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Immobilised ………

Richard E. Grant

324,220 subscribers

966,589 Aufrufe • vor 3 Jahren •via X (Twitter)

Anya Rossi• Live Now

Private livecam show

10 Kommentare

Profilbild von Les Dennis

Les Dennisvor 3 Jahren

Richard. George Harrison who produced Withnail and I said All things must pass. Sending you love and thoughts. You are an inspiration.

Profilbild von Aaron Gilbert

Aaron Gilbertvor 3 Jahren

Sir, I lost my brother last year and as us humans are all made from the same atoms and chemicals coursing through our bodies. I've discovered that grief paralysis, and adhd paralysis can completely overwhelm. I'm so glad you're here, and that you know you're not alone, alone.

Profilbild von Jane loves to write

Jane loves to writevor 3 Jahren

Oh, Richard. Days like these are so, so hard. I'm not going to lie, I'm four years on, and it doesn't get easier but somehow you learn how to negotiate life around the hole. Sometimes you tip in, but mostly you hold the hole tight, knowing it is filled with the love you shared.

Profilbild von Carol Decker 🐦💙

Carol Decker 🐦💙vor 3 Jahren

Get an early night Richard . Sleep is cheap medicine As Scarlett O’Hara said “Tomorrow is another day “💋💋

Profilbild von Who cares

Who caresvor 3 Jahren

You did message somebody and we are all here. Sending love

Profilbild von Jenny Eclair

Jenny Eclairvor 3 Jahren

love to you x

Profilbild von debbie denley

debbie denleyvor 3 Jahren

Find that pocket of happiness for today, even if it’s a slither

Profilbild von Madeline Bishop

Madeline Bishopvor 3 Jahren

Yes that was today for me too escept I had to talk. Attended a funeral for my dear friend’s hubby. She said to me - I am a widow. I said yes like me. She had his ring on. And I said I proudly wear my rings as I am married but we are widows. Widow. What a term. 😞

Profilbild von Dame Judith loves the NHS 💙

Dame Judith loves the NHS 💙vor 3 Jahren

No consolation, but a friend is living with a similar grief, and has gradually become less overwhelmed. The pain is still there, but the love of his children gradually pulled him back into himself. I've not phrased it well, but I hope you get comfort from a strangers' words too.

Profilbild von 👑Howlers Boutique👑

👑Howlers Boutique👑vor 3 Jahren

I've been on my own for 18 yrs out of choice,because of men/people who used and abused me physically and mentally,i don't love my life and i do get lonely at times but i wouldn't have it any other way,i am now ME! also i have 2 soppy dogs that keep me sane lol

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This is what British and EU teenagers will face if their corrupt war Monger political elite get their war with Russia An immobilised Russian motorcycle assault trooper faces down a Ukrainain drone. He accepts his fate without a flinch. No fear. These are the Russians.

This is what British and EU teenagers will face if their corrupt war Monger political elite get their war with Russia An immobilised Russian motorcycle assault trooper faces down a Ukrainain drone. He accepts his fate without a flinch. No fear. These are the Russians.

Chay Bowes

47,447 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

⚠️ Not a Nat Geo documentary, this is Assam in action In North Guwahati, our rescue team safely immobilised, treated and released a wild buffalo injured by a spear. 🐃 Every life matters. Kudos to the team for their swift, compassionate response.

⚠️ Not a Nat Geo documentary, this is Assam in action In North Guwahati, our rescue team safely immobilised, treated and released a wild buffalo injured by a spear. 🐃 Every life matters. Kudos to the team for their swift, compassionate response.

Himanta Biswa Sarma

65,493 Aufrufe • vor 3 Monaten

This is Russia's war. And it is Russia that should pay. This is why we need to work urgently on a new solution to finance Ukraine's war effort on the basis of the immobilised Russian assets. Ursula von der Leyen #SOTEU

This is Russia's war. And it is Russia that should pay. This is why we need to work urgently on a new solution to finance Ukraine's war effort on the basis of the immobilised Russian assets. Ursula von der Leyen #SOTEU

Andrius Kubilius

15,898 Aufrufe • vor 8 Monaten

Immobilised on the machine, the metal rods penetrated into my sensitive folds, taking me to the precipice of overwhelming pleasure! It stopped just before my arousal exploded. I whimpered, crying out for release! But it just let my arousal subside before starting again & again!

Sensitive content

Immobilised on the machine, the metal rods penetrated into my sensitive folds, taking me to the precipice of overwhelming pleasure! It stopped just before my arousal exploded. I whimpered, crying out for release! But it just let my arousal subside before starting again & again!

MissLouise

24,744 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

This is what Hell feels like. Hard to breathe, immobilised. Unstable walking with just your ankles. No arms to support. And when Master starts to pull your catheter, not just your caged nub feeling it, but all through your urethra and bladder. Your whimper is cute though.

This is what Hell feels like. Hard to breathe, immobilised. Unstable walking with just your ankles. No arms to support. And when Master starts to pull your catheter, not just your caged nub feeling it, but all through your urethra and bladder. Your whimper is cute though.

diaperedcathedchub

32,131 Aufrufe • vor 6 Monaten

Left: ITV News's Political Correspondent Carl Dinnen says that police officers 'apparently' kicked the suspect in the head, then showed police bodycam footage which doesn't show the kicks Right: The actual footage showing police kicking the suspect 5 times in the head after he was immobilised, on the ground, after being shot by a taser

Left: ITV News's Political Correspondent Carl Dinnen says that police officers 'apparently' kicked the suspect in the head, then showed police bodycam footage which doesn't show the kicks Right: The actual footage showing police kicking the suspect 5 times in the head after he was immobilised, on the ground, after being shot by a taser

Farrukh

191,083 Aufrufe • vor 1 Monat

Sasa Jana , Kiminini Mp Maurice Kakai Bisau , went to a popular joint in Kiminini usiku , his own constituency, where youths were having good time and inshallah . NOW, alidhan yeye ni Governor George Natembeya, he started saying fungua movement, angry youths shut him down, and told him Tawe, embarrassed Bisau left the stage unceremoniously like immobilised mule.

Sasa Jana , Kiminini Mp Maurice Kakai Bisau , went to a popular joint in Kiminini usiku , his own constituency, where youths were having good time and inshallah . NOW, alidhan yeye ni Governor George Natembeya, he started saying fungua movement, angry youths shut him down, and told him Tawe, embarrassed Bisau left the stage unceremoniously like immobilised mule.

TAWE MOVEMENT

17,350 Aufrufe • vor 5 Monaten

Finally, Belgian PM, Bart De Wever, isn't afraid to say 'putin isn't getting a cent back'. Period. Bart De Wever, Belgian PM: "Is the reparation loan off the table? I think the text is very, very good because it mentions, of course, that we have no intention whatsoever of giving the immobilised assets back to putin. We have no intention of letting somebody else outside Europe decide about this. They have been immobilised for an indefinite period. It is the Europeans who will decide what happens to it, and our intention is to give it to Ukraine as the reparation. It's a reparation loan, the word says it itself. It serves to reparate what has been done to you by the aggressor. And that idea is still in the text, and I'm 100% behind it." This is how you play hardball. Overall, De Wever’s phrasing is a strong "Euro-maximalist" position. By framing it as a "reparation loan," he’s bridging the gap between legal caution and the moral demand to make Russia pay.

Finally, Belgian PM, Bart De Wever, isn't afraid to say 'putin isn't getting a cent back'. Period. Bart De Wever, Belgian PM: "Is the reparation loan off the table? I think the text is very, very good because it mentions, of course, that we have no intention whatsoever of giving the immobilised assets back to putin. We have no intention of letting somebody else outside Europe decide about this. They have been immobilised for an indefinite period. It is the Europeans who will decide what happens to it, and our intention is to give it to Ukraine as the reparation. It's a reparation loan, the word says it itself. It serves to reparate what has been done to you by the aggressor. And that idea is still in the text, and I'm 100% behind it." This is how you play hardball. Overall, De Wever’s phrasing is a strong "Euro-maximalist" position. By framing it as a "reparation loan," he’s bridging the gap between legal caution and the moral demand to make Russia pay.

Yasmina

60,091 Aufrufe • vor 5 Monaten

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BSN

529,962 Aufrufe • vor 1 Monat

#WATCH | Tamil Nadu: Based on a request from the civil administration, a rescue operation was launched by Madras Regimental Centre, Wellington, late last night to rescue a tourist from Chennai who had slipped and fallen off the cliff at Needle Rock viewpoint near Gudalur, Nilgiris & was incapacitated due to a likely spinal injury. A team under Lt Col Chandan Mehta launched a challenging rescue operation to retrieve the individual in an immobilised state to prevent further injury. Despite poor visibility, rugged terrain & high risk, the team established a 70 mtrs zip line to rescue him as a vertical lift was not feasible. The rescue was completed by 3:30 am this morning & he was then rushed to Ooty for further management. (Source: Indian Army)

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ANI

131,607 Aufrufe • vor 2 Monaten

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𝐎𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐥𝐨𝐚𝐝𝐞𝐝 𝐁𝐮𝐬 𝐈𝐧𝐭𝐞𝐫𝐜𝐞𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐝 𝐨𝐧 𝐍𝟏 𝐁𝐲𝐩𝐚𝐬𝐬, 𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐨𝐤𝐰𝐚𝐧𝐞. A 65‑seat cross-boader bus was stopped on the N1 bypass adjacent to Peter Mokaba Stadium after officers observed a severe overload. The vehicle was carrying 117 occupants – 1 driver, 101 passengers and 15 minors – 52 passengers beyond its legal capacity. The bus, en route from Gauteng to Malawi, became immobilised a short distance from the Polokwane weigh‑bridge while being redirected to the Provincial Traffic Control Centre (PTCC). During the stop, the driver attempted to flee the scene. He was promptly intercepted, restrained and arrested by officers from the South African Police Service (SAPS) and Limpopo Traffic Officers. The bus will remain at the PTCC until the excess passengers are removed and the prescribed fine is settled. Further investigations are underway.

Yusuf Abramjee

180,391 Aufrufe • vor 5 Monaten

Left: Head of Met Police Mark Rowley suggests that Zack Polanski undermines the ability of police officers to work Right: It seems that Zack Polanski, like many of us, was wondering why police officers kicked a man on the ground five times in the head I'm not anti police. I've never trained or worked in any part of policing. And I'm grateful every day that we have police men and women who run towards danger to protect all of us in society I can appreciate fast moving instances where officers have to act on their feet, especially when there's a dangerous person who stabbed two people, and they need to disarm them as quickly as possible But it's the five kicks to the attackers head which makes many of us wonder if that was an appropriate way to respond I've muted the video in the first playing so you can hear the commissioner. I've kept the audio in the second playing so you can hear the officers You can hear the police officers repeatedly shout 'drop the knife' as they're kicking him in the head. You can also see they're holding a taser, which presumably immobilised the attacker which is why he's on the ground not really moving. And when they pull his arm out to get him to drop the knife, his arm is shaking (taser?) We all rely on the police to keep us safe, but I don't think it's unreasonable to ask Metropolitan Police if kicking someone in the head five times is acceptable normal practice I'd welcome any clarity from any experienced police officer, or directly from the Met, just to reassure the public on the reasons why these actions were taken I'd also appreciate the integrity of responding with an explanation, not to assume that these questions are meant to demean or diminish the ability of our police to keep us safe

Left: Head of Met Police Mark Rowley suggests that Zack Polanski undermines the ability of police officers to work Right: It seems that Zack Polanski, like many of us, was wondering why police officers kicked a man on the ground five times in the head I'm not anti police. I've never trained or worked in any part of policing. And I'm grateful every day that we have police men and women who run towards danger to protect all of us in society I can appreciate fast moving instances where officers have to act on their feet, especially when there's a dangerous person who stabbed two people, and they need to disarm them as quickly as possible But it's the five kicks to the attackers head which makes many of us wonder if that was an appropriate way to respond I've muted the video in the first playing so you can hear the commissioner. I've kept the audio in the second playing so you can hear the officers You can hear the police officers repeatedly shout 'drop the knife' as they're kicking him in the head. You can also see they're holding a taser, which presumably immobilised the attacker which is why he's on the ground not really moving. And when they pull his arm out to get him to drop the knife, his arm is shaking (taser?) We all rely on the police to keep us safe, but I don't think it's unreasonable to ask Metropolitan Police if kicking someone in the head five times is acceptable normal practice I'd welcome any clarity from any experienced police officer, or directly from the Met, just to reassure the public on the reasons why these actions were taken I'd also appreciate the integrity of responding with an explanation, not to assume that these questions are meant to demean or diminish the ability of our police to keep us safe

Farrukh

98,293 Aufrufe • vor 1 Monat

#MnangagwaFacesHisWaterloo #DDayTestOfLeadershipMettle As the Zanu PF succession battle between Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa and Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga intensifies and confrontation looms ahead of 31 March D-Day, it is important to properly contextualise, explain and add insight into what is currently happening; the likely trajectory, how the situation will pan out and the projected outcome of the cutthroat political process which may shape Zimbabwe's future in the short to medium term. The media, including The NewsHawks, has been on this story for a long time now. In a recent insightful podcast, United Kingdom-based investigative journalist Maynard Manyowa, a documentary filmmaker, and his Dug Up team discussed the dynamics at play, including the roles of Mnangagwa, Chiwenga, and Chris Mutsvangwa, the ruling Zanu PF spokesperson and a longtime ally of the President. Mutsvangwa has been vocal in his opposition to Chiwenga's ascendancy, saying Mnangagwa does not want to anoint his deputy as he prefers a democratic process through an elective congress to produce his successor. Mutsvangwa has been scathing about Chiwenga whom he says is illiterate, incompetent and is not fit to govern. As things stand, Mnangagwa, despite his lame denials, clearly wants to succeed himself through a manipulated constitutional amendment and the 2027 Zanu PF congress. He is acting by proxy to achieve that, creating room for plausible deniability in case things go wrong as they seem destined to. Mutsvangwa says when Mnangagwa ironically claims to be a constitutionalist - despite coming to power through a coup in November 2017 - he is only doing it to avoid anointing Chiwenga, while pushing him to congress in 2027, where he thinks he will lose since he is seen as unpopular. Mutsvangwa explains why they think Chiwenga is unpopular. That will then allow Mnangagwa to extend his rule to 2030 via congress, given that he has already built momentum for it, including by securing a Zanu PF conference resolution to serve beyond his 2028 second term constitutional limit from the Bulawayo conference last year. This is how Mutsvangwa partly explains Mnangagwa's strategy. Postponing elections to give Mnangagwa two more years in power is a hard sell. It will be a brazen coup against the constitution. Mutsvangwa says he does not think the army will intervene on Chiwenga's behalf and boot out Mnangagwa from power as it is likely to remain neutral. He gives the impression that the army is a neutral arbiter of power or power broker. It is not. What is true is that the army is the kingmaker. That has been the case since the Mgagao Declaration in 1975, in which Chiwenga was involved. The military only staged a coup in November 2017, Mutsvangwa says, because former Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) director-general Happyton Bonyongwe, who was the Justice minister for a few weeks, had signed death warrants for army generals pushing for the late former president Robert Mugabe to come to the negotiating table or to go as he had ambition to become President himself. While Bonyongwe was opposed to the coup despite his denials in his book, One Among Many - My Contribution to the Zimbabwean Story, he was not the one who precipitated the coup. The NewsHawks has evidence Bonyongwe wanted Mugabe to organise a foreign intervention force to stop the coup. It was going to be easy for any foreign force to stop the coup as the army poorly-equipped. The EE-9 Cascavel Project, which the Zimbabwe Independent got detailed information about, including videos before it was stopped by the army from publishing it in 2019, proves that. The NewsHawks only later ran a water down version of the story in 2020. A group of handpicked soldiers from different army units led by commanders from the Mechanised Brigade based just outside Harare spearheaded the military coup that toppled Mugabe. Investigations by The NewsHawks revealed that the military took several months to prepare for the coup, including contracting a South African firm to refurbish its old broken down tanks and personnel armoured carriers. To set plans for the coup in motion, the Ministry of Defence signed a US$20 million deal with Boomslang Logistics (Pty) Ltd to refurbish the tanks that were used in the coup, to take over government installations. At the time of the coup, only three out of the intended 72 Brazilian-designed Cascavel armoured vehicles had been upgraded, but they still managed to do the job as Mugabe’s loyalists in the security forces did not put up any resistance. According to documents, the refurbishment of the Zimbabwe National Army armoured personnel vehicles was halted after a contractual disagreement with South Africa-based military contractor, Boomslang Logistics, before a local company was roped in to complete the project. Mugabe was aware the army was under-resourced and ill-equipped. Sp he tried several Southern African Development Community countries and Russia to intervene. They all refused to come to his rescue. Mutsvangwa and his allies had also done their homework. Meetings were held at Mugabe's Blue Roof Borrowdale mansion to discuss that and Bonyongwe not only attended, but actively participated in the discussions. His book seeks to whitewash that. Details of the discussions about organising an intervention are available. The NewsHawks journalists, then working for Alpha Media Holdings (AMH), knew almost real-time about those meetings and the foreign leaders who were called to help in November 2017. The journalists also knew other things happening at Blue Roof at the time, including the lies that former ministers Jonathan Moyo and Saviour Kasukuwere had been arrested peddled by AMH publisher Trevor Ncube and his pro-coup editors, but let the excitable publisher commit professional suicide through a damning urban legend or fiction published as news in a NewsDay headline story. Ncube and former NewsDay editor Wisdom Mudzungairi flatly refused to listen to truth claiming they had been given the story by army commanders allegedly detaining the two ministers. Yet there were journalists who knew Moyo and Kasukuwere were actually sitting with Mugabe at the time of their alleged arrest. Some former AMH journalists knew the truth because they were directly talking to military commanders, including retired General Chiwenga, the late retired Lieutenant-General Sibusiso SB Moyo and others at the time. But Ncube and Mudzungairi would not be deterred from their Goebbels-style story, which they thought was ground-breaking. This is important to mention because Mutsvangwa's current coup version, particularly regarding Bonyongwe's role has embellishments, but at least is partly true unlike the Moyo and Kasukuwere arrest fiction. While there was a fierce inter-security agency war between the police, CIO and army - within the Joint Operations Command - Bonyongwe did not precipitate the coup; Mugabe actually did. Mugabe admitted as much to journalists in his last interview - on 15 March 2018 - (AMH journalists were also involved in inviting local and foreign colleagues to that media briefing) that he precipitated the coup by refusing to meet with army commanders as he believed, based on his long relations with them, that Mnangagwa and Chiwenga would never go the coup route. The 15 March 2018 media event provided Mugabe's last interviews. After that, it was elections press conference where he announced he would vote for Nelson Chamisa. The following year, Mugabe died on 6 September 2019 in far-flung Singapore, a bitter and broken man. The army command element wanted Mugabe to attend to its grievances, including renewing their contracts, offering job security and electing a new leader at the scheduled 2017 Zanu PF congress. Mugabe said he did not think Mnangagwa and Chiwenga would oust him as they had access to him to discuss and resolve problems like that. So Mugabe's arrogance of power precipitated the coup, coupled with attempts to charge Mnangagwa and army commanders with various crimes, including treason after the 12 November press conference upon Chiwenga's retuen from China. Dossiers of Mnangagwa's alleged crimes, including the late Godfrey Majonga case and murders in the Kwekwe gold fields, were leaked to the media at the time. Mugabe booted out and wanted to nail Mnangagwa, and remove army commanders. That fuelled the coup, which many had seen from a mile away. For some reason, he thought it would never happen to him. That is why he ignored many warnings that it was looming until Bonyongwe rang the alarm bells in a crisis mode during a Harare Institute of Technology graduation ceremony on 6 October 2017, exactly a month before Mnangagwa was fired, triggering the coup. When Mnangagwa was fired, the generals felt cornered - with Bonyongwe exploring how to charge them with treason soon after their 12 November 2017 press conference - and from that point the coup became inevitable. But if Mugabe had agreed to meet the generals, there would have been no coup. Mugabe narrated to journalists at his last press conference and interviews that Bonyongwe came to him running and panicking at HIT, saying the CIO had been immobilised and grounded by the army, and things were going horribly wrong. Mugabe, with his wife former first lady Grace participating, explained events leading to the coup. The last people to interview him on 15 March 2018 were AMH journalists who were very critical of him, yet did not support the coup. The debate at AMH was that it was better for journalists to avoid getting sucked into G40 or Lacoste factional politics. Some felt backing a coup was dangerous because it involved supporting an overthrow of the constitution which enshrined the fundamental democratic values and principles which the journalists purported to be defending in the first place. It would be paradoxical for media to support a coup, the argument went, and still want protection under constitution. If journalists supported the coup, that would leave them badly exposed when they start criticising coup leaders who may later arrest them, when they no longer enjoy legitimate constitutional cover to defend themselves as they would have supported its overthrow and trampling upon through the putsch. Events leading to coup are largely known, except some intricate strategic and tactical details (SB Moyo had prepared a dossier on that which he had promised to share just before he died), so some of Mutsvangwa's utterances are not entirely correct. They lack proper context and proper context, with too much post-facto rationalisation. Mutsvangwa's explanation of Bonyongwe's role, for instance, is only partly true. Yet Mutsvangwa is telling the truth about 2030, that is what Mnangagwa’s strategy is. His informative narrative is only distorted by his unbridled personal hatred for Chiwenga who was responsible for his removal as minister twice and his Norton primary and national elections defeat. Besides that, they have some rivalries which are personal and political rooted in Mozambique, a story for another day. To understand the 2030 story better, we need to rewind to the morning after the coup: what Mnangagwa wanted and what Chiwenga and his commanders had in mind. Mnangagwa initially wanted an inclusive political arrangement, which is why he wanted the late MDC-T leader Morgan Tsvangirai and the late former Zanu PF political heavyweight Dumiso Dabengwa to be part of the government. Former Air Marshal Elson Moyo was sent to engage Dabengwa. When Tsvangirai, who was ailing, and Dabengwa did not come through, Mnangagwa tried to appoint Kembo Mohadi and Oppah Muchinguri-Kashiri as vice-presidents. Mohadi was initially appointed Defence, Security and War Veterans minister in November 2017, a very powerful position. He had been State Security minister just before Mugabe's fall. And Home Affairs minister too. However, after what Mnangagwa's spokesperson George Charamba at the time described as "extensive consultations", Chiwenga and Mohadi were appointed vice-presidents, and sworn in on 28 December 2017. Chiwenga subsequently seized Defence and War Veterans portfolios from Mohadi. Mnangagwa took security. Mohadi was given national reconciliation. Muchinguri-Kashiri became Zanu PF chair and Minister of Environment, Water and Climate. From there, Mnangagwa and Chiwenga, who were close before the coup, started seeing things and imagining the future in a different way, thus drifting in opposite directions. Besides their differences on the government arrangement after the coup, their relations were damaged - almost irreparably - by the Bulawayo grenade attack during election campaigns on 23 June 2018 just before the polls on 30 July 2018. But what further drove them apart were events which took place at the Zanu PF annual conference at Mzingwane High School in Esigodini, Matabeleland South, held from 13-16 December 2018. At Mzingwane, Mnangagwa, after securing an election mandate to legitimise himself and becoming his own man, showed his true colours: He started preparing for a second term, hence the consolidation of the ED2023 campaign from that conference. Chiwenga and other commanders who thought Mnangagwa would serve one term as initially agreed, at least according to SB Moyo at the time, were shocked by the speed and chutzpah of betrayal in Esigodini. Mnangagwa was doing coup textbook stuff: removing those who brought him in and plotting to dig in. That stoked political tensions amid fuel price protests which almost led to another coup in January 2019 when Chiwenga was in charge, while Mnangagwa was away visiting Russia and other Eastern European countries. Fuel protests started the day Mnangagwa left for Moscow - 14 January 2019, leading to deaths of at least 17 people - almost precipitating another coup. In Mnangagwa's authorised biography, A Life of Sacrifice: Biography: Emmerson Mnangagwa, written by former opposition MDC MP-turned presidential adviser Eddie Cross, the book says Chiwenga wanted to declare a state of emergency and bar the President from returning home. Zimbabwe Defence Forces commander General Philip Valerio Sibanda rejected the idea. After that, Chiwenga was mysteriously poisoned. Geza blames Mnangagwa for that. He then goes in and out of hospitals in India and South Africa until he was taken to China in July 2019 where remained until November that year. Chinese Embassy diplomats in Harare at the time agreed to give Zimbabwe Independent newspaper journalists exclusive regular briefings on Chiwenga's state of health until his return. While Chiwenga was away, Mnangagwa consolidated power and realigned political forces looking ahead to 2023. That changed everything. By the time Chiwenga returned from China in November 2019, the internal Zanu PF and government balance of forces had dramatically shifted. So from late 2019 to 2023, Mnangagwa, who soon after the coup was weak and scared of his deputy, had an upper hand. Chiwenga started rebuilding his political and military base wfyer his return, but Mnangagwa was now firmly in charge, looking forward to his second term. At the Zanu PF 2022 congress, Mnangagwa overran Chiwenga. That is why Mnangagwa wants to take Chiwenga head-on at congress in 2027, directly or indirectly. Mnangagwa had avoided the 2019 congress while he was still consolidating power, deferring it to 2022. Chiwenga even knelt before Mnangagwa at that congress, symbolising the nadir of his weakness and vulnerability at that point. The next congress is in 2027 and Mnangagwa wants to block Chiwenga from succeeding him there, either by standing or supporting a rival candidate; initially Sibanda was in the frame, Mutsvangwa says. Mnangagwa tried to promote Sibanda to the Zanu PF decision-making politburo during the 2023 Gweru annual conference, but the move fell through due to constitutional issues. After emerging victorious at the 2022 congress, Mnangagwa put in place his own campaign machinery and sidelined the army from his second term campaign. Enter Forever Associates of Zimbabwe (Faz). After congress, Faz, a shadowy CIO outfit, took over electoral processes, saying it was now an affiliate member of Zanu PF, but distancing itself from the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission. Led by CIO co-deputy director-general retired Brigadier-General Walter Tapfumaneyi, Faz hijacked the electoral processes, including the chaotic voter inspection and delimitation. In the end, Mnangagwa won without the army, although the victory was messy. On the ascendancy before the elections, Mnangagwa and his allies began to think beyond 2023, their initial holy grail. They initially wanted a third term, but that was always going to be complex and complicated due to constitutional issues. So an idea was mulled to hide behind Vision 2030 which seeks to transform Zimbabwe into an upper middle income economy. The succession issue then became an appendage to that, hence ED2030; from ED2023. Chiwenga and the military were aware before the elections that Mnangagwa would want to cling to power if allowed to do as he pleases. That is when a resistance plan was put in place. It worked in fits and starts, with an irregular burst of activity. As it became clear after the Bulawayo conference last year that Mnangagwa was going extend his rule beyond his second term constitutional limit to 2030 - which would be changed to a third term later - Chiwenga and his military-backed faction decided to act. When Mnangagwa went on his annual leave on 30 December 2024, effectively starting the following day, 31 December 2024, an opportunity to strike arose. However, that had to wait until Mohadi had finished being Acting President and after Chiwenga had come in on 20 January 2025. The Chiwenga faction briefed The NewsHawks on 2 January 2025, warning a political storm ahead when the former army commander would be Acting President from 20 January 2025 until Mnangagwa's return at the beginning of February. To show this was well-planned, events later unfolded as stated in the 2 January 2025 briefing. War veterans crawled out of the woodwork to tear Mnangagwa apart, with Blessed Geza stealing the show. This led to four criminal charges against him, including two of allegedly undermining the authority of and insulting the President and inciting public violence. In the process, AMH journalist Blessed Mhlanga who had aired or coordinated war veterans leaders' interviews was arrested and has been repeatedly denied bail so far. Mhlanga is being punished by Mnangagwa loyalists who think he was trying to play the role of arrowhead for another coup. As is publicly known, something he recently confirmed himself, Mhlanga worked closely with Mnangagwa's team in 2017, covering their issues. He even organised meetings for Ncube and his pro-coup editors to meet Mnangagwa. That is how close he was to them. So they think that he wanted to give coverage to war veterans to agitate for another coup to benefit Chiwenga, when in fact he was merely doing his job. Mhlanga committed no crime at all; indeed they say journalism is not a crime. His only crime is telling the truth about what is currently happening, fuelling the Mnangagwa regime's paranoia, and nothing else. The situation was worsened by the People's Own Savings Bank saga, for which he provided a whistleblowing platform to political activist Jealousy Mawarire, while the story was being written by ZimLive and The NewsHawks. Mawarire is a mutual friend with the source who also gave The NewsHawks the POSB story. The POSB story is significant as it proves that Mnangagwa is plundering public assets. It also fits neatly into the war veterans' corruption and grand looting narrative. Mutsvangwa's recent outbursts against Chiwenga in the Dug Up long-form story (on this audio) were useful, although they were not entirely new as he had previously made them on various fora, including during an interview with economist Tinashe Murapata and stockbroker Rufaro Zengeni in early December 2024. Manyowa's production provided more detail and insight, without much of the necessary and relevant background. Mutsvangwa's recent outbursts subsequently triggered Geza's own bombshell a few days ago. From there, Mnangagwa is now walking a tight rope, possibly he will be floundering on a slippery slope, come 31 March. Despite all the sound and fury from both actions - which signifies something, the situation remains fluid, with analysts warning of looming open confrontation in the streets. Even a bloody clash is feared. The Chiwenga faction wants to withdraw military support for Mnangagwa, leaving him weak and vulnerable. Without the army, Mnangagwa, a securocrat whose credibility is now battered by his leadership, governance ans policy failures, would not last a day longer in power. That is what 31 March is all about. It will test his capacity and tenacity to remain in power. For now, Chiwenga's intervention has halted Mnangagwa's 2030 agenda. However, the succession battle between Mnangagwa and Chiwenga remains a see-saw, a tug-of-war, changing rapidly and repeatedly from one position, situation, or condition to another - and back again. Whichever way, Mnangagwa is facing his political Waterloo.

#MnangagwaFacesHisWaterloo #DDayTestOfLeadershipMettle As the Zanu PF succession battle between Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa and Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga intensifies and confrontation looms ahead of 31 March D-Day, it is important to properly contextualise, explain and add insight into what is currently happening; the likely trajectory, how the situation will pan out and the projected outcome of the cutthroat political process which may shape Zimbabwe's future in the short to medium term. The media, including The NewsHawks, has been on this story for a long time now. In a recent insightful podcast, United Kingdom-based investigative journalist Maynard Manyowa, a documentary filmmaker, and his Dug Up team discussed the dynamics at play, including the roles of Mnangagwa, Chiwenga, and Chris Mutsvangwa, the ruling Zanu PF spokesperson and a longtime ally of the President. Mutsvangwa has been vocal in his opposition to Chiwenga's ascendancy, saying Mnangagwa does not want to anoint his deputy as he prefers a democratic process through an elective congress to produce his successor. Mutsvangwa has been scathing about Chiwenga whom he says is illiterate, incompetent and is not fit to govern. As things stand, Mnangagwa, despite his lame denials, clearly wants to succeed himself through a manipulated constitutional amendment and the 2027 Zanu PF congress. He is acting by proxy to achieve that, creating room for plausible deniability in case things go wrong as they seem destined to. Mutsvangwa says when Mnangagwa ironically claims to be a constitutionalist - despite coming to power through a coup in November 2017 - he is only doing it to avoid anointing Chiwenga, while pushing him to congress in 2027, where he thinks he will lose since he is seen as unpopular. Mutsvangwa explains why they think Chiwenga is unpopular. That will then allow Mnangagwa to extend his rule to 2030 via congress, given that he has already built momentum for it, including by securing a Zanu PF conference resolution to serve beyond his 2028 second term constitutional limit from the Bulawayo conference last year. This is how Mutsvangwa partly explains Mnangagwa's strategy. Postponing elections to give Mnangagwa two more years in power is a hard sell. It will be a brazen coup against the constitution. Mutsvangwa says he does not think the army will intervene on Chiwenga's behalf and boot out Mnangagwa from power as it is likely to remain neutral. He gives the impression that the army is a neutral arbiter of power or power broker. It is not. What is true is that the army is the kingmaker. That has been the case since the Mgagao Declaration in 1975, in which Chiwenga was involved. The military only staged a coup in November 2017, Mutsvangwa says, because former Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) director-general Happyton Bonyongwe, who was the Justice minister for a few weeks, had signed death warrants for army generals pushing for the late former president Robert Mugabe to come to the negotiating table or to go as he had ambition to become President himself. While Bonyongwe was opposed to the coup despite his denials in his book, One Among Many - My Contribution to the Zimbabwean Story, he was not the one who precipitated the coup. The NewsHawks has evidence Bonyongwe wanted Mugabe to organise a foreign intervention force to stop the coup. It was going to be easy for any foreign force to stop the coup as the army poorly-equipped. The EE-9 Cascavel Project, which the Zimbabwe Independent got detailed information about, including videos before it was stopped by the army from publishing it in 2019, proves that. The NewsHawks only later ran a water down version of the story in 2020. A group of handpicked soldiers from different army units led by commanders from the Mechanised Brigade based just outside Harare spearheaded the military coup that toppled Mugabe. Investigations by The NewsHawks revealed that the military took several months to prepare for the coup, including contracting a South African firm to refurbish its old broken down tanks and personnel armoured carriers. To set plans for the coup in motion, the Ministry of Defence signed a US$20 million deal with Boomslang Logistics (Pty) Ltd to refurbish the tanks that were used in the coup, to take over government installations. At the time of the coup, only three out of the intended 72 Brazilian-designed Cascavel armoured vehicles had been upgraded, but they still managed to do the job as Mugabe’s loyalists in the security forces did not put up any resistance. According to documents, the refurbishment of the Zimbabwe National Army armoured personnel vehicles was halted after a contractual disagreement with South Africa-based military contractor, Boomslang Logistics, before a local company was roped in to complete the project. Mugabe was aware the army was under-resourced and ill-equipped. Sp he tried several Southern African Development Community countries and Russia to intervene. They all refused to come to his rescue. Mutsvangwa and his allies had also done their homework. Meetings were held at Mugabe's Blue Roof Borrowdale mansion to discuss that and Bonyongwe not only attended, but actively participated in the discussions. His book seeks to whitewash that. Details of the discussions about organising an intervention are available. The NewsHawks journalists, then working for Alpha Media Holdings (AMH), knew almost real-time about those meetings and the foreign leaders who were called to help in November 2017. The journalists also knew other things happening at Blue Roof at the time, including the lies that former ministers Jonathan Moyo and Saviour Kasukuwere had been arrested peddled by AMH publisher Trevor Ncube and his pro-coup editors, but let the excitable publisher commit professional suicide through a damning urban legend or fiction published as news in a NewsDay headline story. Ncube and former NewsDay editor Wisdom Mudzungairi flatly refused to listen to truth claiming they had been given the story by army commanders allegedly detaining the two ministers. Yet there were journalists who knew Moyo and Kasukuwere were actually sitting with Mugabe at the time of their alleged arrest. Some former AMH journalists knew the truth because they were directly talking to military commanders, including retired General Chiwenga, the late retired Lieutenant-General Sibusiso SB Moyo and others at the time. But Ncube and Mudzungairi would not be deterred from their Goebbels-style story, which they thought was ground-breaking. This is important to mention because Mutsvangwa's current coup version, particularly regarding Bonyongwe's role has embellishments, but at least is partly true unlike the Moyo and Kasukuwere arrest fiction. While there was a fierce inter-security agency war between the police, CIO and army - within the Joint Operations Command - Bonyongwe did not precipitate the coup; Mugabe actually did. Mugabe admitted as much to journalists in his last interview - on 15 March 2018 - (AMH journalists were also involved in inviting local and foreign colleagues to that media briefing) that he precipitated the coup by refusing to meet with army commanders as he believed, based on his long relations with them, that Mnangagwa and Chiwenga would never go the coup route. The 15 March 2018 media event provided Mugabe's last interviews. After that, it was elections press conference where he announced he would vote for Nelson Chamisa. The following year, Mugabe died on 6 September 2019 in far-flung Singapore, a bitter and broken man. The army command element wanted Mugabe to attend to its grievances, including renewing their contracts, offering job security and electing a new leader at the scheduled 2017 Zanu PF congress. Mugabe said he did not think Mnangagwa and Chiwenga would oust him as they had access to him to discuss and resolve problems like that. So Mugabe's arrogance of power precipitated the coup, coupled with attempts to charge Mnangagwa and army commanders with various crimes, including treason after the 12 November press conference upon Chiwenga's retuen from China. Dossiers of Mnangagwa's alleged crimes, including the late Godfrey Majonga case and murders in the Kwekwe gold fields, were leaked to the media at the time. Mugabe booted out and wanted to nail Mnangagwa, and remove army commanders. That fuelled the coup, which many had seen from a mile away. For some reason, he thought it would never happen to him. That is why he ignored many warnings that it was looming until Bonyongwe rang the alarm bells in a crisis mode during a Harare Institute of Technology graduation ceremony on 6 October 2017, exactly a month before Mnangagwa was fired, triggering the coup. When Mnangagwa was fired, the generals felt cornered - with Bonyongwe exploring how to charge them with treason soon after their 12 November 2017 press conference - and from that point the coup became inevitable. But if Mugabe had agreed to meet the generals, there would have been no coup. Mugabe narrated to journalists at his last press conference and interviews that Bonyongwe came to him running and panicking at HIT, saying the CIO had been immobilised and grounded by the army, and things were going horribly wrong. Mugabe, with his wife former first lady Grace participating, explained events leading to the coup. The last people to interview him on 15 March 2018 were AMH journalists who were very critical of him, yet did not support the coup. The debate at AMH was that it was better for journalists to avoid getting sucked into G40 or Lacoste factional politics. Some felt backing a coup was dangerous because it involved supporting an overthrow of the constitution which enshrined the fundamental democratic values and principles which the journalists purported to be defending in the first place. It would be paradoxical for media to support a coup, the argument went, and still want protection under constitution. If journalists supported the coup, that would leave them badly exposed when they start criticising coup leaders who may later arrest them, when they no longer enjoy legitimate constitutional cover to defend themselves as they would have supported its overthrow and trampling upon through the putsch. Events leading to coup are largely known, except some intricate strategic and tactical details (SB Moyo had prepared a dossier on that which he had promised to share just before he died), so some of Mutsvangwa's utterances are not entirely correct. They lack proper context and proper context, with too much post-facto rationalisation. Mutsvangwa's explanation of Bonyongwe's role, for instance, is only partly true. Yet Mutsvangwa is telling the truth about 2030, that is what Mnangagwa’s strategy is. His informative narrative is only distorted by his unbridled personal hatred for Chiwenga who was responsible for his removal as minister twice and his Norton primary and national elections defeat. Besides that, they have some rivalries which are personal and political rooted in Mozambique, a story for another day. To understand the 2030 story better, we need to rewind to the morning after the coup: what Mnangagwa wanted and what Chiwenga and his commanders had in mind. Mnangagwa initially wanted an inclusive political arrangement, which is why he wanted the late MDC-T leader Morgan Tsvangirai and the late former Zanu PF political heavyweight Dumiso Dabengwa to be part of the government. Former Air Marshal Elson Moyo was sent to engage Dabengwa. When Tsvangirai, who was ailing, and Dabengwa did not come through, Mnangagwa tried to appoint Kembo Mohadi and Oppah Muchinguri-Kashiri as vice-presidents. Mohadi was initially appointed Defence, Security and War Veterans minister in November 2017, a very powerful position. He had been State Security minister just before Mugabe's fall. And Home Affairs minister too. However, after what Mnangagwa's spokesperson George Charamba at the time described as "extensive consultations", Chiwenga and Mohadi were appointed vice-presidents, and sworn in on 28 December 2017. Chiwenga subsequently seized Defence and War Veterans portfolios from Mohadi. Mnangagwa took security. Mohadi was given national reconciliation. Muchinguri-Kashiri became Zanu PF chair and Minister of Environment, Water and Climate. From there, Mnangagwa and Chiwenga, who were close before the coup, started seeing things and imagining the future in a different way, thus drifting in opposite directions. Besides their differences on the government arrangement after the coup, their relations were damaged - almost irreparably - by the Bulawayo grenade attack during election campaigns on 23 June 2018 just before the polls on 30 July 2018. But what further drove them apart were events which took place at the Zanu PF annual conference at Mzingwane High School in Esigodini, Matabeleland South, held from 13-16 December 2018. At Mzingwane, Mnangagwa, after securing an election mandate to legitimise himself and becoming his own man, showed his true colours: He started preparing for a second term, hence the consolidation of the ED2023 campaign from that conference. Chiwenga and other commanders who thought Mnangagwa would serve one term as initially agreed, at least according to SB Moyo at the time, were shocked by the speed and chutzpah of betrayal in Esigodini. Mnangagwa was doing coup textbook stuff: removing those who brought him in and plotting to dig in. That stoked political tensions amid fuel price protests which almost led to another coup in January 2019 when Chiwenga was in charge, while Mnangagwa was away visiting Russia and other Eastern European countries. Fuel protests started the day Mnangagwa left for Moscow - 14 January 2019, leading to deaths of at least 17 people - almost precipitating another coup. In Mnangagwa's authorised biography, A Life of Sacrifice: Biography: Emmerson Mnangagwa, written by former opposition MDC MP-turned presidential adviser Eddie Cross, the book says Chiwenga wanted to declare a state of emergency and bar the President from returning home. Zimbabwe Defence Forces commander General Philip Valerio Sibanda rejected the idea. After that, Chiwenga was mysteriously poisoned. Geza blames Mnangagwa for that. He then goes in and out of hospitals in India and South Africa until he was taken to China in July 2019 where remained until November that year. Chinese Embassy diplomats in Harare at the time agreed to give Zimbabwe Independent newspaper journalists exclusive regular briefings on Chiwenga's state of health until his return. While Chiwenga was away, Mnangagwa consolidated power and realigned political forces looking ahead to 2023. That changed everything. By the time Chiwenga returned from China in November 2019, the internal Zanu PF and government balance of forces had dramatically shifted. So from late 2019 to 2023, Mnangagwa, who soon after the coup was weak and scared of his deputy, had an upper hand. Chiwenga started rebuilding his political and military base wfyer his return, but Mnangagwa was now firmly in charge, looking forward to his second term. At the Zanu PF 2022 congress, Mnangagwa overran Chiwenga. That is why Mnangagwa wants to take Chiwenga head-on at congress in 2027, directly or indirectly. Mnangagwa had avoided the 2019 congress while he was still consolidating power, deferring it to 2022. Chiwenga even knelt before Mnangagwa at that congress, symbolising the nadir of his weakness and vulnerability at that point. The next congress is in 2027 and Mnangagwa wants to block Chiwenga from succeeding him there, either by standing or supporting a rival candidate; initially Sibanda was in the frame, Mutsvangwa says. Mnangagwa tried to promote Sibanda to the Zanu PF decision-making politburo during the 2023 Gweru annual conference, but the move fell through due to constitutional issues. After emerging victorious at the 2022 congress, Mnangagwa put in place his own campaign machinery and sidelined the army from his second term campaign. Enter Forever Associates of Zimbabwe (Faz). After congress, Faz, a shadowy CIO outfit, took over electoral processes, saying it was now an affiliate member of Zanu PF, but distancing itself from the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission. Led by CIO co-deputy director-general retired Brigadier-General Walter Tapfumaneyi, Faz hijacked the electoral processes, including the chaotic voter inspection and delimitation. In the end, Mnangagwa won without the army, although the victory was messy. On the ascendancy before the elections, Mnangagwa and his allies began to think beyond 2023, their initial holy grail. They initially wanted a third term, but that was always going to be complex and complicated due to constitutional issues. So an idea was mulled to hide behind Vision 2030 which seeks to transform Zimbabwe into an upper middle income economy. The succession issue then became an appendage to that, hence ED2030; from ED2023. Chiwenga and the military were aware before the elections that Mnangagwa would want to cling to power if allowed to do as he pleases. That is when a resistance plan was put in place. It worked in fits and starts, with an irregular burst of activity. As it became clear after the Bulawayo conference last year that Mnangagwa was going extend his rule beyond his second term constitutional limit to 2030 - which would be changed to a third term later - Chiwenga and his military-backed faction decided to act. When Mnangagwa went on his annual leave on 30 December 2024, effectively starting the following day, 31 December 2024, an opportunity to strike arose. However, that had to wait until Mohadi had finished being Acting President and after Chiwenga had come in on 20 January 2025. The Chiwenga faction briefed The NewsHawks on 2 January 2025, warning a political storm ahead when the former army commander would be Acting President from 20 January 2025 until Mnangagwa's return at the beginning of February. To show this was well-planned, events later unfolded as stated in the 2 January 2025 briefing. War veterans crawled out of the woodwork to tear Mnangagwa apart, with Blessed Geza stealing the show. This led to four criminal charges against him, including two of allegedly undermining the authority of and insulting the President and inciting public violence. In the process, AMH journalist Blessed Mhlanga who had aired or coordinated war veterans leaders' interviews was arrested and has been repeatedly denied bail so far. Mhlanga is being punished by Mnangagwa loyalists who think he was trying to play the role of arrowhead for another coup. As is publicly known, something he recently confirmed himself, Mhlanga worked closely with Mnangagwa's team in 2017, covering their issues. He even organised meetings for Ncube and his pro-coup editors to meet Mnangagwa. That is how close he was to them. So they think that he wanted to give coverage to war veterans to agitate for another coup to benefit Chiwenga, when in fact he was merely doing his job. Mhlanga committed no crime at all; indeed they say journalism is not a crime. His only crime is telling the truth about what is currently happening, fuelling the Mnangagwa regime's paranoia, and nothing else. The situation was worsened by the People's Own Savings Bank saga, for which he provided a whistleblowing platform to political activist Jealousy Mawarire, while the story was being written by ZimLive and The NewsHawks. Mawarire is a mutual friend with the source who also gave The NewsHawks the POSB story. The POSB story is significant as it proves that Mnangagwa is plundering public assets. It also fits neatly into the war veterans' corruption and grand looting narrative. Mutsvangwa's recent outbursts against Chiwenga in the Dug Up long-form story (on this audio) were useful, although they were not entirely new as he had previously made them on various fora, including during an interview with economist Tinashe Murapata and stockbroker Rufaro Zengeni in early December 2024. Manyowa's production provided more detail and insight, without much of the necessary and relevant background. Mutsvangwa's recent outbursts subsequently triggered Geza's own bombshell a few days ago. From there, Mnangagwa is now walking a tight rope, possibly he will be floundering on a slippery slope, come 31 March. Despite all the sound and fury from both actions - which signifies something, the situation remains fluid, with analysts warning of looming open confrontation in the streets. Even a bloody clash is feared. The Chiwenga faction wants to withdraw military support for Mnangagwa, leaving him weak and vulnerable. Without the army, Mnangagwa, a securocrat whose credibility is now battered by his leadership, governance ans policy failures, would not last a day longer in power. That is what 31 March is all about. It will test his capacity and tenacity to remain in power. For now, Chiwenga's intervention has halted Mnangagwa's 2030 agenda. However, the succession battle between Mnangagwa and Chiwenga remains a see-saw, a tug-of-war, changing rapidly and repeatedly from one position, situation, or condition to another - and back again. Whichever way, Mnangagwa is facing his political Waterloo.

TheNewsHawks

18,155 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

Canadians have sent 240,000 postcards to senators urging them to oppose Liberal Bill C-9. Until this morning, the Senate was hiding these postcards in a warehouse in Gatineau. This morning, they were moved to a Senate room, but they still aren't being delivered to senators.

Canadians have sent 240,000 postcards to senators urging them to oppose Liberal Bill C-9. Until this morning, the Senate was hiding these postcards in a warehouse in Gatineau. This morning, they were moved to a Senate room, but they still aren't being delivered to senators.

Andrew Lawton

145,556 Aufrufe • vor 1 Tag

One of the most entertaining Derby players to watch from 2004-05 era was Grzegorz Rasiak. Tormented Forest during this match and nearly took himself out on the post to score this header. A brilliant striker, tall but with great feet too. Do you remember his goals? #dcfc #dcfcfans #dcfcpolish

One of the most entertaining Derby players to watch from 2004-05 era was Grzegorz Rasiak. Tormented Forest during this match and nearly took himself out on the post to score this header. A brilliant striker, tall but with great feet too. Do you remember his goals? #dcfc #dcfcfans #dcfcpolish

Sllay3r

10,899 Aufrufe • vor 5 Tagen

Jay-Z reunited with Beanie Sigel and Freeway at the Roots Picnic to perform “What We Do”

Jay-Z reunited with Beanie Sigel and Freeway at the Roots Picnic to perform “What We Do”

Variety

1,366,493 Aufrufe • vor 6 Tagen

Mr. Kowiu Oloyede, 25, was found to have circulated a video containing false claims of banditry and kidnapping. Investigation revealed that the allegations were entirely false and were allegedly made to gain attention and boost his social media following. Before posting the video, he reportedly had about 60 followers; after the video went viral, his follower count surged to over 1,000. He has since been charged to court for the offence. The pursuit of social media fame is never worth the consequences of spreading false information. A temporary increase in followers is no substitute for one’s reputation, credibility, or freedom. It is hoped that this serves as a clear lesson to all that misinformation has real consequences, and those who deliberately mislead the public will be held accountable under the law.

Mr. Kowiu Oloyede, 25, was found to have circulated a video containing false claims of banditry and kidnapping. Investigation revealed that the allegations were entirely false and were allegedly made to gain attention and boost his social media following. Before posting the video, he reportedly had about 60 followers; after the video went viral, his follower count surged to over 1,000. He has since been charged to court for the offence. The pursuit of social media fame is never worth the consequences of spreading false information. A temporary increase in followers is no substitute for one’s reputation, credibility, or freedom. It is hoped that this serves as a clear lesson to all that misinformation has real consequences, and those who deliberately mislead the public will be held accountable under the law.

DSP OLUSEYI BABASEYI

48,200 Aufrufe • vor 1 Tag

this one means something to Wemby

this one means something to Wemby

jordy.

3,367,754 Aufrufe • vor 6 Tagen

Rev. Dr. Stephen De Young breaks down how the absurd ages in Genesis and the Sumerian king lists might be encoded in Babylonian base-60 math, which is why we still have 60 seconds in a minute today. The wild part: the seventh king in the Sumerian list invented the solar calendar, and Enoch, the seventh from Adam in Genesis, lived exactly 365 years. Ancient texts are hiding math in plain sight. Source: TCN

Rev. Dr. Stephen De Young breaks down how the absurd ages in Genesis and the Sumerian king lists might be encoded in Babylonian base-60 math, which is why we still have 60 seconds in a minute today. The wild part: the seventh king in the Sumerian list invented the solar calendar, and Enoch, the seventh from Adam in Genesis, lived exactly 365 years. Ancient texts are hiding math in plain sight. Source: TCN

Mario Nawfal

249,550 Aufrufe • vor 7 Tagen

Black Wall Street Rally & The Black Wall Street Legacy Festival feat. Fantasia in Tulsa, Oklahoma. #BlackAmericans

Black Wall Street Rally & The Black Wall Street Legacy Festival feat. Fantasia in Tulsa, Oklahoma. #BlackAmericans

Earl Landix 🇺🇸

19,215 Aufrufe • vor 1 Tag