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Demilitarization is not only a Palestinian imperative; it is also an Israeli one. Palestinians must have their own Altalena moment—the moment when one legitimate national authority alone holds the monopoly over the use of force, and all armed factions surrender their weapons to the state. But Israel must also...

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(Political) Zionism is "inherently oppressive," as Peter Beinart explains: "Zionism, tragically, is inherently oppressive because it is based on the notion that the state has a higher level of obligations to Jews than it does to Palestinians... even in Israel "proper" those Palestinians who are citizens... are not treated equally. I'll give you just one quick example: 93% of the land inside Israel proper (I'm not talking about the West Bank and Gaza) is state land, much of it was taken from Palestinians when they were expelled in 1948. The Jews only lived on ~6% of the land before Israel's war of independence so much of it was land Palestinians controlled... Now it's called state land it's doled out for development in Israel by something called the Israel Land Authority. ...If you're a town or maybe even an industry & you want a chunk of land you're given a long-term lease by the Israel Land Authority so you can expand. The Israel Land Authority has 22 seats, 10 of those seats are given to the Jewish National Fund, whose explicit mission is the development of land for Jewish use. The other 12 (seats) are given to members of the cabinet... there's usually not one Palestinian on the Israel Land Authority (sometimes there's one) so that's why Palestinians are not given land for development in Israel... ...which helps to explain why Palestinian municipalities sit on 2% or 3% of the land inside Israel even though Palestinians are 20% of the population ... this helps explain why according to a study, 87% of the home demolitions inside Israel proper (I'm not talking about the West Bank) are of Palestinian homes because Palestinians are in very overcrowded, essentially ghettos, and all of the land around those Palestinian towns is controlled by Jews and Palestinians can't get access to any of that land... the state doesn't function for them.... it's a state in that essentially functions for the benefit of Jews, not for the benefit even of its own Palestinian citizens let alone the Palestinians who don't have citizenship." Full interview:

Zachary Foster

26,278 görüntüleme • 1 yıl önce

"Ongoing" - One of the phrases increasingly used next to the term "Nakba" is "Ongoing" as in the recent proposal by Congresswoman Rashida Tlaib. Now westerners assume that the "ongoing" seeks to highlight continued suffering of Palestinian Arabs, but as with so many other phrases that serve as "dual use language" (as Eran Shayshon coined) is that the deep meaning is very different. Once it is known and understood that the real time meaning of the Nakba, as described by Constantin Zureiq as "Seven Arab states declare war in an attempt to subdue Zionism, stop impotent before it, and return on their heels" was the shameful failure to defeat the lowly Jews in war - it becomes crystal clear why it remains "ongoing": As long as Israel exists, the Arab, and especially Palestinian Arab shameful failure to dismantle Jewish sovereignty and "subdue Zionism" remains "ongoing". As long as, per Bevin's quote, the top goal of the Palestine Arabs "to resist to the last the establishment of Jewish sovereignty in any part of the land" remains unfulfilled, their definition of disaster remains "ongoing". In the updated book of The War of Return, "October Return", Dr. Adi Schwartz and I included a dictionary of sort to explore this dual use language. I share it here with you: "This becomes especially clear when analyzing the language of Palestinian identity and that of its supporters around the world. Terms such as “two states,” “justice,” “return,” and “rights” carry one meaning in dialogue between Palestinians and Westerners or Israelis—but an entirely different meaning within internal Palestinian discourse. "Take “two states,” for example. During the years of negotiations, Palestinian leaders—and many surveys—expressed support for the “two-state solution.” Israelis and Westerners reasonably assumed that this meant one state for Palestinian Arabs and one for Jews. In retrospect, we should have checked. For when Palestinians speak of “two states,” they also maintain that millions of Palestinian “refugees” have a right to settle inside Israel. The implication is that the phrase “two states” actually means a Palestinian Arab state in the West Bank and Gaza, alongside a second Arab-majority state that replaces Israel via the mass return of refugees. In effect: “this one is ours, and that one is also ours.” "To this day, no official Palestinian peace plan includes the recognition of a Jewish state on any part of the land between the river and the sea. "It is also worth examining the meaning of a word like “justice”—so frequently invoked in phrases like “a just peace,” “a just solution,” or in the names of organizations such as “Students for Justice in Palestine.” To many in the world, “justice” may simply mean that Palestinians should have a state of their own, or that Israel should not control their daily lives. That is a reasonable interpretation. But it is not the Palestinian one. "For Palestinians, there is only one concept of justice: the reversal of the injustice they associate with the creation of the State of Israel. And central to that “corrective justice” is return—which, by definition, entails the end of Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people. "The same applies to words like “rights,” “liberation,” and, of course, “return.” As will become clear in the pages ahead, there is no ambiguity: “return” is the concept that embodies victory over the Jewish state and its elimination. "That is why the butcherty of October 7 was greeted with euphoria."

ד״ר עינת וילף Dr. Einat Wilf

83,542 görüntüleme • 2 ay önce