in Plymouth Superior Court. This case is one of three ongoing civil lawsuits (one in federal court and two in Plymouth District Court in front of Judge Gildea) that stem from the, yet-unsolved, murder of Boston Police Officer John O'Keefe. To this day, it is unclear if anyone has found the Mystery Man who is suspected of being at the center of potential upcoming investigations by state and federal authorities as to John's death. Read more about that Mystery Man here - More background on last Wednesday's hearing (also involving deposition disputes): Judge Gildea began Wednesday's hearing by asking counsel for all parties how many depositions have been conducted in the case. "I am hoping at least four have been taken," said Judge Gildea. The O'Keefe lawyer told Judge Gildea that only three depositions have taken place. Judge then asked the O'Keefe lawyer what depositions need to still take place for the plaintiffs. "There are 12," the O'Keefe lawyer responded, including Paul Markowski. The O'Keefe lawyers also need to change Karen's deposition until June 24th. The O'Keefe lawyers changed Karen's deposition from July to June 19th, but multiple lawyer's will not be working on that day as that day is a federal holiday. Judge was not pleased that so few depositions have taken place, but Judge understood that June 19th is a federal holiday and, in turn, Karen's deposition will be held on June 24th, 2026. Karen's lawyers had proposed four other dates and Mr. Diller (the O'Keefe lawyer) picked a federal holiday, instead. "It is beyond belief to me the number of experienced lawyers involved in this case, the length the case has been pending...for however long it has been pending for all parties...that there are so few depositions that have taken place...I don't need to hear all the details, and the nitpicking, what I need to hear is, going forward, how you all are going to get the discovery done," Judge Gildea said to all lawyers. Things, at that point, got quite intense, as Karen's lawyers then noted to Judge Gildea that they have six depositions currently scheduled for the following six witnesses; Brian and Nicole Albert, Matthew McCabe, Allie McCabe, Jennifer McCabe and Brian Higgins. However, the law firm for all of those people got back to Karen's lawyers last night, on June 2nd, 2026, at 9:45PM and said NONE of those witnesses could appear on the dates scheduled for their depositions and, for some reason, none of those witnesses are able to appear for depositions until late July of 2026 at the earliest. Stunningly, no reason was given for why those witnesses refused to appear for their depositions on the dates originally proposed by Karen's lawyers, Attorney Rosenberg told Judge Gildea. Those notices of depositions went out on May 5th, 2026, said Karen's lawyers, when Judge Gildea asked about that date (indicating Judge Gildea, already displeased with discovery and deposition delays in the years-old case, was not pleased to hear about witnesses, on their own accord, attempting to delay depositions by two more months). Karen's lawyers, picking up on Judge Gildea's frustration, then noted that they intend to file motions to compel those witnesses to appear for depositions as a result of the proposed delays. Also, during the hearing, it was announced that former Massachusetts State Trooper Michael Proctor will be deposed by Karen Read's lawyers on Monday, June 8th, 2026, per a statement from Karen's lawyers in court on Wednesday. The O'Keefe lawyer, for their part, noted they intend to depose Aidan Kearney, Karen Read, Kaitlin Boudreau Read (Nathan Read's wife), Janet Read, Nathan Read, William Read, multiple witnesses from the bars (C.F. McCarthy's and The Waterfall), and an outstanding deposition that Karen's team needed to move last week. Judge Gildea then asked what, if anything, he could do to help the parties (other than moving quickly on motions before the court when submitted). Both parties said they will involve the court, in motion practice, as needed going forward. Judge then wanted to know what motions have been sent out under Rule 9(a). It was at that point that Karen's lawyers announced that she will be filing a motion to compel production of documents and the deposition of Colin Albert. "Colin Albert refused to appear or produce documents...his attorney said he is unavailable and then, suddenly, said Colin would only be available for seven more days and then [Colin] would be gone for the entire discovery period," Karen's Lawyer, Aaron Rosenberg, told Judge Mark Gildea during the hearing. Earlier, Karen also announced that she intends to file similar motions for Brian Higgins, Matt McCabe, Jen McCabe, Nicole Albert and Brian Albert, as those witnesses are attempting to avoid their depositions until late July or early August of 2026. The O'Keefe lawyer, for their part, told Judge Gildea they intend to serve a motion to compel regarding Aidan Kearney as a keeper of record (and, for some reason, Diller wants documents from Aidan's ongoing case in Norfolk Superior Court). "File a motion and we'll put it on for an expedited hearing," Judge Gildea said regarding that issue, and any other motions to compel the parties may want to file (including the motion regarding Colin Albert that has already been served, and should be in the docket in the next few weeks). When a motion is served under Rule 9(a), it is first given to the opposing party who then responds. Then, the moving party (the "movant") is able to file a sur-reply. Only at that point does the entire motion to compel get compiled as a so-called "Rule 9 (a) package" and, in turn, appear on the docket (with all filings related to a given motion showing up at the same time). It is unclear when the motions to compel the depositions of Brian Higgins, Jen McCabe, Matt McCabe, Nicole Albert and Brian Albert will be served and, eventually, docketed with the court. Penalties for third-parties who avoid discovery, or document production requests, can include court sanctions, compelled deposition dates, and adverse evidentiary rulings if a motion to compel is granted, yet further delays then occur. Judge Gildea told all of the lawyers present that he expects to dive deep into the issue of who was issued deposition notices in this case, who avoided those depositions, who delayed depositions and, in turn, what remedies the court will impose. "We served it Monday," the O'Keefe lawyer then said, as the hearing ended (indicating a number of motions to compel discovery, or depositions, may be heard over the coming weeks under the sweltering heat of Judge Gildea's virtual courtroom stare).](https://image.24vids.com/tw-2064092679311610024/amplify_video_thumb/2064090057619722240/img/1UhZRtS7q6rAZyDj.jpg)
![BREAKING NEWS🚨🚨🚨: Michael Proctor will be forced to appear for his deposition with Alan Jackson and Karen Read, however Judge Gildea will delay his final ruling until 4pm ET today in order to supplement Proctor's "insufficient" arguments to the court regarding a protective order to delay that deposition. Another hearing will happen today at 4:15PM et TODAY (Monday, June 8th, 2026, via Zoom). Proctor's deposition, for now, is stayed for 24 hours. "For this case to proceed efficiently, and for our system of justice to work, certain basic things need to happen," Judge Gildea began during his ruling. "A subpoena needs to mean something, a lawyer's agreement needs to have some meaning, lawyers need to communicate with their clients, clients need to keep their attorneys informed, and when given an opportunity to provide support for a party's request, that party needs to avail themselves of the opportunity," Judge continued (scolding Proctor's counsel for failing to provide a sufficient record to justify a delay in Proctor's deposition, despite an order by the court on Friday for such information to be filed). Based on the record before me, there is insufficient information to support a delay in the deposition going forward, however, given the claims made in the filings over the weekend, I will delay making a final decision on the motion until 4PM today, to give Mr. Proctor's counsel to supplement the record before me," Judge Gildea concluded. The Michael Proctor and Sean Goode "Proctorgate" files have caused serious damage, and Karen Read stands tall. Read more about those shocking, and abhorrent, messages here (also discussed by Judge Gildea during today's hearing) wherein Proctor (a former State Trooper who investigated Karen Read for the death of John O'Keefe) and former Canton cop Sean Goode talked about everything from how Anne Frank was a "liar" to how Proctor felt Goode should "let them die" after Proctor noticed a car accident victim was, in Proctor's words, a "ni**er". Proctor also discussed "planting cocaine" on someone and, shockingly, said "America sucks" because the country stopped the Third Reich during World War II (while, at the same time, saying "Jews in Sharon" should be "put in a concentration camp") at this link: To this day, the death of John O'Keefe remains unsolved. Proctor is just one of multiple witnesses involving in the twice-failed prosecution of Karen for John's death who Read's lawyers have told Judge Gildea are attempting to avoid or delay depositions (including Colin Albert, Jennifer McCabe, Brian Higgins, Matt McCabe, Nicole Albert and Brian Albert). Last week, on Wednesday, I reported: In a shocking hearing before Judge Mark Gildea on Wednesday, Karen Read's lawyers announced that they have been forced to file a motion to compel a deposition of Colin Albert. Further, Karen's lawyers will be filing motions to compel depositions of Jennifer McCabe, Brian Higgins, Matt McCabe, Nicole Albert and Brian Albert, as those parties are seeking to delay their depositions until late July, or early August, of 2026. "Colin Albert refused to appear or produce documents...his attorney said he is unavailable and then, suddenly, said Colin would only be available for seven more days and, then, [Colin] would be gone for the entire discovery period," Karen's Lawyer, Aaron Rosenberg, told Judge Gildea during Wednesday's hearing. In that regard, here is the full recording of today's John O'Keefe and Karen Read hearing in Plymouth Superior Court. This case is one of three ongoing civil lawsuits (one in federal court and two in Plymouth District Court in front of Judge Gildea) that stem from the, yet-unsolved, murder of Boston Police Officer John O'Keefe. To this day, it is unclear if anyone has found the Mystery Man who is suspected of being at the center of potential upcoming investigations by state and federal authorities as to John's death. Read more about that Mystery Man here - Judge Gildea began Wednesday's hearing by asking counsel for all parties how many depositions have been conducted in the case. "I am hoping at least four have been taken," said Judge Gildea. The O'Keefe lawyer told Judge Gildea that only three depositions have taken place. Judge then asked the O'Keefe lawyer what depositions need to still take place for the plaintiffs. "There are 12," the O'Keefe lawyer responded, including Paul Markowski. The O'Keefe lawyers also need to change Karen's deposition until June 24th. The O'Keefe lawyers changed Karen's deposition from July to June 19th, but multiple lawyer's will not be working on that day as that day is a federal holiday. Judge was not pleased that so few depositions have taken place, but Judge understood that June 19th is a federal holiday and, in turn, Karen's deposition will be held on June 24th, 2026. Karen's lawyers had proposed four other dates and Mr. Diller (the O'Keefe lawyer) picked a federal holiday, instead. "It is beyond belief to me the number of experienced lawyers involved in this case, the length the case has been pending...for however long it has been pending for all parties...that there are so few depositions that have taken place...I don't need to hear all the details, and the nitpicking, what I need to hear is, going forward, how you all are going to get the discovery done," Judge Gildea said to all lawyers. Things, at that point, got quite intense, as Karen's lawyers then noted to Judge Gildea that they have six depositions currently scheduled for the following six witnesses; Brian and Nicole Albert, Matthew McCabe, Allie McCabe, Jennifer McCabe and Brian Higgins. However, the law firm for all of those people got back to Karen's lawyers last night, on June 2nd, 2026, at 9:45PM and said NONE of those witnesses could appear on the dates scheduled for their depositions and, for some reason, none of those witnesses are able to appear for depositions until late July of 2026 at the earliest. Stunningly, no reason was given for why those witnesses refused to appear for their depositions on the dates originally proposed by Karen's lawyers, Attorney Rosenberg told Judge Gildea. Those notices of depositions went out on May 5th, 2026, said Karen's lawyers, when Judge Gildea asked about that date (indicating Judge Gildea, already displeased with discovery and deposition delays in the years-old case, was not pleased to hear about witnesses, on their own accord, attempting to delay depositions by two more months). Karen's lawyers, picking up on Judge Gildea's frustration, then noted that they intend to file motions to compel those witnesses to appear for depositions as a result of the proposed delays. Also, during the hearing, it was announced that former Massachusetts State Trooper Michael Proctor will be deposed by Karen Read's lawyers on Monday, June 8th, 2026, per a statement from Karen's lawyers in court on Wednesday. The O'Keefe lawyer, for their part, noted they intend to depose Aidan Kearney, Karen Read, Kaitlin Boudreau Read (Nathan Read's wife), Janet Read, Nathan Read, William Read, multiple witnesses from the bars (C.F. McCarthy's and The Waterfall), and an outstanding deposition that Karen's team needed to move last week. Judge Gildea then asked what, if anything, he could do to help the parties (other than moving quickly on motions before the court when submitted). Both parties said they will involve the court, in motion practice, as needed going forward. Judge then wanted to know what motions have been sent out under Rule 9(a). It was at that point that Karen's lawyers announced that she will be filing a motion to compel production of documents and the deposition of Colin Albert. "Colin Albert refused to appear or produce documents...his attorney said he is unavailable and then, suddenly, said Colin would only be available for seven more days and then [Colin] would be gone for the entire discovery period," Karen's Lawyer, Aaron Rosenberg, told Judge Mark Gildea during the hearing. Earlier, Karen also announced that she intends to file similar motions for Brian Higgins, Matt McCabe, Jen McCabe, Nicole Albert and Brian Albert, as those witnesses are attempting to avoid their depositions until late July or early August of 2026. The O'Keefe lawyer, for their part, told Judge Gildea they intend to serve a motion to compel regarding Aidan Kearney as a keeper of record (and, for some reason, Diller wants documents from Aidan's ongoing case in Norfolk Superior Court). "File a motion and we'll put it on for an expedited hearing," Judge Gildea said regarding that issue, and any other motions to compel the parties may want to file (including the motion regarding Colin Albert that has already been served, and should be in the docket in the next few weeks). When a motion is served under Rule 9(a), it is first given to the opposing party who then responds. Then, the moving party (the "movant") is able to file a sur-reply. Only at that point does the entire motion to compel get compiled as a so-called "Rule 9 (a) package" and, in turn, appear on the docket (with all filings related to a given motion showing up at the same time). It is unclear when the motions to compel the depositions of Brian Higgins, Jen McCabe, Matt McCabe, Nicole Albert and Brian Albert will be served and, eventually, docketed with the court. Penalties for third-parties who avoid discovery, or document production requests, can include court sanctions, compelled deposition dates, and adverse evidentiary rulings if a motion to compel is granted, yet further delays then occur. Judge Gildea told all of the lawyers present that he expects to dive deep into the issue of who was issued deposition notices in this case, who avoided those depositions, who delayed depositions and, in turn, what remedies the court will impose. "We served it Monday," the O'Keefe lawyer then said, as the hearing ended (indicating a number of motions to compel discovery, or depositions, may be heard over the coming weeks under the sweltering heat of Judge Gildea's virtual courtroom stare). More as I know it.](https://image.24vids.com/tw-2063984352610910306/amplify_video_thumb/2063980779294572544/img/BOF8su80S5P85pRH.jpg)
![Abductions, Enforced Disappearances, and Unlawful Detentions: Zambia's Descent into State Lawlessness By Sishuwa Sishuwa Zambia is on a knife-edge only several hours before voters head to the ballot box on 13 August to choose political leaders in a general election that might see Hakainde Hichilema becoming the latest casualty of the anti-incumbent election wave that has recently seen the defeat of sitting presidents in other African countries such as Botswana and Malawi. As i show in greater detail below, Hichilema is racing into the final days unfettered by any rules and willing to do anything he want to steal the results. People’s rights are being arbitrarily withdrawn. Abductions, enforced disappearances, unlawful detentions, and political violence instigated by the state and ruling party cadres have characterised the descent into state lawlessness ahead of Thursday’s election. Those on the receiving end are people who question authority or do much more than what is convenient as well as opposition officials, members, and supporters (perceived or real). The sight of anguished family members pleading to the state to disclose the whereabouts of their abducted loved ones has become very common in Lusaka. A special unit consisting of officers, from the Drug Enforcement Commission, the only body that has pre-signed search warrants, has been assembled to raid houses, arrest political opponents, and forcibly abduct opposition members or sympathisers. The script is the same: those abducted by armed state agents who move in motor vehicles without license plates, are usually taken to ‘safe houses’, not police stations, which makes it difficult for families to find their illegally detained relatives. Their phones and other electronic devices are confiscated, making it impossible to communicate with the abducted or know what has happened to them. This situation has left many people living in a state of fear and paralysis. In the last few days, I have spoken to civil society activists such as Brebner Changala, prominent personalities like Mulenga Kapwepwe, and at least 14 journalists who have all resigned themselves to any possibility. “We are just waiting for our turn. We do not know when we will be abducted and where we will be taken. When you are no longer able to reach us, just know that we have been taken”, one of them told me. The profile of those abducted is largely the same: opposition members and innocent people suspected to be supporting or financing Brian Mundubile, Hichilema’s main rival in the election. Nearly all of them are being arrested daily without following due process. Many of these people have been abducted from their homes or the street rather than being summoned to the police, charged, and either issued with bond or taken to court within the prescribed legal time-frame. Musa Mwenye, one of Zambia’s most outstanding citizens who, as Attorney General, defended the Constitution in 2014 when ministers wanted to overthrow it, captured the state of things in the country when he published the following observation on 10 August: “When people are held in detention beyond the reach of the courts, contrary to the law and due process, they are being held ‘extra judicially’. Further, when people are detained for their political activities and mobilization, they are ‘political detainees’. Do we have political detainees who are being held extra judicially in Zambia today? Sadly, the answer is yes. I never thought I would ever utter the words, ‘political detainee’ and ‘extra judicial detention’ in one sentence with regards to democratic Zambia, whose democratic credentials have been a beacon of good governance and the rule of law in Africa and beyond. In the past, when persons were detained for their political activities, the accused persons were subjected to due process in courts of law. We are now witnessing detentions without even the pretension of any court process, whatsoever. This is not who we are, and, it is certainly not what we should be known for. Zambia’s well-earned name in observance of human rights and our democratic credentials is in serious jeopardy. I appeal to the Government to release all political detainees who are being held extra judicially or to present them before courts of law for the due process of the law to take its course.” On the same day, Amnesty International released its latest report on the state of human rights in Zambia. Titled “Authoritarian practices eating away at human rights in Zambia: Escalating crackdown on human rights ahead of the 2026 general elections”, the mild but relatively critical report details how the Hichilema administration has presided over “an alarming regression into authoritarian practices that undermine human rights and participation in government”, leading to “a climate of fear and impunity”. To read Amnesty’s report, click here: A coalition of 11 civil society organisations has become the latest interest group to raise alarm about this deteriorating state of democracy. The civic bodies detailed major concerns that undermine the integrity of the electoral process. These include the restrictions on opposition mobilisation, the unequal treatment accorded to the competing contestants by state institutions, the use of public resources for partisan advantage, the unchecked electoral violence, and the late/unclear guidance on valid ballot marking. They further called on the electoral body to “act with visible impartiality”, on Hichilema to stop the “use state resources for partisan gain”, and on “the police [to] hold perpetrators of violence accountable – regardless of political affiliation”. Unfortunately, their call has come too late and is unlikely to meet positive reception from the authorities. As one of Hichilema's presidential aides regularly tells some of us, ‘You can cut my finger: HH is going nowhere. It is high time you started working with him.” Given that impunity and lawlessness appear to be Hichilema’s governing principles, it is easy to see where the aide’s confidence is coming from. Much of this “climate of fear and impunity” has been created by the authorities as part of a wider effort to save Hichilema from electoral defeat. The actual details behind the effort are as chilling as they are alarming. A prominent local businessman and one of my closet friends, Stelios Sardanis, was murdered on 9 August in his house a few days after he shared fears that his life was in danger because ‘they are accusing me of financing the opposition’. Masked men came from the bush, attacked him, and vanished in the same bush. Another prominent local businessman, Valden Findlay, has been in unlawful detention since 4 August without charge! Like many of those abducted, Findlay is being kept in a shipping container in Mwembeshi, not in any prison system, or police station. His crime? Suspicion that he is financing the opposition. Only last night, nearly the entire top leadership of Mundubile’s campaign committee was either abducted and taken to unknown places or ordered by the authorities to appear before the police today. Among the affected are Mundubile’s spokesperson George Chisanga, national campaign manager Japhen Mwakalombe, and senior presidential campaign official Sebastian Kopulande (abducted). A day earlier, Mundubile’s media team was abducted and taken to an unknown place. A week before that, on 27 July, Kennedy Kamba, the official in charge of vote protection in Mundubile’s party, was arrested. He remains in detention without charge. Meanwhile, 32 artists, journalists, and other senior officials in Mundubile’s campaign team were arrested in Western Province during a lawful and peaceful rally that police deliberately disrupted for no reason using tear gas canisters. The arrested were charged with minor offences such as conduct likely to cause breach of peace, but none of them have been given bond or taken to court and consequently remain in unlawful detention, over 600 kilometers away from their families. More opposition leaders, members and supporters are earmarked for arrest and abduction today, tomorrow, and perhaps beyond. The goal of these abductions, arrests and detentions is twofold: either provoke a reaction that Hichilema can use as a pretext to declare a state of emergency, suspend the Constitution, cancel the election, and arrest even more people, or deprive Mundubile of his core support team that can help prevent industrial scale vote-rigging in Thursday’s election. In my lifetime, I have watched the end of the one-party state, the reintroduction of multiparty democracy, the protection of presidential term limits, the defence of the constitution from executive-driven manipulation, the election of a Tonga to State House, and the repeated peaceful transitions of power enabled by a professional military that chose non-intervention whenever an incumbent was defeated. After this week’s election, I remain confident that I will be witness to an even more extraordinary national story: an opposition challenger who overcame enormous obstacles to win power at the first attempt, defeating a president who promoted regionalism, nurtured corruption, eroded democracy, increased poverty, and enabled multinational plunder of the country’s mineral wealth. I maintain that Hichilema will lose Thursday's election. Although the president is doing his desperate best to try to steal the vote, I am convinced that he is going, whether he likes it or not. In fact, his desperate antics reveal his fear even at this late hour. As I have said before, the only thing that can save Hichilema from defeat is reckless industrial scale vote-rigging or the pre-ballot death of his main rival. There are several factors that militate against the opposition in African politics, but the obstacles that have been placed in the path of Brian Mundubile are considerable. This is why I am saying his victory will be extraordinary, given the lengths to which Hichilema has gone to retain power. I have nothing personal against Hichilema. It is just that my professional training empowers me to see things that many others can only see after the event. As early as June 2023, I warned that Hichilema was so desperate to retain power that he had devised a five-point plan which, “if successfully implemented, risks undermining Zambia’s hard-won democracy”. I identified the plan as consisting of five objectives: containing the Catholic Church; co-opting influential elites from civil society; capturing the two formal institutions that are critical to the management of elections: the Electoral Commission of Zambia and the judiciary; weakening opposition parties; and covering corruption tracks. In the same article, I explained the three reasons behind Hichilema’s early desperation to secure a second term: fear of prosecution, the desire to avoid the embarrassment of losing power after just one term, and the push for a sectarian agenda aimed at entrenching his co-ethnic Tongas in state positions and grossly reducing the influence of the majority Bemba and Chewa ethnic groups in public life. At the time, few people understood what I was saying. Some said I just hated Hichilema, and not even reason-based evidence to the contrary changed their false perceptions. Others like Hichilema's fellow ethnic Tongas, led by Dr O’Brien Kaaba, a law lecturer at the University of Zambia, and Dr Priva Hang’andu, a Policy Advisor at the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR), rose to the President’s defence, dismissing my concerns about “shrinking democratic space, mounting corruption, political intolerance, and government desperation” as entirely unfounded. To read my 2023 article, click here: To read Kaaba and Hang’andu’s response in defence of their fellow Tonga, click here: Well, the passage of time has absolved me and given practical meaning to Thabo Mbeki’s observation that “Empty stomachs can be good or bad teachers. The problem with our African intellectuals is that they too have stomachs, in addition to their excellent brains.” For the sake of Zambia, I wish my 2023 concerns were wrong. I raised them then in the hope that Hichilema, who was elected on a ticket of democratic reform, could change for the better before it was too late. Unfortunately, his transition from a promising reform to a despot only got worse with time, as I showed two years later in another opinion piece published by the Mail & Guardian several months before Hichilema's State House team asked the newspaper's new editors to stop giving me platform. To read the article in which I examined how the fear of losing power and the financial and political benefits that come with it after only one term in office was evident in President Hichilema’s increasingly panicky and politically suicidal decisions, click here: The “authoritarian practices” and ‘escalating crackdown on human rights” that Amnesty International and others were to only to notice three years later could have been stopped much earlier if many voices had stood up to Hichilema before his autocratic aspirations were emboldened by their silence. The obstacles that Hichilema has placed in Mundubile’s path to power are illustrative of how the president has, over the last five years, repeatedly abused state institutions to systematically destroy organised political opposition and any semblance or vestige of autonomy in formal institutions outside the executive. There are many obstacles that Hichilema has placed in Mundubile’s path, but I will highlight only 10 here to illustrate the point that the leading opposition challenger has had so many domestic and foreign forces working against him in this election that it is extraordinary that he has made it a competitive contest. The first obstacle was the limitation placed on Mundubile's international travel. When he tried to leave the country to mobilise resources for his presidential bid, the state blocked him. He was arrested at the airport, charged with a cyber-related offence, and had all his travel documents and phones confiscated. The latter action means that he has not been able to leave Zambia since March this year as his passport remains with the state. Instead of complaining, he quietly went about his work. The second obstacle was the restriction on the political party ticket that Mundubile could use to run in the election. After the state instigated divisions in all parties that were perceived as capable of serving as possible vehicles for the expression of his presidential ambition, including the main opposition Patriotic Front (PF) to which he belonged, another opposition party, namely the Forum for Democracy and Development (FDD) offered him a platform. However, the state quickly moved in and, as it had done to other parties, factionalised the FDD to prevent him from running on it. Instead of complaining, he quietly went about his work, ultimately finding a home in the little-known National Reconciliation Party for Unity and Prosperity (NRPUP) on the eve of nominations. The third obstacle was mere appearance on the ballot. After Mundubile formally presented his credentials to the officials of the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ), what should have been a straightforward acceptance of his nomination papers turned into a long waiting game as the authorities exerted significant pressure on the electoral body to find reason to disqualify his candidature, as was done to several other presidential hopefuls. Instead of complaining, he remained calm throughout this unnecessary attempt at electoral exclusion until the ECZ, hours later, reluctantly accepted his nomination. The fourth obstacle emerged soon after Mundubile became a presidential candidate. As soon as his campaign took off to a rapturous reception, the ECZ halted it, ordering that no one should conduct meetings that have not been sanctioned by the electoral body. The ECZ subsequently imposed a campaign schedule that required him to start in his strongest constituencies and end in the ruling party strongholds: Northwestern, Western, and Southern provinces. Any keen observer understood the motivation: to arrest whatever momentum his campaign would have built by the time he was arriving in the final three provinces where he was expected to draw the least crowds. To demonstrate their lack of impartiality, the ECZ decided against issuing any campaign schedule to Hichilema, treating him as President who can go wherever he wants rather than a presidential candidate who, like his rivals, was subject to the same rules. When thousands turned up at Mundubile's rallies in the first two provinces, the ruling party and the state employed violence in a bid to curtail his campaign activities and provoke a reaction that could be used as a pretext for arresting him. Instead of complaining, he quietly went about his work, even as his campaign vehicles were extensively destroyed by ruling party thugs. The fifth obstacle is the scarce resources resulting in part from restrictions placed on Mundubile's capacity to mobilise financial resources for his campaign. Unable to leave the country, he turned to local businessmen for support but nearly all who tried to render a helping hand had their bank accounts frozen or faced threats and intimidation from the authorities. Others who were merely suspected to be sympathetic to him were arrested and kept in detention without charge (the earlier cited Valden Findlay is a good example here) or murdered in suspicious circumstances by unknown people (As I said, Stelios Sardanis had expressed concern about state-linked threats on his life before he was assassinated!). Instead of complaining, Mundubile quietly went about his work, successfully turning to crowdfunding to raise resources from ordinary citizens who, overlooking their own struggles, injected whatever little money they could afford into his campaign. The sixth obstacle is extremely limited media coverage. After his candidacy was confirmed, the state blocked any positive coverage of Mundubile in the publicly funded media and while the ruling party used financially rewarding ads to buy almost all the advertising space in the private media, that is in newspapers, television and radio stations. This was in addition to buying influencers and almost the entire music industry to endorse and support Hichilema. The objective of crowding Mundubile out of media coverage was to help nurture the false narrative that there is no opposition in Zambia. Instead of complaining that he is completely blacked out of coverage by the public media and has much of the private media arraigned against him, Mundubile quietly went about his work, regularly communicating with the public through his social media pages, public rallies, one radio station (Hot FM) and one television station (KBN) – the latter two suffering continued threats and intimidation from the state and ruling party for daring to carry his adverts. The seventh obstacle was the denial of permission for Mundubile to use the airspace for efficient campaign activities. At the start of his campaign, a known private charter company that should have flown him around the country approached the authorities on his behalf to seek clearance. Its application was however frustrated by the authorities who only said “those above” had denied it. Instead of complaining, Mundubile quietly went about his work. He undertook all his campaign activities across 116 districts and 10 provinces – minus the places he was unable to visit due to violent attacks from ruling party cadres – in less than 60 days using road travel. So grave was the threat of violence against Mundubile in Southern Province, what should have been his concluding stop, that he had to cancel his trip there and instead hold a virtual public rally, following credible intelligence reports that he was earmarked for assassination while in the province. The eighth obstacle has been the constant arrests and abduction of his campaign officials and even parliamentary candidates as well as high-level defections of his party functionaries to the ruling party following extremely attractive financial inducements. As stated earlier, his media team has been abducted and remains in unlawful detention. Instead of complaining, he quietly went about his work with remnants of his previously bigger campaign team. The ninth obstacle has been state-instigated baits to lure him into provocation. In Kitwe, his campaign team was attacked, but the attackers deliberately left behind the bus they had used to launch the attacks in the hope that he and his team would set it ablaze so that they could be arrested for arson and kept in detention. Instead of complaining, he quietly went about his work, urging his team to exercise restraint and avoid any attempts at retaliation. In Lusaka, his campaign team was violently attacked. Instead of complaining, he quietly went about his work, urging his team to exercise restraint and avoid any attempts at retaliation. In Solwezi, his campaign team was violently attacked. Instead of complaining, he quietly went about his work, urging his team to exercise restraint and avoid any attempts at retaliation. In Luampa, Kalabo and Mongu, his campaign team was violently attacked by ruling party cadres and the police. Instead of complaining, he quietly went about his work, urging his team to exercise restraint and avoid any attempts at retaliation. Had he accepted the bait, he could, by now, be in prison or six feet under the ground. The tenth obstacle has been the attempt by the state to undermine his vote protection measures. It is hard enough to go into an election that is administered by a largely compromised Electoral Commission of Zambia. Never before has the ECZ been led by a chairperson who is the incumbent president’s former personal lawyer; who, unlike all her predecessors who came from the judiciary and had a lucrative lifetime pension to fall back on in case of exit from office, knows that she will have no job if her former client loses the election tomorrow; and who has a daughter facing a no-bail murder charge that was revised to the less serious charge of manslaughter in unclear circumstances that many saw as a possible trade-off, linked to the election, between those in the executive and the accused’s mother. Amidst credible fears of vote manipulation, Mundubile managed under difficult circumstances to organise about seven million Kwacha for the payment of polling agents throughout the country. On 10 August, state agents grabbed all this money for no credible reason in a move that is clearly aimed at making it easier to bribe the polling agents and manipulate the vote, especially if, as some fear, the government will shut down the internet during the counting and employ violent thugs to remove opposition polling agents and election observers for the purpose of facilitating the swapping of the ballots or inflating the figures in support of the incumbent president in ruling party strongholds where turnout might be low. Instead of complaining, he has quietly gone about his work, believing that with the support of the people, there is little that the president can do to prevent his exit from power. Mundubile has proved his mettle. In essence, many people are supporting Mundubile in this election not because he is the best candidate but because he is the recipient of the revulsion against a president that many people see as primarily serving foreign commercial interests as well as his own private interests and those of his ethnic-regional community. Mundubile has become the figurehead of a growing movement that is determined to peacefully remove a dangerous president who, were he to succeed in stealing the vote, would set Zambia on an even more perilous path. I sincerely hope the Zambian people will turn out on Thursday to say “enough.” However, with a compromised ECZ, a police service that only arrests members of the opposition, a partisan leadership in charge of the country’s military, and an incumbent president with a character that knows no restraint, anything is possible after Thursday’s vote. Prepare for the worst, hope for the best. NB: The violence in the attached video clip shows what happens when soldiers, who are not trained to maintain law and order, are deployed to handle police functions, as Hichilema did in January this year when he asked them to "sort out" informal small scale miners in the country's North-Western Province. The pro-Hichilema army commander, Geoffrey Zyeele ,whose orders resulted in this barbaric violence after he directed soldiers "to exterminate and fumigate all illegal miners" remains in his position to date.](https://image.24vids.com/tw-2087156707646435407/amplify_video_thumb/2087156612624486400/img/tBq-LUqbDa9z8pmW.jpg)
