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Modi ji’s vision is— - governance without corruption, - ⁠delivery without discrimination, - ⁠development without vote-bank politics. മോദിജിയുടെ കാഴ്ചപ്പാട് ഇതാണ് * അഴിമതിരഹിതഭരണം * വിവേചനമില്ലാതെ ആനുകൂല്യങ്ങൾ എല്ലാവരിലേക്കും * വോട്ടുബാങ്ക് രാഷ്ട്രീയത്തിന് അതീതമായി വികസനം #NDA4VikasitaKeralam

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Amit Shah

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449,510 Aufrufe • vor 5 Monaten •via X (Twitter)

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Dictatorships Always Claim Efficiency and Productivity. Uganda’s Offers Something Else. ======= Ugandans are not lazy. We wake up early, sit in traffic, chase money, pay school fees, and stretch every shilling just to stay afloat. Even educated people struggle. A “good job” can still leave you broke by the 20th of the month. We are working hard. The country is not. Dictatorships usually defend themselves with one argument: efficiency. “We may limit politics, but we deliver results.” That is the only serious claim common to all authoritarian systems. Concentrated power must produce concentrated output. China understood this logic. It paired centralized authority with industrial policy, manufacturing expansion, and infrastructure at scale. Whatever one thinks of its politics, it built factories, ports, rail networks, and global supply chains. Control was exchanged for growth. Iran faced decades of sanctions and isolation. Instead of collapsing, it invested in domestic capability. Drone technology, missile systems, pharmaceuticals, automotive production. Not perfect, but real industrial resilience under pressure. Sanctions forced self-reliance. Before its collapse, Muammar Muhammad Abu Minyar al-Gaddafi’s Libya converted oil wealth into visible welfare. Roads, housing, fuel subsidies, public services, and one of the highest Human Development Index rankings in Africa at the time, meaning better life expectancy, education levels, and income for ordinary citizens. You could debate governance, but the state translated mineral wealth into material outcomes. Now consider Uganda. We centralized power but forgot to centralize competence. We manage politics tightly, yet cannot manage productivity. We do not have China’s industrial discipline, Iran’s pressure-driven innovation, or Libya’s mineral-to-welfare conversion. Instead, we have activity without much output. Workshops without industry. Plans without execution. Patronage without performance. If dictatorship’s only plausible virtue is delivery, then ours has surrendered even that. Other autocracies endure through production. Ours endures through managed stagnation. Power without performance is not strength. It is incompetence preserved by control.

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Today, I had the immense honour of sharing the stage with our Hon'ble Prime Minister, Shri Narendra Modi Ji, at the historic 'Poriborton Sankalpa Sabha' at Dumdum. The energy of the massive crowd and the resounding call for "Poriborton" (change) filled the air, reflecting the people’s resolve to free Bengal from the clutches of Trinamool’s corruption and misrule. Modi ji’s powerful words today struck a chord with every Bengali heart. He rightly targeted the corrupt, be it Arvind Kejriwal, Partha Chatterjee, or Jyotipriya Mallick, who did cling on to power even from behind the bars, showing no respect for the Constitution or the people. But uunder the watch of Modi Ji, soon this will be a thing of the past, the corrupt won't be able to rule from the Jail. He exposed how Trinamool shelters infiltrators for vote-bank politics, snatching jobs of our people and land from our farmers & tribal communities, while violating the honour of our mothers and sisters. Modi Ji’s promise to drive out infiltrators and build a developed Bengal under BJP’s leadership is our guiding light. We, the Karyakartas of BJP West Bengal, are committed to realizing Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee’s dream of a prosperous Bengal. Modi Govt has given Bengali language the status of a 'Classical Language', and with our roadmap for development, we will transform Bengal into a model of progress and development. The people of West Bengal, just give us one chance, and see the difference. 🙏 BJP

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He noted that even when Narendra Modi was Gujarat’s Chief Minister and a vocal critic of the Congress, he always touched Baba’s feet during their private meetings. “I don’t know why, but he has a strange soft corner for me,” Baba once wrote. Their connection extended beyond governance into shared values and spirituality. Baba once told Narendra Modi that their bond might stem from their mutual reverence for Swami Vivekananda and Shri Ramakrishna Paramahansa, central figures in the Ramakrishna Mission. Narendra Modi often referred to my father as a mentor, especially during his early days as Prime Minister. Baba’s wisdom and experience in navigating the complexities of governance provided invaluable guidance. At Baba’s farewell ceremony as President in 2017, Narendra Modi delivered an emotional speech, calling him “a father figure” and “a mentor who inspired me to work harder for the nation.” This admiration was mutual. In his memoir, The Presidential Years: 2012–2017, Baba praised Narendra Modi’s decisiveness and work ethic while acknowledging occasional policy disagreements. He appreciated Narendra Modi’s governance reforms and his ability to connect with people. Baba wrote in his diary, “Modi has a very professional approach to statecraft. He truly feels the pulse of the people.” He also observed that, after Indira Gandhi, Narendra Modi is one of the rare Prime Ministers who not only understands the pulse of the people but also possesses immense political strength. My father also had some initial apprehensions about how Narendra Modi, coming from state politics and without prior experience in national or parliamentary roles, would handle India’s complex foreign policy. PM Modi’s transition from state politics to the national stage, becoming a Member of Parliament and then the Prime Minister, was a significant leap. However, my father was quick to appreciate PM Modi's ability to adapt and excel. He remarked in several interviews, how PM Modi swiftly grasped the intricacies of India’s foreign policy—a domain known for its complexity. During his 2014 oath-taking ceremony, Narendra Modi made a decision to invite the SAARC leaders, a gesture that my father deeply appreciated. He considered it a highly innovative and strategic initiative, remarking that PM Modi is truly an out-of-the-box thinker. My father not only praised this bold move but also offered a word of advice to the Prime Minister to ensure that security arrangements were exceptionally tight. Their bond extended beyond official duties. I recall an instance when Narendra Modi, learning that Baba felt uneasy without work after retiring as President, personally called him. “Dada, please don’t be depressed. Your words of wisdom have great value for the nation. You should speak your mind at seminars and public events,” he told Baba. This simple yet thoughtful gesture showcased the depth of their connection. One of the most heartfelt moments in their relationship was Narendra Modi’s handwritten farewell letter to Baba, calling him a “father figure” and expressing deep gratitude. Baba was touched by this gesture and even shared the letter on social media, showcasing the emotional bond they shared. When Baba passed away in August 2020, Narendra Modi’s tributes revealed the void his absence left in his life. Calling Baba a “guide and mentor,” Narendra Modi emphasized his commitment to placing the nation above political divides. When Baba was awarded the Bharat Ratna, I remember seeing Narendra Modi Ji’s face beam with pride. He was genuinely happy, a moment that reflected the magnanimity of his government in honouring stalwarts irrespective of political affiliations. My father often said, “Modi is a quick learner and a hard worker.” The work ethic Narendra Modi demonstrated—reportedly working up to 20 hours a day—resonated with my father, who shared a similar dedication to public service during his career. Their relationship is a powerful example of how mutual respect and shared dedication to national progress can transcend political differences. Their relationship leaves a legacy of unity and statesmanship for future generations to emulate #ModiStory
7:17

𝘖𝘯 𝘉𝘩𝘢𝘳𝘢𝘵 𝘙𝘢𝘵𝘯𝘢 𝙋𝙧𝙖𝙣𝙖𝙗 𝙈𝙪𝙠𝙝𝙚𝙧𝙟𝙚𝙚'𝘴 𝘣𝘪𝘳𝘵𝘩 𝘢𝘯𝘯𝘪𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘴𝘢𝘳𝘺, 𝘩𝘪𝘴 𝘥𝘢𝘶𝘨𝘩𝘵𝘦𝘳 𝙎𝙝𝙖𝙧𝙢𝙞𝙨𝙩𝙝𝙖 𝙈𝙪𝙠𝙝𝙚𝙧𝙟𝙚𝙚 𝘳𝘦𝘧𝘭𝘦𝘤𝘵𝘴 𝘰𝘯 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘮𝘦𝘳 𝘗𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘪𝘥𝘦𝘯𝘵'𝘴 𝘴𝘱𝘦𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘭 𝘣𝘰𝘯𝘥 𝘸𝘪𝘵𝘩 𝘗𝘳𝘪𝘮𝘦 𝘔𝘪𝘯𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘦𝘳 𝘕𝘢𝘳𝘦𝘯𝘥𝘳𝘢 𝘔𝘰𝘥𝘪. 𝗡𝗔𝗥𝗘𝗡𝗗𝗥𝗔 𝗠𝗢𝗗𝗜 𝗔𝗡𝗗 𝗠𝗬 𝗙𝗔𝗧𝗛𝗘𝗥, 𝗣𝗥𝗔𝗡𝗔𝗕 𝗠𝗨𝗞𝗛𝗘𝗥𝗝𝗘𝗘: 𝗔 𝗕𝗢𝗡𝗗 𝗥𝗢𝗢𝗧𝗘𝗗 𝗜𝗡 𝗠𝗨𝗧𝗨𝗔𝗟 𝗥𝗘𝗦𝗣𝗘𝗖𝗧 In the world of polity, where relationships are defined by formalities and protocol, the bond between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and my father, Pranab Mukherjee, stands out as a rare example of camaraderie that transcended political boundaries. Despite ideologically contrasting backgrounds, their relationship blossomed on the foundations of mutual admiration, respect, and a shared commitment to the nation. When Narendra Modi became Prime Minister in 2014, he was stepping onto the national stage after over a decade as Chief Minister of Gujarat. My father, then President of India, with his vast experience in governance, became an indispensable guide to Narendra Modi. I remember how warmly Baba welcomed him, offering his support in constitutional matters while respecting their distinct roles. During their very first meeting after Narendra Modi’s electoral victory in 2014, the Prime Minister touched my father’s feet—a gesture of reverence that left a lasting impression on everyone. Baba later told me about that moment and how he candidly assured Narendra Modi: “We belong to two different ideologies, but the people have given you a mandate. I will not interfere with governance—that is your job. But I will be there if you need help in any constitutional matter.” Narendra Modi often acknowledged the significance of this assurance, recounting in one of my conversations with him. He said, “For Dada to say this was a big thing. From the beginning, there was openness and honesty between us.” Baba’s diary entries revealed just how profound their bond was. He noted that even when Narendra Modi was Gujarat’s Chief Minister and a vocal critic of the Congress, he always touched Baba’s feet during their private meetings. “I don’t know why, but he has a strange soft corner for me,” Baba once wrote. Their connection extended beyond governance into shared values and spirituality. Baba once told Narendra Modi that their bond might stem from their mutual reverence for Swami Vivekananda and Shri Ramakrishna Paramahansa, central figures in the Ramakrishna Mission. Narendra Modi often referred to my father as a mentor, especially during his early days as Prime Minister. Baba’s wisdom and experience in navigating the complexities of governance provided invaluable guidance. At Baba’s farewell ceremony as President in 2017, Narendra Modi delivered an emotional speech, calling him “a father figure” and “a mentor who inspired me to work harder for the nation.” This admiration was mutual. In his memoir, The Presidential Years: 2012–2017, Baba praised Narendra Modi’s decisiveness and work ethic while acknowledging occasional policy disagreements. He appreciated Narendra Modi’s governance reforms and his ability to connect with people. Baba wrote in his diary, “Modi has a very professional approach to statecraft. He truly feels the pulse of the people.” He also observed that, after Indira Gandhi, Narendra Modi is one of the rare Prime Ministers who not only understands the pulse of the people but also possesses immense political strength. My father also had some initial apprehensions about how Narendra Modi, coming from state politics and without prior experience in national or parliamentary roles, would handle India’s complex foreign policy. PM Modi’s transition from state politics to the national stage, becoming a Member of Parliament and then the Prime Minister, was a significant leap. However, my father was quick to appreciate PM Modi's ability to adapt and excel. He remarked in several interviews, how PM Modi swiftly grasped the intricacies of India’s foreign policy—a domain known for its complexity. During his 2014 oath-taking ceremony, Narendra Modi made a decision to invite the SAARC leaders, a gesture that my father deeply appreciated. He considered it a highly innovative and strategic initiative, remarking that PM Modi is truly an out-of-the-box thinker. My father not only praised this bold move but also offered a word of advice to the Prime Minister to ensure that security arrangements were exceptionally tight. Their bond extended beyond official duties. I recall an instance when Narendra Modi, learning that Baba felt uneasy without work after retiring as President, personally called him. “Dada, please don’t be depressed. Your words of wisdom have great value for the nation. You should speak your mind at seminars and public events,” he told Baba. This simple yet thoughtful gesture showcased the depth of their connection. One of the most heartfelt moments in their relationship was Narendra Modi’s handwritten farewell letter to Baba, calling him a “father figure” and expressing deep gratitude. Baba was touched by this gesture and even shared the letter on social media, showcasing the emotional bond they shared. When Baba passed away in August 2020, Narendra Modi’s tributes revealed the void his absence left in his life. Calling Baba a “guide and mentor,” Narendra Modi emphasized his commitment to placing the nation above political divides. When Baba was awarded the Bharat Ratna, I remember seeing Narendra Modi Ji’s face beam with pride. He was genuinely happy, a moment that reflected the magnanimity of his government in honouring stalwarts irrespective of political affiliations. My father often said, “Modi is a quick learner and a hard worker.” The work ethic Narendra Modi demonstrated—reportedly working up to 20 hours a day—resonated with my father, who shared a similar dedication to public service during his career. Their relationship is a powerful example of how mutual respect and shared dedication to national progress can transcend political differences. Their relationship leaves a legacy of unity and statesmanship for future generations to emulate #ModiStory

Modi Story

1,271,089 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

🤔 BOBI WINE is blabbering to a straightforward question whether he supports or opposes the repressive anti-homosexuality law in uganda which he claims targets him! bobi wine describes the law as a “political weapon,” asserting that any statement he makes could be used against him. however, to me, this explanation falls short, considering his silence during the law's passage and the unanimous support for it from his/out nup party's mps. this situation begs two questions: 𝟏. is our entire nup party complicit, or there is a lack of leadership in addressing internal dissent? 𝟐. as the president of the party, what disciplinary actions has bobi wine take against the homophobic nup parliamentarians who voted for a law that is targeting him and themselves, besides firing the former leader of opposition, Mathias Mpuuga, who misled the entire opposition to vote for the anti-lgbtiq+ law? still when pressed on whether bobi wine would repeal the law if he came to power, his hesitation leaves my eyebrows fully deployed! asserting a commitment to respect all human rights without specifically recognizing lgbtiq+ rights as human rights is not enough. there cannot be true democracy without lgbtiq+rights. as bobi wine sang that “𝐈𝐟 𝐲𝐨𝐮 𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐟𝐨𝐫 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐭𝐫𝐮𝐭𝐡, 𝐲𝐨𝐮 𝐛𝐞𝐭𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐛𝐞 𝐫𝐞𝐚𝐝𝐲 𝐭𝐨 𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐚𝐥𝐨𝐧𝐞,” why now cower or get excuses that whatever you say about the anti-gay law, it will be used against you? let’s walk our talk! the time has come for ugandan politicians and leaders to unequivocally oppose the egregious anti-homosexuality law. advocating for some rights while remaining ambiguous about lgbtiq+ rights is inconsistent, inexcusable, indefensible, unacceptable, and undermines the principles of democracy, justice and equality. the political exploitation of human rights issues by the opposition and the junta must end. you should either stand for lgbtiq+ rights or stand for hypocrisy, hate, and politics of appeasement. politicians, always be clear and firm on your position when it comes to the queer rights just like it is on other subjects like political and civil rights, good governance, rule of law, corruption, women’s rights, children’s rights… where you don’t blabber. otherwise the chess and checkers politicians are playing is exacerbating marginalization and plight of lgbtiq+ ugandans, which unacceptable!#standupforhumanrights #repealaha2023 #turnoffthehate
2:34

🤔 BOBI WINE is blabbering to a straightforward question whether he supports or opposes the repressive anti-homosexuality law in uganda which he claims targets him! bobi wine describes the law as a “political weapon,” asserting that any statement he makes could be used against him. however, to me, this explanation falls short, considering his silence during the law's passage and the unanimous support for it from his/out nup party's mps. this situation begs two questions: 𝟏. is our entire nup party complicit, or there is a lack of leadership in addressing internal dissent? 𝟐. as the president of the party, what disciplinary actions has bobi wine take against the homophobic nup parliamentarians who voted for a law that is targeting him and themselves, besides firing the former leader of opposition, Mathias Mpuuga, who misled the entire opposition to vote for the anti-lgbtiq+ law? still when pressed on whether bobi wine would repeal the law if he came to power, his hesitation leaves my eyebrows fully deployed! asserting a commitment to respect all human rights without specifically recognizing lgbtiq+ rights as human rights is not enough. there cannot be true democracy without lgbtiq+rights. as bobi wine sang that “𝐈𝐟 𝐲𝐨𝐮 𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐟𝐨𝐫 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐭𝐫𝐮𝐭𝐡, 𝐲𝐨𝐮 𝐛𝐞𝐭𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐛𝐞 𝐫𝐞𝐚𝐝𝐲 𝐭𝐨 𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐚𝐥𝐨𝐧𝐞,” why now cower or get excuses that whatever you say about the anti-gay law, it will be used against you? let’s walk our talk! the time has come for ugandan politicians and leaders to unequivocally oppose the egregious anti-homosexuality law. advocating for some rights while remaining ambiguous about lgbtiq+ rights is inconsistent, inexcusable, indefensible, unacceptable, and undermines the principles of democracy, justice and equality. the political exploitation of human rights issues by the opposition and the junta must end. you should either stand for lgbtiq+ rights or stand for hypocrisy, hate, and politics of appeasement. politicians, always be clear and firm on your position when it comes to the queer rights just like it is on other subjects like political and civil rights, good governance, rule of law, corruption, women’s rights, children’s rights… where you don’t blabber. otherwise the chess and checkers politicians are playing is exacerbating marginalization and plight of lgbtiq+ ugandans, which unacceptable!#standupforhumanrights #repealaha2023 #turnoffthehate

justice hunter 🇺🇬🇺🇸

206,411 Aufrufe • vor 2 Jahren

History has no blank pages, Ched Matsvina. Joshua Nkomo never became president, but he accomplished more for Zimbabwe than most of the traditional ZANU figures, including stopping the Ndebele genocide initiated by Robert Mugabe and Emmerson Mnangagwa. Without Joshua Nkomo, Strive Masiyiwa would not have started Econet Wireless. Mugabe and his thugs had blocked him, yet today, Econet is one of Zimbabwe’s biggest companies and will outlive its founder. When students were being harassed and beaten by Mugabe’s thugs, it was Nkomo who intervened to stop it. Nkomo was a unifier. He consistently advocated for national unity, even when it was politically costly. His vision for Zimbabwe was inclusive, recognising that the country’s diverse ethnic and political groups needed to work together. Mugabe, on the other hand, was authoritarian. He consolidated power by crushing dissent, eliminating rivals, and using violence to maintain control. His leadership prioritised ZANU dominance over national cohesion like we are seeing today with Mnangagwa. Nkomo believed in democracy, economic empowerment, and development. Had he been in power, his policies would likely have focused on broad-based growth rather than patronage and cronyism. Mugabe’s governance was characterised by corruption, economic mismanagement, and a ruthless approach to maintaining power. While Nkomo never had the chance to implement his economic policies fully, his track record shows that he would have prioritised industrialisation and equitable development. When they came back after the war, Nkomo’s ZAPU bought farms and ran businesses, on the other hand Mugabe and his goons took people’s businesses including those of ZAPU that haven’t been returned to this very day. I suggest you read your history!
2:11

History has no blank pages, Ched Matsvina. Joshua Nkomo never became president, but he accomplished more for Zimbabwe than most of the traditional ZANU figures, including stopping the Ndebele genocide initiated by Robert Mugabe and Emmerson Mnangagwa. Without Joshua Nkomo, Strive Masiyiwa would not have started Econet Wireless. Mugabe and his thugs had blocked him, yet today, Econet is one of Zimbabwe’s biggest companies and will outlive its founder. When students were being harassed and beaten by Mugabe’s thugs, it was Nkomo who intervened to stop it. Nkomo was a unifier. He consistently advocated for national unity, even when it was politically costly. His vision for Zimbabwe was inclusive, recognising that the country’s diverse ethnic and political groups needed to work together. Mugabe, on the other hand, was authoritarian. He consolidated power by crushing dissent, eliminating rivals, and using violence to maintain control. His leadership prioritised ZANU dominance over national cohesion like we are seeing today with Mnangagwa. Nkomo believed in democracy, economic empowerment, and development. Had he been in power, his policies would likely have focused on broad-based growth rather than patronage and cronyism. Mugabe’s governance was characterised by corruption, economic mismanagement, and a ruthless approach to maintaining power. While Nkomo never had the chance to implement his economic policies fully, his track record shows that he would have prioritised industrialisation and equitable development. When they came back after the war, Nkomo’s ZAPU bought farms and ran businesses, on the other hand Mugabe and his goons took people’s businesses including those of ZAPU that haven’t been returned to this very day. I suggest you read your history!

Hopewell Chin’ono

94,209 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

This video with PM .Narendra Modi Ji on stage has gone viral. Graceful folk dance of indigenous Bodo tribe in Assam. But do U know this Bodo Land was about to break from Bharat once? Why? Read & U'll also say CONgress is NATIONAL DISGRACE! 👉How CONgress Created Problem Called Bodoland Conflict! Bodoland conflict in Assam's Bodoland Territorial Region (BTR) – encompassing districts like Kokrajhar, Chirang, Baksa & Udalguri has roots in post-independence era, but escalated into full-blown crisis largely due to CONgress's DELIBERATE mishandling & neglect over decades. As dominant party ruling 'India' centrally (1947–77, 1980–89, 1991–96, 2004–14) & Assam for much of that time, CONgress always prioritized vote-bank politics over genuine resolution, ALLOWING ILLEGAL IMMIGRATION TO ALTER DEMOGRAPHICS TO SUIT IT'S APPEASEMENT POLITICS which fueled vi0£ence. This turned into demand for tribal autonomy into a protracted insurgency, ethnic riots & India's one of most disturbed regions before 2014. Bodo people, Assam's largest plains tribe, began seeking safeguards for their identity, land & culture in 1960s amid fears of assimilation by dominant Assamese groups & influx of MIGRANTS. Plains Tribals Council of Assam (PTCA) demanded separate union territory called Udayachal in 1967, but CONgress ignored these calls, viewing tribal autonomy as threat to national unity – even criticizing provisions like 6th Schedule's exclusions for hill areas as 'British tricks'. So Tribal Autonomy was THREAT to Nation but ILLEGAL BANGLADESHIS were NOT, according to CONgress. Wow! This neglect intensified after 1979–85 Assam Movement as Bodo concerns were sidelined prompting All Bodo Students' Union (ABSU) to launch a mass agitation in 1987 for a separate Bodoland state. Insurgent groups like National Democratic Front of Bodoland (1986) emerged, seeking sovereignty through armed struggle, bombings & extortions. But for CONgress, Illegal Aliens stayed more important. CONgress's PM PV Narasimha Rao created Bodoland Autonomous Council (BAC) in 1993 but this was widely panned as rushed, toothless measure with limited powers over land, finances or security, failing to address core grievances & leading to more vi0£ence in late 1990s. Critics argue CONgress rewarded armed groups with nominal power without accountability, splintering insurgents into factions like Bodo Liberation Tigers Force (BLTF) & worsening ethnic cleansing of non-Bodos. CONgress's decision to push elections despite unrest incited further clashes. Key accusation is CONgress's role in encouraging illegal immigration from Bangladesh for vote banks, which drastically shifted demographics & heightened Bodo fears of becoming minorities in their homeland. This fueled deadly ethnic riots, such as those in 1993 (post-accord), 2008, 2012 (displacing 5 Lakh, Bharat's largest internal crisis) & 2014 (NDFB killings of Adivasis). Under CONgress rule in Assam (2001–16), alliances with BPF (ex-militants) were criticized as expedient, allowing discrimination against non-Bodos while small arms proliferated & funds were captured by elites. CONgress's approach kept Bodoland "disconnected from mainstream," disrespecting local culture & sustaining conflicts for political gain, as per critics. Economic backwardness, poor infra & over 220 ethnic groups' fragile relations turned area into hotbed of insurgency. 👉How PM Modi Ji Resolved This Conflict! Under PM Modi Ji's leadership, 2020 Bodo Peace Accord–signed with ABSU, NDFB factions & others– marked comprehensive resolution, expanding BTR's autonomy, integrating insurgents & allocating funds for development. It ended decades of vi0£ence, restored trust & saw 1000s of youth abandon arms for mainstream life. By 2025, 82% of clauses are implemented, ushering peace, cultural promotion & growth–stark contrast to prior eras. Full execution is promised within 2 yrs, transforming Bodoland from conflict zone to development hub.
1:54

This video with PM .Narendra Modi Ji on stage has gone viral. Graceful folk dance of indigenous Bodo tribe in Assam. But do U know this Bodo Land was about to break from Bharat once? Why? Read & U'll also say CONgress is NATIONAL DISGRACE! 👉How CONgress Created Problem Called Bodoland Conflict! Bodoland conflict in Assam's Bodoland Territorial Region (BTR) – encompassing districts like Kokrajhar, Chirang, Baksa & Udalguri has roots in post-independence era, but escalated into full-blown crisis largely due to CONgress's DELIBERATE mishandling & neglect over decades. As dominant party ruling 'India' centrally (1947–77, 1980–89, 1991–96, 2004–14) & Assam for much of that time, CONgress always prioritized vote-bank politics over genuine resolution, ALLOWING ILLEGAL IMMIGRATION TO ALTER DEMOGRAPHICS TO SUIT IT'S APPEASEMENT POLITICS which fueled vi0£ence. This turned into demand for tribal autonomy into a protracted insurgency, ethnic riots & India's one of most disturbed regions before 2014. Bodo people, Assam's largest plains tribe, began seeking safeguards for their identity, land & culture in 1960s amid fears of assimilation by dominant Assamese groups & influx of MIGRANTS. Plains Tribals Council of Assam (PTCA) demanded separate union territory called Udayachal in 1967, but CONgress ignored these calls, viewing tribal autonomy as threat to national unity – even criticizing provisions like 6th Schedule's exclusions for hill areas as 'British tricks'. So Tribal Autonomy was THREAT to Nation but ILLEGAL BANGLADESHIS were NOT, according to CONgress. Wow! This neglect intensified after 1979–85 Assam Movement as Bodo concerns were sidelined prompting All Bodo Students' Union (ABSU) to launch a mass agitation in 1987 for a separate Bodoland state. Insurgent groups like National Democratic Front of Bodoland (1986) emerged, seeking sovereignty through armed struggle, bombings & extortions. But for CONgress, Illegal Aliens stayed more important. CONgress's PM PV Narasimha Rao created Bodoland Autonomous Council (BAC) in 1993 but this was widely panned as rushed, toothless measure with limited powers over land, finances or security, failing to address core grievances & leading to more vi0£ence in late 1990s. Critics argue CONgress rewarded armed groups with nominal power without accountability, splintering insurgents into factions like Bodo Liberation Tigers Force (BLTF) & worsening ethnic cleansing of non-Bodos. CONgress's decision to push elections despite unrest incited further clashes. Key accusation is CONgress's role in encouraging illegal immigration from Bangladesh for vote banks, which drastically shifted demographics & heightened Bodo fears of becoming minorities in their homeland. This fueled deadly ethnic riots, such as those in 1993 (post-accord), 2008, 2012 (displacing 5 Lakh, Bharat's largest internal crisis) & 2014 (NDFB killings of Adivasis). Under CONgress rule in Assam (2001–16), alliances with BPF (ex-militants) were criticized as expedient, allowing discrimination against non-Bodos while small arms proliferated & funds were captured by elites. CONgress's approach kept Bodoland "disconnected from mainstream," disrespecting local culture & sustaining conflicts for political gain, as per critics. Economic backwardness, poor infra & over 220 ethnic groups' fragile relations turned area into hotbed of insurgency. 👉How PM Modi Ji Resolved This Conflict! Under PM Modi Ji's leadership, 2020 Bodo Peace Accord–signed with ABSU, NDFB factions & others– marked comprehensive resolution, expanding BTR's autonomy, integrating insurgents & allocating funds for development. It ended decades of vi0£ence, restored trust & saw 1000s of youth abandon arms for mainstream life. By 2025, 82% of clauses are implemented, ushering peace, cultural promotion & growth–stark contrast to prior eras. Full execution is promised within 2 yrs, transforming Bodoland from conflict zone to development hub.

BhikuMhatre

15,940 Aufrufe • vor 8 Monaten

During the AFRIKA Mayibuye consultation process that led to the formation of the Africa Mayibuye Movement Party , one of the proposals put before the collective was that we should not register a new political movement but instead use the same African Renaissance Unity (ARU) that was launched today as the political vehicle. After extensive discussions, the collective resolved to establish the Africa Mayibuye Movement as a new political formation, and King Bryce Mthimkhulu III became one of its founders with their new president now who’s the former first SG of Mayibuye. Funny how the very people who worked so hard to separate me from Floyd Shivambu, plotted to destroy my credibility through character assassination, and dismantled what we built as South Africa’s alternative the AFRIKA Mayibuye are now the very same people launching their own popcorn 🍿 political party today 😂 how ironic. I won’t mention names because they don’t deserve the publicity. Time has already started answering on my behalf, and history has a way of revealing what people try so hard to hide. Politics has a remarkable sense of humour. Some people mistake sabotage for leadership and assume that because they watched the journey, they understand what it takes to build one. Working alongside Floyd Shivambu was one of the greatest honours of my life’s journey. Floyd took me to Parliament and taught me far more than politics. He taught me statecraft, I-leadership, I-governance, I-strategy, institution-building and the discipline required to sustain a movement. As with every political partnership, we had our flaws which is normal, but we never lost sight of the vision. We worked regardless because of the vision and the mission. Politics is bigger than personalities. You don’t have to like everyone you work with maqabane ; you have to be mature enough to serve a common purpose. When organisations allow factions and personal preferences to remove people instead of protecting the mission, they weaken themselves from within. What many never saw was the foundation behind AFRIKA Mayibuye : prayer, fasting, sacrifice, strategic planning and countless hours of work behind closed doors. No matter what , one thing will never change: my gratitude and loyalty to Floyd Shivambu That loyalty should never be mistaken for disrespect towards other leaders. I have immense respect for Julius Sello Malema and for President Jacob Zuma . I have learnt valuable lessons by observing their leadership, resilience and commitment to the causes they believe in. I will always honour the contribution everyone has made to my own political growth. Respect and loyalty are not mutually exclusive. From the EFF to AFRIKA Mayibuye , I understood the vision and committed myself to it. People may question my loyalty or try to rewrite history, but they cannot erase what Floyd invested in my political development or the contribution we made together with comrades who genuinely believed in the cause. To those who celebrated my dismissal from the movement, played a role in my removal, or continue to work against me, I have handed everything over to God. He is the God of truth, and in His time, He will reveal what needs to be revealed. I have never been driven by titles. Before politics, I served people, and I continue to serve people today, with or without a title. Public service is not my career; it is my calling.Ok'salayo
0:38

During the AFRIKA Mayibuye consultation process that led to the formation of the Africa Mayibuye Movement Party , one of the proposals put before the collective was that we should not register a new political movement but instead use the same African Renaissance Unity (ARU) that was launched today as the political vehicle. After extensive discussions, the collective resolved to establish the Africa Mayibuye Movement as a new political formation, and King Bryce Mthimkhulu III became one of its founders with their new president now who’s the former first SG of Mayibuye. Funny how the very people who worked so hard to separate me from Floyd Shivambu, plotted to destroy my credibility through character assassination, and dismantled what we built as South Africa’s alternative the AFRIKA Mayibuye are now the very same people launching their own popcorn 🍿 political party today 😂 how ironic. I won’t mention names because they don’t deserve the publicity. Time has already started answering on my behalf, and history has a way of revealing what people try so hard to hide. Politics has a remarkable sense of humour. Some people mistake sabotage for leadership and assume that because they watched the journey, they understand what it takes to build one. Working alongside Floyd Shivambu was one of the greatest honours of my life’s journey. Floyd took me to Parliament and taught me far more than politics. He taught me statecraft, I-leadership, I-governance, I-strategy, institution-building and the discipline required to sustain a movement. As with every political partnership, we had our flaws which is normal, but we never lost sight of the vision. We worked regardless because of the vision and the mission. Politics is bigger than personalities. You don’t have to like everyone you work with maqabane ; you have to be mature enough to serve a common purpose. When organisations allow factions and personal preferences to remove people instead of protecting the mission, they weaken themselves from within. What many never saw was the foundation behind AFRIKA Mayibuye : prayer, fasting, sacrifice, strategic planning and countless hours of work behind closed doors. No matter what , one thing will never change: my gratitude and loyalty to Floyd Shivambu That loyalty should never be mistaken for disrespect towards other leaders. I have immense respect for Julius Sello Malema and for President Jacob Zuma . I have learnt valuable lessons by observing their leadership, resilience and commitment to the causes they believe in. I will always honour the contribution everyone has made to my own political growth. Respect and loyalty are not mutually exclusive. From the EFF to AFRIKA Mayibuye , I understood the vision and committed myself to it. People may question my loyalty or try to rewrite history, but they cannot erase what Floyd invested in my political development or the contribution we made together with comrades who genuinely believed in the cause. To those who celebrated my dismissal from the movement, played a role in my removal, or continue to work against me, I have handed everything over to God. He is the God of truth, and in His time, He will reveal what needs to be revealed. I have never been driven by titles. Before politics, I served people, and I continue to serve people today, with or without a title. Public service is not my career; it is my calling.Ok'salayo

Nolubabalo Mcinga

11,813 Aufrufe • vor 1 Monat

🚨 Wisconsin Voters: This Is Your Last Warning! Francesca Hong, DSA card-carrying radical, failed restaurant owner, and current frontrunner for governor, is running on the most extreme platform we’ve seen in this state in decades. She repeatedly called to defund then abolish the police, writing that: “police exist to uphold white supremacy. Defund then abolish. Reform can’t be an option.” Even after being confronted in 2026, she refused to delete the posts and still defends her “long-term vision” of a world without police or prisons. She wants to use the Wisconsin National Guard to arrest federal ICE agents, an openly unconstitutional threat, and has called ICE “the leading edge of Trump’s fascist agenda.” She was one of the leaders of Wisconsin’s “uninstructed” campaign against Biden, slamming U.S. support for Israel/Jews and pushing hard for Gaza (She does not care about Gaza - she needs the Islamic vote to help take down America). She’s a clear poster child for Red/Green Alliance - far-left socialism fused with Islamic supremacy. 🚨Her economic policies are straight out of the DSA playbook: 🔺$20 minimum wage 🔺free childcare 🔺public grocery stores 🔺a public bank 🔺and a full moratorium on data center construction. While pushing all of this, she’s been actively platforming one of the most toxic radicals on the left: Hasan Piker. Piker is the self-proclaimed socialist Twitch streamer (banned from entering Britain) who has said he would “vote for Hamas over Israel every single time,” called Hezbollah a “legitimate form of militancy,” and dismissed reports of Hamas’s Oct. 7 sexual violence as “rape fantasies” and “rape hallucinations.” He once claimed America “deserved” 9/11. Hong went on his show, let him raise over $57,000 for her in one night, and heard him promise to fly to Wisconsin to campaign for her. This is how the far left is using streaming to radicalize young people and finish the takeover of the Democratic Party from the inside. Oh, and her own restaurant, Morris Ramen, collapsed in 2024. She was sued for nearly $30,000 in credit card debt from the business. Her parents had to bail her out. This is the woman leading polls to become the next governor of Wisconsin - a state Donald Trump won in 2024. The Democratic primary is August 11. If she wins, this is what Wisconsin gets: defunded and eventually abolished police, open defiance of federal immigration law, full socialist economic policies, and a governor who platforms people who defend Hamas and Hezbollah. This isn’t normal politics. This is something much worse. SEE THE FULL REPORT:
0:39

🚨 Wisconsin Voters: This Is Your Last Warning! Francesca Hong, DSA card-carrying radical, failed restaurant owner, and current frontrunner for governor, is running on the most extreme platform we’ve seen in this state in decades. She repeatedly called to defund then abolish the police, writing that: “police exist to uphold white supremacy. Defund then abolish. Reform can’t be an option.” Even after being confronted in 2026, she refused to delete the posts and still defends her “long-term vision” of a world without police or prisons. She wants to use the Wisconsin National Guard to arrest federal ICE agents, an openly unconstitutional threat, and has called ICE “the leading edge of Trump’s fascist agenda.” She was one of the leaders of Wisconsin’s “uninstructed” campaign against Biden, slamming U.S. support for Israel/Jews and pushing hard for Gaza (She does not care about Gaza - she needs the Islamic vote to help take down America). She’s a clear poster child for Red/Green Alliance - far-left socialism fused with Islamic supremacy. 🚨Her economic policies are straight out of the DSA playbook: 🔺$20 minimum wage 🔺free childcare 🔺public grocery stores 🔺a public bank 🔺and a full moratorium on data center construction. While pushing all of this, she’s been actively platforming one of the most toxic radicals on the left: Hasan Piker. Piker is the self-proclaimed socialist Twitch streamer (banned from entering Britain) who has said he would “vote for Hamas over Israel every single time,” called Hezbollah a “legitimate form of militancy,” and dismissed reports of Hamas’s Oct. 7 sexual violence as “rape fantasies” and “rape hallucinations.” He once claimed America “deserved” 9/11. Hong went on his show, let him raise over $57,000 for her in one night, and heard him promise to fly to Wisconsin to campaign for her. This is how the far left is using streaming to radicalize young people and finish the takeover of the Democratic Party from the inside. Oh, and her own restaurant, Morris Ramen, collapsed in 2024. She was sued for nearly $30,000 in credit card debt from the business. Her parents had to bail her out. This is the woman leading polls to become the next governor of Wisconsin - a state Donald Trump won in 2024. The Democratic primary is August 11. If she wins, this is what Wisconsin gets: defunded and eventually abolished police, open defiance of federal immigration law, full socialist economic policies, and a governor who platforms people who defend Hamas and Hezbollah. This isn’t normal politics. This is something much worse. SEE THE FULL REPORT:

Amy Mek

178,886 Aufrufe • vor 2 Monaten

BRAVE HEARTS vs BANK CARTELS We remove the ability to fabricate money, we automatically shrink the size & reach of destructive government behavior without passing a single law. • When money & decision-making are centralized, accountability disappears. • When incentives are distorted, corruption becomes rational. • When power is abstracted away from the individual, freedom becomes conditional. This maps cleanly onto today’s decentralization movement. 1. The Root Problem: Centralized Money = Centralized Power In today’s language: • Central banking systems—especially the Federal Reserve—function as root funding sources for: • Perpetual deficit spending • Endless war financing • Bureaucratic sprawl • Moral hazard at institutional scale This is not an accident. A system that can create money disconnected from real value inevitably: • Rewards proximity to issuance (banks, governments, insiders) • Penalizes productive citizens via inflation (a hidden tax) • Socializes losses while privatizing gains 2. Why JFK, Reagan, and Trump All Converged On This Truth Though stylistically different, John F. Kennedy, Ronald Reagan, and Donald Trump shared a common intuition: • Power must be visible • Institutions must be constrained • The citizen must not be financially enslaved by systems they cannot see or influence Each challenged: • Entrenched bureaucracies • Permanent unelected power centers • Financial systems insulated from democratic or moral accountability Modern translation: Shrink the funding source, and overreach collapses naturally. Not abolition by decree, but Irrelevance by design. 3. G. Edward Griffin’s Clarity Griffin supplied what Milton Friedman implied but did not operationalize publicly: • The problem is not capitalism • The problem is central banking masquerading as capitalism In modern terms: A monetary cartel system funds governments to meddle globally without asking citizens for consent - because the cost is deferred, obscured, and diluted. Sound familiar, Federal Reserve? 4. Why DLT, Atomic Settlement, and Sound Money Are the Natural Successors This is where philosophy becomes executable code. Distributed Ledger Technology (DLT) • Replaces trust in institutions with verifiable truth • Eliminates opaque intermediaries • Makes fraud, delay, and manipulation expensive or impossible Atomic Settlement • No float • No hidden leverage • No “too big to fail” temporal gaps Translated: If a transaction settles instantly and transparently, there is no room for abuse - and no justification for centralized oversight. 5. Ripple’s Mission Ripple is not primarily a “crypto company.” It is an infrastructure replacement thesis. What it actually targets: • Nostro/vostro inefficiencies • Intermediary rent-seeking • Jurisdictional friction that benefits incumbents This aligns with “End The Fed” mantra because: • Value moves based on utility, not privilege • Settlement is deterministic, not discretionary • Liquidity serves commerce, not politics 6. Gold & XRP | Non-Sovereign, Neutral Anchors Here’s the critical distinction: Gold (collateral) • No issuer • No counterparty risk • No political allegiance • Time-tested store of value XRP (technology) • Non-sovereign • Neutral bridge asset • Designed for speed, scale, and settlement - not governance Together, they represent: Money that cannot be weaponized by the state or captured by private cartels. 7. The Unifying Translation Put plainly, in modern language: All men argued for freedom through incentives. DLT enforces freedom through architecture. Sound money removes the fuel for coercion. Decentralization makes abuse unscalable. This is not rebellion. It is evolution. Governments that serve will adapt. Governments that meddle will starve; mathematically and inevitably. Alignment is not accidental It is structural truth reasserting itself Donald J. Trump G. Edward Griffin Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent Brad Garlinghouse
4:26

BRAVE HEARTS vs BANK CARTELS We remove the ability to fabricate money, we automatically shrink the size & reach of destructive government behavior without passing a single law. • When money & decision-making are centralized, accountability disappears. • When incentives are distorted, corruption becomes rational. • When power is abstracted away from the individual, freedom becomes conditional. This maps cleanly onto today’s decentralization movement. 1. The Root Problem: Centralized Money = Centralized Power In today’s language: • Central banking systems—especially the Federal Reserve—function as root funding sources for: • Perpetual deficit spending • Endless war financing • Bureaucratic sprawl • Moral hazard at institutional scale This is not an accident. A system that can create money disconnected from real value inevitably: • Rewards proximity to issuance (banks, governments, insiders) • Penalizes productive citizens via inflation (a hidden tax) • Socializes losses while privatizing gains 2. Why JFK, Reagan, and Trump All Converged On This Truth Though stylistically different, John F. Kennedy, Ronald Reagan, and Donald Trump shared a common intuition: • Power must be visible • Institutions must be constrained • The citizen must not be financially enslaved by systems they cannot see or influence Each challenged: • Entrenched bureaucracies • Permanent unelected power centers • Financial systems insulated from democratic or moral accountability Modern translation: Shrink the funding source, and overreach collapses naturally. Not abolition by decree, but Irrelevance by design. 3. G. Edward Griffin’s Clarity Griffin supplied what Milton Friedman implied but did not operationalize publicly: • The problem is not capitalism • The problem is central banking masquerading as capitalism In modern terms: A monetary cartel system funds governments to meddle globally without asking citizens for consent - because the cost is deferred, obscured, and diluted. Sound familiar, Federal Reserve? 4. Why DLT, Atomic Settlement, and Sound Money Are the Natural Successors This is where philosophy becomes executable code. Distributed Ledger Technology (DLT) • Replaces trust in institutions with verifiable truth • Eliminates opaque intermediaries • Makes fraud, delay, and manipulation expensive or impossible Atomic Settlement • No float • No hidden leverage • No “too big to fail” temporal gaps Translated: If a transaction settles instantly and transparently, there is no room for abuse - and no justification for centralized oversight. 5. Ripple’s Mission Ripple is not primarily a “crypto company.” It is an infrastructure replacement thesis. What it actually targets: • Nostro/vostro inefficiencies • Intermediary rent-seeking • Jurisdictional friction that benefits incumbents This aligns with “End The Fed” mantra because: • Value moves based on utility, not privilege • Settlement is deterministic, not discretionary • Liquidity serves commerce, not politics 6. Gold & XRP | Non-Sovereign, Neutral Anchors Here’s the critical distinction: Gold (collateral) • No issuer • No counterparty risk • No political allegiance • Time-tested store of value XRP (technology) • Non-sovereign • Neutral bridge asset • Designed for speed, scale, and settlement - not governance Together, they represent: Money that cannot be weaponized by the state or captured by private cartels. 7. The Unifying Translation Put plainly, in modern language: All men argued for freedom through incentives. DLT enforces freedom through architecture. Sound money removes the fuel for coercion. Decentralization makes abuse unscalable. This is not rebellion. It is evolution. Governments that serve will adapt. Governments that meddle will starve; mathematically and inevitably. Alignment is not accidental It is structural truth reasserting itself Donald J. Trump G. Edward Griffin Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent Brad Garlinghouse

Rob Cunningham | KUWL.show

13,566 Aufrufe • vor 8 Monaten

DarkFi's goal is to create an agorist parallel economy completely free of state power using anonymous crypto and p2p tech. Our future vision is a confederation of autonomous sovereign nations. Nations often overlap and solve their needs locally. We can even have cyber nations. Politics is not voting every 5 years for a political pageant. It is a core human activity for our freedom, security and needs. DarkFi removes the state and middle men from politics. The DarkFi blockchain is fully programmable with ZK smart contracts, and a very advanced base layer tech stack. We have spent years polishing it. We aim to create parallel markets for agorists. The DarkFi tech stack We went further. We created our own stack to organize community. We are on a mission to conquer cyberspace. To wrest power from the state. To mobilize freedom movements by activating revolutionaries. We created the world's strongest anonymous p2p chat, and an anonymous task manager. In 2021, people thought DAOs would change the world and usher in the post-corporate crypto governance. But it never had strength to change anything. Instead it devolved into wagmi nihilism. People lost belief. Why didn't DAOs change anything? DAOs didn't change anything because they were transparent. DAOs must be strongly anon otherwise your movement will go to jail. The status quo does not tolerate competition. Every cell in nature has a cell wall. Defense is integral to organism's survival. We are not hippy pacifists who want to degrow out of existence. We are here to expand. As Satoshi said: "we can win a major battle in the arms race and gain a new territory of freedom for several years." We created the world's first fully anonymous DAO. Nobody has done this yet. That means a token weighted anon treasury with all participants, proposals and activity completely hidden. Nations require sovereignty and the people should be in charge. It won't happen naturally. We have to use tech to exit and form parallel society. DarkFi is now in the final phase of the release cycle. After mainnet, we will begin the next phase of products. Our vision is to revolutionize society/culture, law, education, economy, governance and self-defense. For society and culture we have built the strongest uncensored p2p tech, and we will continue to iterate and double down here. It's essential for humanity, freedom and nature. We have to rethink law without the state. Contracts between individuals, and decentralized polycentric law. This was the original reason why smart contracts were invented. Yet this has not yet emerged. We cannot mobilize at scale without thinking how to enable new forms of human association and bottom-up non-coercive opt-in organizations. Imagine markets where you can opt into legal codes and digital jurisdictions. The education system is broken. Schools create uncreative thinker drones. University is a groupthink institution. We need to go back to the ancient greek ideal of the academy. Students self-learn under the guidance of a mentor. Education is a mix of math, dev, philosophy and sports. DarkFi already is training hacker devs, and in the future will create the first academies to train the next generation of tech leaders. For economy, we need decentralized markets, distributed reputation, private asset issuance, encrypted shopfronts, uncensorable crowdfunding platforms, stock platforms and information markets. It's incredible that in over a decade, nobody has built this yet. DarkFi is going to do it, just wait. Self-defense comes from freedom of information, by giving people the means to defend their community such as 3D printed guns. Lastly governance. We need information markets for decentralized anon discovery. This is how you ensure transparency of governance - by having full protection for individuals to get the word out. Everyone else in crypto is too afraid and incompetent. No other project will build the tools humanity needs. It's why DarkFi exists. DarkFi will come and grow day by day. It is unstoppable and will ultimately win. Post mainnet we will start working on v2 of DarkFi which will be the next gen in super scalable ZK succinct & anonymous blockchain. So we're not worried for scaling either. With smart contracts, arbitration & escrow, decentralized reputation (not identity!), we can pioneer alternative ownership models. The UK ultimately won over spain in the 1500s going on to conquer the world because of inventing the central bank model where the state was fiscalized. Imagine now we about to again overturn the logic of violence with parallel economies where the money will flow. Nothing can stop this. With this new ownership models where communities own their infra and economy can flourish. For example agricultural coops and small farmers can create their own tax-free internal economies with anon token issuance linking up into confederations outside the state. The burden of tax is ultimately highest on small producers. Imagine how powerful this section of the market can be. We then have true sovereignty outside the state. This is more than "numba go up", it's the true real innovation community. It is strong and steady. Other projects want this, but they cannot have this because they are captured ideologically. Mark these words. We are in the turning of a new era where crypto changes the logic of violence. Zoom out and see the big picture. We are destined to win, yet we have to start fighting. ⚔️ Let there be dark.
0:27

DarkFi's goal is to create an agorist parallel economy completely free of state power using anonymous crypto and p2p tech. Our future vision is a confederation of autonomous sovereign nations. Nations often overlap and solve their needs locally. We can even have cyber nations. Politics is not voting every 5 years for a political pageant. It is a core human activity for our freedom, security and needs. DarkFi removes the state and middle men from politics. The DarkFi blockchain is fully programmable with ZK smart contracts, and a very advanced base layer tech stack. We have spent years polishing it. We aim to create parallel markets for agorists. The DarkFi tech stack We went further. We created our own stack to organize community. We are on a mission to conquer cyberspace. To wrest power from the state. To mobilize freedom movements by activating revolutionaries. We created the world's strongest anonymous p2p chat, and an anonymous task manager. In 2021, people thought DAOs would change the world and usher in the post-corporate crypto governance. But it never had strength to change anything. Instead it devolved into wagmi nihilism. People lost belief. Why didn't DAOs change anything? DAOs didn't change anything because they were transparent. DAOs must be strongly anon otherwise your movement will go to jail. The status quo does not tolerate competition. Every cell in nature has a cell wall. Defense is integral to organism's survival. We are not hippy pacifists who want to degrow out of existence. We are here to expand. As Satoshi said: "we can win a major battle in the arms race and gain a new territory of freedom for several years." We created the world's first fully anonymous DAO. Nobody has done this yet. That means a token weighted anon treasury with all participants, proposals and activity completely hidden. Nations require sovereignty and the people should be in charge. It won't happen naturally. We have to use tech to exit and form parallel society. DarkFi is now in the final phase of the release cycle. After mainnet, we will begin the next phase of products. Our vision is to revolutionize society/culture, law, education, economy, governance and self-defense. For society and culture we have built the strongest uncensored p2p tech, and we will continue to iterate and double down here. It's essential for humanity, freedom and nature. We have to rethink law without the state. Contracts between individuals, and decentralized polycentric law. This was the original reason why smart contracts were invented. Yet this has not yet emerged. We cannot mobilize at scale without thinking how to enable new forms of human association and bottom-up non-coercive opt-in organizations. Imagine markets where you can opt into legal codes and digital jurisdictions. The education system is broken. Schools create uncreative thinker drones. University is a groupthink institution. We need to go back to the ancient greek ideal of the academy. Students self-learn under the guidance of a mentor. Education is a mix of math, dev, philosophy and sports. DarkFi already is training hacker devs, and in the future will create the first academies to train the next generation of tech leaders. For economy, we need decentralized markets, distributed reputation, private asset issuance, encrypted shopfronts, uncensorable crowdfunding platforms, stock platforms and information markets. It's incredible that in over a decade, nobody has built this yet. DarkFi is going to do it, just wait. Self-defense comes from freedom of information, by giving people the means to defend their community such as 3D printed guns. Lastly governance. We need information markets for decentralized anon discovery. This is how you ensure transparency of governance - by having full protection for individuals to get the word out. Everyone else in crypto is too afraid and incompetent. No other project will build the tools humanity needs. It's why DarkFi exists. DarkFi will come and grow day by day. It is unstoppable and will ultimately win. Post mainnet we will start working on v2 of DarkFi which will be the next gen in super scalable ZK succinct & anonymous blockchain. So we're not worried for scaling either. With smart contracts, arbitration & escrow, decentralized reputation (not identity!), we can pioneer alternative ownership models. The UK ultimately won over spain in the 1500s going on to conquer the world because of inventing the central bank model where the state was fiscalized. Imagine now we about to again overturn the logic of violence with parallel economies where the money will flow. Nothing can stop this. With this new ownership models where communities own their infra and economy can flourish. For example agricultural coops and small farmers can create their own tax-free internal economies with anon token issuance linking up into confederations outside the state. The burden of tax is ultimately highest on small producers. Imagine how powerful this section of the market can be. We then have true sovereignty outside the state. This is more than "numba go up", it's the true real innovation community. It is strong and steady. Other projects want this, but they cannot have this because they are captured ideologically. Mark these words. We are in the turning of a new era where crypto changes the logic of violence. Zoom out and see the big picture. We are destined to win, yet we have to start fighting. ⚔️ Let there be dark.

Amir Taaki ⛛

27,132 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

THE MANDATE OF THE PEOPLE, THE MOMENT FOR CHANGE My beloved people of AMAC, Fellow Nigerians, Respected leaders of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Supporters from Karu to Kabusa, from Apo to Gwarimpa, from Jikwoyi to Garki, Friends in the media, civil society, and members of the democratic family With all humility and total commitment to serve, I stand before you today not as a politician seeking power, but as a patriot answering the call of destiny. I, Dr. Moses Paul, your Dr Mo, formally declare my candidacy for the position of Chairman of the Abuja Municipal Area Council under the ADC platform. This is not just another campaign. This is a movement of conscience, A mission of hope, And a moment of truth for AMAC. Let me say this loud and clear, We are no longer asking for change. We are becoming the change. Our communities have waited long enough, Waited for working schools. Waited for functional health centres. Waited for clean streets, safe roads, and dignified lives. Waited for leaders who show up not only during campaigns, but every day in service. That wait is over. I am not here because of political godfathers. I am not here to warm a seat. I am here because AMAC is broken, and together, we must fix it. Too many of our people have been forgotten. The trader whose goods were seized without due process. The artisan who can’t afford a shop because of multiple levies. The child who walks miles to a school without teachers. And thise who have been home for six months because teachers were not paid. The pregnant woman turned away from a clinic that has no drugs. This is not governance. This is abandonment. And we say today, Enough is Enough. Let the old order hear it loud. This is the rise of the grassroot majority, The dawn of community first leadership, And the beginning of a local government that actually works for the people. To the political elites who treat AMAC as a personal estate, your time is up. To the youth of AMAC, this is your future. Own it. Defend it. Lead it. To the women, your voice matters. Your labour must count. To the elders, your wisdom will guide this journey. And to every resident of AMAC, regardless of tribe, religion, class, or party, this is your home. Let’s rebuild it together. AMAC must work for all. My vision is clear: – Public primary schools that actually function. – Primary health centres that don’t close by 2pm. – Markets where people trade without fear. – Youth skills centres in every ward. – Security partnerships that work for the people, not against them. – A council budget that serves the grassroots, not the pockets of a few. And yes, we will make AMAC the cleanest, safest, most inclusive council in Nigeria. Let it be said that AMAC has risen, not because of one man, but because the people chose to believe again. To my opponents, I say this, We are not here to insult, we are here to insist on a new way. Let’s debate ideas, not spread fear. Let’s campaign with truth, not propaganda. And let the people decide freely. To INEC, we say, Be neutral. Be transparent. Be accountable. To civil society and the media, Watch closely. Report boldly. To the people of AMAC, Register. Organize. Mobilize. Vote. Defend your votes. This is not politics as usual. This is a referendum on neglect. And come election day, we will answer loud and clear. This is our moment. This is our AMAC. And we are taking it back. I thank you all. I salute the ADC for standing with the people. I honour the struggles of those who came before us. And I pledge, on my word and with my life, that I will not betray this trust. Let’s go forward. Let’s win. Let’s work. Let’s deliver. God bless you. God bless AMAC. God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria. DR. MOSES PAUL (DR MO) On the Occasion of Declaration as Chairmanship Candidate, African Democratic Congress (ADC), Abuja Municipal Area Council (AMAC) Date: June 28, 2025 Venue: No4, Oyo Street, Area 2, Garki Abuja Municipal Area Council (AMAC)
2:46

THE MANDATE OF THE PEOPLE, THE MOMENT FOR CHANGE My beloved people of AMAC, Fellow Nigerians, Respected leaders of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Supporters from Karu to Kabusa, from Apo to Gwarimpa, from Jikwoyi to Garki, Friends in the media, civil society, and members of the democratic family With all humility and total commitment to serve, I stand before you today not as a politician seeking power, but as a patriot answering the call of destiny. I, Dr. Moses Paul, your Dr Mo, formally declare my candidacy for the position of Chairman of the Abuja Municipal Area Council under the ADC platform. This is not just another campaign. This is a movement of conscience, A mission of hope, And a moment of truth for AMAC. Let me say this loud and clear, We are no longer asking for change. We are becoming the change. Our communities have waited long enough, Waited for working schools. Waited for functional health centres. Waited for clean streets, safe roads, and dignified lives. Waited for leaders who show up not only during campaigns, but every day in service. That wait is over. I am not here because of political godfathers. I am not here to warm a seat. I am here because AMAC is broken, and together, we must fix it. Too many of our people have been forgotten. The trader whose goods were seized without due process. The artisan who can’t afford a shop because of multiple levies. The child who walks miles to a school without teachers. And thise who have been home for six months because teachers were not paid. The pregnant woman turned away from a clinic that has no drugs. This is not governance. This is abandonment. And we say today, Enough is Enough. Let the old order hear it loud. This is the rise of the grassroot majority, The dawn of community first leadership, And the beginning of a local government that actually works for the people. To the political elites who treat AMAC as a personal estate, your time is up. To the youth of AMAC, this is your future. Own it. Defend it. Lead it. To the women, your voice matters. Your labour must count. To the elders, your wisdom will guide this journey. And to every resident of AMAC, regardless of tribe, religion, class, or party, this is your home. Let’s rebuild it together. AMAC must work for all. My vision is clear: – Public primary schools that actually function. – Primary health centres that don’t close by 2pm. – Markets where people trade without fear. – Youth skills centres in every ward. – Security partnerships that work for the people, not against them. – A council budget that serves the grassroots, not the pockets of a few. And yes, we will make AMAC the cleanest, safest, most inclusive council in Nigeria. Let it be said that AMAC has risen, not because of one man, but because the people chose to believe again. To my opponents, I say this, We are not here to insult, we are here to insist on a new way. Let’s debate ideas, not spread fear. Let’s campaign with truth, not propaganda. And let the people decide freely. To INEC, we say, Be neutral. Be transparent. Be accountable. To civil society and the media, Watch closely. Report boldly. To the people of AMAC, Register. Organize. Mobilize. Vote. Defend your votes. This is not politics as usual. This is a referendum on neglect. And come election day, we will answer loud and clear. This is our moment. This is our AMAC. And we are taking it back. I thank you all. I salute the ADC for standing with the people. I honour the struggles of those who came before us. And I pledge, on my word and with my life, that I will not betray this trust. Let’s go forward. Let’s win. Let’s work. Let’s deliver. God bless you. God bless AMAC. God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria. DR. MOSES PAUL (DR MO) On the Occasion of Declaration as Chairmanship Candidate, African Democratic Congress (ADC), Abuja Municipal Area Council (AMAC) Date: June 28, 2025 Venue: No4, Oyo Street, Area 2, Garki Abuja Municipal Area Council (AMAC)

Dr Mo (Moses Paul)

32,744 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

Corruption has been at the heart of Zimbabwe’s collapse for decades, and every member of the ZANUPF leadership is entangled in it. Operation Restore Legacy, the name given to the 2017 coup, was merely a deceptive ploy to remove Robert Mugabe under the guise of fighting corruption. I once told Morgan Tsvangirai that his greatest mistake was failing to demand written concessions during his negotiations that led to the opposition supporting the coup, which is how I came to know that he was in talks with Mnangagwa/Chiwenga’s teams, with Chamisa serving as the emissary. Today, Zimbabwe has come full circle, back to the same conditions of 2017 — only this time there is no real opposition to speak of, just remnants of civil society trying to hold the line. The key question now is, what do the people of Zimbabwe stand to gain from this renewed factional fight within ZANUPF? If corruption remains the central issue, then we must ask, is one faction of ZANUPF genuinely clean, or are both sides simply battling for control over the same corrupt system of looting and patronage? Is this not the right time to have an honest and open national conversation that leads to genuine and lasting reforms — reforms that would finally benefit the ordinary citizens who have suffered for decades and not just elite configurations? I hear no talk of reform, no mention of the people’s will, no vision for change from either faction. All that seems to matter is whose turn it is to rule, or the continued entrenchment of the current president’s power. It is a tragic repetition of history, where political power remains the prize, and the people remain the victims. The current factional fighting was not triggered by any desire for change, but by Mnangagwa’s determination to cling to power, and Chiwenga’s desire to take over. Once again, corruption is being used as a political weapon in that struggle to maintain control rather than as a genuine call for accountability. Einstein once said, “Observe nature and you will understand human behaviour.” In this case, how does an old lion lose its right to rule — and is that process democratic? Does the army truly seek meaningful change, and does it even have the capacity to deliver it? Zimbabwean society has become deeply militarised, and the military is firmly embedded in our politics. The critical question is, what kind of change does it claim to offer, and is it itself united or riddled with the same factionalism that afflicts the ruling party? More importantly, does it have any genuine desire to build a democratic society? In my view, instead of passively responding to political rhetoric, Zimbabweans should be boldly demanding the kind of change they want — not merely acting as catalysts for other people’s ambitions. Dr Nkosana Moyo was right when he said that Zimbabweans are not truly fighting for change, but for inclusion at the feeding trough. So what do citizens actually gain from being catalysts in someone’s rise to power or fall from it? Zimbabwe has never been a democracy. From the days of Joshua Nkomo to the present, violence has consistently been used as a weapon to crush the people’s will. Both Mnangagwa and Chiwenga were at the centre of that betrayal — the abrogation of a liberation struggle that was founded on the simple promise of one man, one vote. That ideal was never realised, not even from the very first day of independence. Therefore, the question we must now confront is this; what truly separates Mnangagwa from Chiwenga, when both men used violence, corruption, and fear to subvert the people’s will and betray the very ideals of the liberation struggle? Instead of being drum majorettes for either man in their quest for power, without asking or demanding the people’s will, we should allow history to pose the critical questions. Zimbabwe’s tragedy is that we keep changing the actors, but never the script — the faces shift, yet the system of fear, corruption and betrayal remains the same.
1:01:24

Corruption has been at the heart of Zimbabwe’s collapse for decades, and every member of the ZANUPF leadership is entangled in it. Operation Restore Legacy, the name given to the 2017 coup, was merely a deceptive ploy to remove Robert Mugabe under the guise of fighting corruption. I once told Morgan Tsvangirai that his greatest mistake was failing to demand written concessions during his negotiations that led to the opposition supporting the coup, which is how I came to know that he was in talks with Mnangagwa/Chiwenga’s teams, with Chamisa serving as the emissary. Today, Zimbabwe has come full circle, back to the same conditions of 2017 — only this time there is no real opposition to speak of, just remnants of civil society trying to hold the line. The key question now is, what do the people of Zimbabwe stand to gain from this renewed factional fight within ZANUPF? If corruption remains the central issue, then we must ask, is one faction of ZANUPF genuinely clean, or are both sides simply battling for control over the same corrupt system of looting and patronage? Is this not the right time to have an honest and open national conversation that leads to genuine and lasting reforms — reforms that would finally benefit the ordinary citizens who have suffered for decades and not just elite configurations? I hear no talk of reform, no mention of the people’s will, no vision for change from either faction. All that seems to matter is whose turn it is to rule, or the continued entrenchment of the current president’s power. It is a tragic repetition of history, where political power remains the prize, and the people remain the victims. The current factional fighting was not triggered by any desire for change, but by Mnangagwa’s determination to cling to power, and Chiwenga’s desire to take over. Once again, corruption is being used as a political weapon in that struggle to maintain control rather than as a genuine call for accountability. Einstein once said, “Observe nature and you will understand human behaviour.” In this case, how does an old lion lose its right to rule — and is that process democratic? Does the army truly seek meaningful change, and does it even have the capacity to deliver it? Zimbabwean society has become deeply militarised, and the military is firmly embedded in our politics. The critical question is, what kind of change does it claim to offer, and is it itself united or riddled with the same factionalism that afflicts the ruling party? More importantly, does it have any genuine desire to build a democratic society? In my view, instead of passively responding to political rhetoric, Zimbabweans should be boldly demanding the kind of change they want — not merely acting as catalysts for other people’s ambitions. Dr Nkosana Moyo was right when he said that Zimbabweans are not truly fighting for change, but for inclusion at the feeding trough. So what do citizens actually gain from being catalysts in someone’s rise to power or fall from it? Zimbabwe has never been a democracy. From the days of Joshua Nkomo to the present, violence has consistently been used as a weapon to crush the people’s will. Both Mnangagwa and Chiwenga were at the centre of that betrayal — the abrogation of a liberation struggle that was founded on the simple promise of one man, one vote. That ideal was never realised, not even from the very first day of independence. Therefore, the question we must now confront is this; what truly separates Mnangagwa from Chiwenga, when both men used violence, corruption, and fear to subvert the people’s will and betray the very ideals of the liberation struggle? Instead of being drum majorettes for either man in their quest for power, without asking or demanding the people’s will, we should allow history to pose the critical questions. Zimbabwe’s tragedy is that we keep changing the actors, but never the script — the faces shift, yet the system of fear, corruption and betrayal remains the same.

Hopewell Chin’ono

46,164 Aufrufe • vor 11 Monaten

I agree with Trevor Noah’s analysis of the immigration debate in South Africa, and I also agree with Julius Malema’s noble desire for Africa to be one. From the outset, I must be clear that the biggest obstacle to African unity has been African leadership. Some of our countries have been independent for more than 60 years, yet we are still far from achieving the level of integration many Pan-Africanists envisioned. The failure to get there is fundamentally a leadership issue. I want to focus on what Julius Malema has said. He is one of the continent’s most outspoken Pan-Africanists, and his vision of a more united Africa is both admirable and inspiring. Unfortunately, because of the dysfunctionality of leadership across much of the continent, Pan-Africanism has, in some circles in South Africa, become a dirty word. That is a tragedy because the principle itself is not the problem. The problem is that many African leaders have failed to create the political, economic, and institutional conditions necessary to make that vision a reality. So let us look carefully at what Julius Malema is saying. I have great respect for Julius Malema when it comes to his Pan-African outlook, but I am afraid to say that the idea of an Africa with one passport, one currency, and a fully integrated political and economic system is unlikely to happen within our lifetime. It is good to dream and to idealise the kind of Africa we would like to see, but in its current political and economic format, the continent is nowhere near achieving that goal. I am 55 years old, so when I talk about a lifetime, I am talking about the next 25 years. If I live to 80, that would be wonderful, but I do not believe Africa will achieve that level of integration within that timeframe. The reason is quite simple. If you look at the European Union, countries do not simply join because they want to. They must first meet a long list of requirements and benchmarks. These include economic standards, institutional capacity, governance standards, judicial independence, and human rights protections. Even if we set aside the human rights question in Africa, because we know that remains a long journey, the economic question alone presents a major obstacle. A truly united continent can only emerge if its member states are led by competent, educated, and trustworthy leaders who build functioning economies capable of providing opportunities for their own citizens. The current xenophobic, Afrophobic, and anti-immigration discourse taking place in South Africa is often crude and sometimes ugly. However, stripped of the crudeness, there is an important point being raised that cannot simply be ignored. For Africans to unite successfully, they cannot first unite in one country. They must first unite across the continent by creating broadly comparable economic opportunities and living standards. For example, a Ghanaian should be able to travel to Zimbabwe visa-free. That is largely a political decision. But if that Ghanaian wants to relocate permanently to Zimbabwe, then the economies of Ghana and Zimbabwe should have a reasonable degree of parity. People should not be compelled to migrate primarily because one country is functioning while another is failing. The same applies across the continent. Someone should not feel forced to leave the Democratic Republic of Congo for South Africa purely because of economic collapse at home. If integration is driven solely by economics, then the countries that are relatively well managed will inevitably carry the burden of those that are not. This is an intellectual discussion that Africa cannot avoid. Resource competition is often what inflames tensions. If someone moves from a poor community in Mozambique to a poor community in South Africa, both groups are competing for the same clinics, schools, housing, jobs, and social services. That is where tensions arise. Interestingly, illegal immigrants from Europe are rarely part of the immigration debate in South Africa. Many people immediately attribute this to race, but there is another factor that deserves consideration. Wealthy immigrants generally live in affluent communities where there is little or no competition for scarce public resources. Take Chatunga Mugabe, for example. He lived in Hyde Park, drove expensive cars, and socialised in Sandton. Nobody was concerned about his immigration status. Likewise, where I live in South Africa, there are immigrants from the United Kingdom, Spain, Germany, Kenya, and elsewhere. They are largely affluent people. The South Africans living there are often excited when newcomers arrive. When I moved from Zimbabwe and bought a house on my road, both black and white South Africans invited me into their homes for dinner and wine. There was no hostility because there was no competition for resources. That reality matters. If Africa is ever going to have one passport and one currency, we must first deal with the economic fundamentals. Most Africans do not realise that this is not primarily a political project. It is an economic one. Turkey, for example, has spent decades seeking membership of the European Union but has not been admitted because it has not met all the requirements. Countries such as Bulgaria and Romania had to meet strict standards before joining. Their judicial systems, governance structures, healthcare systems, and institutions had to reach certain benchmarks. The same logic applies to Africa. If every African citizen were suddenly free to seek healthcare anywhere on the continent, countries with stronger healthcare systems such as South Africa, Botswana, and Namibia would immediately face enormous pressure from people seeking treatment, including specialised care for conditions such as cancer. That is why this discussion is important. We must have it honestly and without slogans. We must discuss it not only in universities and intellectual circles but also in townships, villages, and communities across Africa. The dream of one Africa is a noble one. I support it. But before we get there, we must first address the economic, institutional, and governance realities that stand in the way. Until those challenges are resolved, the vision Julius Malema speaks about will remain an aspiration rather than a practical reality. The tragedy we face today is that we are focusing on the sideshows created by tribalists and rogue political actors who are taking advantage of a genuine problem that exists in South Africa and, indeed, in other parts of Africa as well. We amplify their voices and focus on what they are saying instead of focusing on the real issue. We should be asking ourselves a simple question. Julius Malema is right about the ideal he is advocating, but why are we not getting to where he wants us to get? Once we ask that question honestly, we are forced to examine the root causes. There can be no economic harmony, political harmony, or any other form of harmony between countries that are operating at vastly different levels of development and functionality. Take Zimbabwe and South Africa as an example. Zimbabwe has not had a working radiotherapy machine in its public healthcare system for more than four years. The country’s largest hospital has only one maternity theatre, built in 1977. Then look at South Africa. Its public healthcare system has some problems and could be much better, but by African standards it remains among the most advanced on the continent. If those two countries stand side by side, as they physically do, how do you integrate them when one is dysfunctional and the other remains a functioning state? These are the root causes we need to confront. This discussion must be held in a comprehensive and honest manner, not in fragments. We can speak about the noble aspirations of Pan-Africanism, and we can also discuss the obstacles that stand in its way. Both conversations must be held together. Only then can we identify what needs to be done and begin serious scenario planning around how to get there. Instead, we often get beautiful speeches delivered at the African Union, one of the most ineffective continental organisations in the world. People make grand declarations, earn generous salaries, and then nothing happens. Great speeches have been delivered since the days of the Organisation of African Unity. One of those speeches was even immortalised by Bob Marley in his song War. Yet more than 60 years later, many of the same challenges remain unresolved. That is an indictment not only of African leaders but also of African elites. Too many are content to make money while ignoring the underlying governance failures that hold the continent back. Consider Aliko Dangote, the richest black man in the world and Africa’s most successful entrepreneur. He requires 34 visas to enter dozens of African countries. Yet if I hold a British passport, my movement across much of Africa can often be easier than his. How can Africa speak seriously about integration when one of its own leading business figures faces such barriers within the continent? Until influential African business leaders such as Aliko Dangote, Strive Masiyiwa, Patrice Motsepe, and others begin speaking more forcefully about governance, corruption, economic mismanagement, and state dysfunction, progress will remain slow. As long as these issues are accommodated because money can still be made, Africa will continue to talk about unity without creating the conditions necessary to achieve it. So, back in the townships of South Africa, there is a crisis. I have always said that Zimbabwe is no longer a foreign policy issue. It is a domestic issue because the South African government must deal with its consequences in hospitals, social services, employment, housing, education, and many other facets of daily life. If the South African government does not have the courage to stand up to leaders such as Emmerson Mnangagwa and Mozambique’s President, Daniel Chapo, and say, “The way you are running your economies is creating problems for us,” then the situation will continue to deteriorate. The tragedy is that it is always the poor, the ordinary, and those living in abject poverty who end up fighting amongst themselves. Yet the root causes of these tensions are often created at the highest levels of political leadership. The people competing for jobs, housing, healthcare, and other scarce resources did not create the conditions that led to mass migration. Those conditions were created by policy failures, corruption, poor governance, and economic mismanagement. I would go even further and say that this is also an indictment of South African leadership. SADC already has protocols, principles, and governance frameworks that were specifically designed to prevent member states from becoming dysfunctional and destabilising their neighbours. The problem is not the absence of rules. The problem is the absence of enforcement. Those protocols exist on paper, but too often they are ignored in practice. When governance standards are violated, when economies collapse, when democratic institutions are weakened, and when corruption flourishes, there is rarely any meaningful consequence from the region. As a result, the effects spill across borders and eventually become someone else’s problem. That is why the immigration debate cannot be separated from the governance debate. They are two sides of the same coin. If African leaders are serious about reducing migration pressures, they must first address the political and economic failures that are pushing people to leave their countries in the first place. We all know why that conversation is avoided. So, coming back to Trevor Noah’s analogy, it is ultimately a human analogy. It reflects a reality that has existed throughout history and even in nature itself. If lions have abundant access to zebras and other prey, there is very little competition between lions, leopards, and other predators. But when food becomes scarce, competition intensifies. The struggle is no longer about identity. It becomes a struggle over limited resources. The same principle applies in human societies. When jobs are plentiful, when healthcare functions, when housing is available, and when opportunities are expanding, people are generally more tolerant and welcoming. But the moment resources become scarce, tensions rise. People begin competing for the same opportunities, and that competition often manifests itself through politics, nationalism, tribalism, xenophobia, or other forms of social conflict. This is not unique to South Africa. It is not unique to Africa. It is part of the human condition. In many ways, what we are witnessing is both a human story and an animal kingdom story. The underlying dynamic is remarkably similar. Scarcity creates competition. Competition creates tension. Tension creates conflict. That is why discussions about immigration cannot be separated from discussions about governance, economic growth, service delivery, and opportunity. If we focus only on the symptoms while ignoring the underlying causes, we will never solve the problem. The real challenge is not merely getting people to live together. The real challenge is creating societies and economies that produce enough opportunity for people to live together peacefully.
2:47

I agree with Trevor Noah’s analysis of the immigration debate in South Africa, and I also agree with Julius Malema’s noble desire for Africa to be one. From the outset, I must be clear that the biggest obstacle to African unity has been African leadership. Some of our countries have been independent for more than 60 years, yet we are still far from achieving the level of integration many Pan-Africanists envisioned. The failure to get there is fundamentally a leadership issue. I want to focus on what Julius Malema has said. He is one of the continent’s most outspoken Pan-Africanists, and his vision of a more united Africa is both admirable and inspiring. Unfortunately, because of the dysfunctionality of leadership across much of the continent, Pan-Africanism has, in some circles in South Africa, become a dirty word. That is a tragedy because the principle itself is not the problem. The problem is that many African leaders have failed to create the political, economic, and institutional conditions necessary to make that vision a reality. So let us look carefully at what Julius Malema is saying. I have great respect for Julius Malema when it comes to his Pan-African outlook, but I am afraid to say that the idea of an Africa with one passport, one currency, and a fully integrated political and economic system is unlikely to happen within our lifetime. It is good to dream and to idealise the kind of Africa we would like to see, but in its current political and economic format, the continent is nowhere near achieving that goal. I am 55 years old, so when I talk about a lifetime, I am talking about the next 25 years. If I live to 80, that would be wonderful, but I do not believe Africa will achieve that level of integration within that timeframe. The reason is quite simple. If you look at the European Union, countries do not simply join because they want to. They must first meet a long list of requirements and benchmarks. These include economic standards, institutional capacity, governance standards, judicial independence, and human rights protections. Even if we set aside the human rights question in Africa, because we know that remains a long journey, the economic question alone presents a major obstacle. A truly united continent can only emerge if its member states are led by competent, educated, and trustworthy leaders who build functioning economies capable of providing opportunities for their own citizens. The current xenophobic, Afrophobic, and anti-immigration discourse taking place in South Africa is often crude and sometimes ugly. However, stripped of the crudeness, there is an important point being raised that cannot simply be ignored. For Africans to unite successfully, they cannot first unite in one country. They must first unite across the continent by creating broadly comparable economic opportunities and living standards. For example, a Ghanaian should be able to travel to Zimbabwe visa-free. That is largely a political decision. But if that Ghanaian wants to relocate permanently to Zimbabwe, then the economies of Ghana and Zimbabwe should have a reasonable degree of parity. People should not be compelled to migrate primarily because one country is functioning while another is failing. The same applies across the continent. Someone should not feel forced to leave the Democratic Republic of Congo for South Africa purely because of economic collapse at home. If integration is driven solely by economics, then the countries that are relatively well managed will inevitably carry the burden of those that are not. This is an intellectual discussion that Africa cannot avoid. Resource competition is often what inflames tensions. If someone moves from a poor community in Mozambique to a poor community in South Africa, both groups are competing for the same clinics, schools, housing, jobs, and social services. That is where tensions arise. Interestingly, illegal immigrants from Europe are rarely part of the immigration debate in South Africa. Many people immediately attribute this to race, but there is another factor that deserves consideration. Wealthy immigrants generally live in affluent communities where there is little or no competition for scarce public resources. Take Chatunga Mugabe, for example. He lived in Hyde Park, drove expensive cars, and socialised in Sandton. Nobody was concerned about his immigration status. Likewise, where I live in South Africa, there are immigrants from the United Kingdom, Spain, Germany, Kenya, and elsewhere. They are largely affluent people. The South Africans living there are often excited when newcomers arrive. When I moved from Zimbabwe and bought a house on my road, both black and white South Africans invited me into their homes for dinner and wine. There was no hostility because there was no competition for resources. That reality matters. If Africa is ever going to have one passport and one currency, we must first deal with the economic fundamentals. Most Africans do not realise that this is not primarily a political project. It is an economic one. Turkey, for example, has spent decades seeking membership of the European Union but has not been admitted because it has not met all the requirements. Countries such as Bulgaria and Romania had to meet strict standards before joining. Their judicial systems, governance structures, healthcare systems, and institutions had to reach certain benchmarks. The same logic applies to Africa. If every African citizen were suddenly free to seek healthcare anywhere on the continent, countries with stronger healthcare systems such as South Africa, Botswana, and Namibia would immediately face enormous pressure from people seeking treatment, including specialised care for conditions such as cancer. That is why this discussion is important. We must have it honestly and without slogans. We must discuss it not only in universities and intellectual circles but also in townships, villages, and communities across Africa. The dream of one Africa is a noble one. I support it. But before we get there, we must first address the economic, institutional, and governance realities that stand in the way. Until those challenges are resolved, the vision Julius Malema speaks about will remain an aspiration rather than a practical reality. The tragedy we face today is that we are focusing on the sideshows created by tribalists and rogue political actors who are taking advantage of a genuine problem that exists in South Africa and, indeed, in other parts of Africa as well. We amplify their voices and focus on what they are saying instead of focusing on the real issue. We should be asking ourselves a simple question. Julius Malema is right about the ideal he is advocating, but why are we not getting to where he wants us to get? Once we ask that question honestly, we are forced to examine the root causes. There can be no economic harmony, political harmony, or any other form of harmony between countries that are operating at vastly different levels of development and functionality. Take Zimbabwe and South Africa as an example. Zimbabwe has not had a working radiotherapy machine in its public healthcare system for more than four years. The country’s largest hospital has only one maternity theatre, built in 1977. Then look at South Africa. Its public healthcare system has some problems and could be much better, but by African standards it remains among the most advanced on the continent. If those two countries stand side by side, as they physically do, how do you integrate them when one is dysfunctional and the other remains a functioning state? These are the root causes we need to confront. This discussion must be held in a comprehensive and honest manner, not in fragments. We can speak about the noble aspirations of Pan-Africanism, and we can also discuss the obstacles that stand in its way. Both conversations must be held together. Only then can we identify what needs to be done and begin serious scenario planning around how to get there. Instead, we often get beautiful speeches delivered at the African Union, one of the most ineffective continental organisations in the world. People make grand declarations, earn generous salaries, and then nothing happens. Great speeches have been delivered since the days of the Organisation of African Unity. One of those speeches was even immortalised by Bob Marley in his song War. Yet more than 60 years later, many of the same challenges remain unresolved. That is an indictment not only of African leaders but also of African elites. Too many are content to make money while ignoring the underlying governance failures that hold the continent back. Consider Aliko Dangote, the richest black man in the world and Africa’s most successful entrepreneur. He requires 34 visas to enter dozens of African countries. Yet if I hold a British passport, my movement across much of Africa can often be easier than his. How can Africa speak seriously about integration when one of its own leading business figures faces such barriers within the continent? Until influential African business leaders such as Aliko Dangote, Strive Masiyiwa, Patrice Motsepe, and others begin speaking more forcefully about governance, corruption, economic mismanagement, and state dysfunction, progress will remain slow. As long as these issues are accommodated because money can still be made, Africa will continue to talk about unity without creating the conditions necessary to achieve it. So, back in the townships of South Africa, there is a crisis. I have always said that Zimbabwe is no longer a foreign policy issue. It is a domestic issue because the South African government must deal with its consequences in hospitals, social services, employment, housing, education, and many other facets of daily life. If the South African government does not have the courage to stand up to leaders such as Emmerson Mnangagwa and Mozambique’s President, Daniel Chapo, and say, “The way you are running your economies is creating problems for us,” then the situation will continue to deteriorate. The tragedy is that it is always the poor, the ordinary, and those living in abject poverty who end up fighting amongst themselves. Yet the root causes of these tensions are often created at the highest levels of political leadership. The people competing for jobs, housing, healthcare, and other scarce resources did not create the conditions that led to mass migration. Those conditions were created by policy failures, corruption, poor governance, and economic mismanagement. I would go even further and say that this is also an indictment of South African leadership. SADC already has protocols, principles, and governance frameworks that were specifically designed to prevent member states from becoming dysfunctional and destabilising their neighbours. The problem is not the absence of rules. The problem is the absence of enforcement. Those protocols exist on paper, but too often they are ignored in practice. When governance standards are violated, when economies collapse, when democratic institutions are weakened, and when corruption flourishes, there is rarely any meaningful consequence from the region. As a result, the effects spill across borders and eventually become someone else’s problem. That is why the immigration debate cannot be separated from the governance debate. They are two sides of the same coin. If African leaders are serious about reducing migration pressures, they must first address the political and economic failures that are pushing people to leave their countries in the first place. We all know why that conversation is avoided. So, coming back to Trevor Noah’s analogy, it is ultimately a human analogy. It reflects a reality that has existed throughout history and even in nature itself. If lions have abundant access to zebras and other prey, there is very little competition between lions, leopards, and other predators. But when food becomes scarce, competition intensifies. The struggle is no longer about identity. It becomes a struggle over limited resources. The same principle applies in human societies. When jobs are plentiful, when healthcare functions, when housing is available, and when opportunities are expanding, people are generally more tolerant and welcoming. But the moment resources become scarce, tensions rise. People begin competing for the same opportunities, and that competition often manifests itself through politics, nationalism, tribalism, xenophobia, or other forms of social conflict. This is not unique to South Africa. It is not unique to Africa. It is part of the human condition. In many ways, what we are witnessing is both a human story and an animal kingdom story. The underlying dynamic is remarkably similar. Scarcity creates competition. Competition creates tension. Tension creates conflict. That is why discussions about immigration cannot be separated from discussions about governance, economic growth, service delivery, and opportunity. If we focus only on the symptoms while ignoring the underlying causes, we will never solve the problem. The real challenge is not merely getting people to live together. The real challenge is creating societies and economies that produce enough opportunity for people to live together peacefully.

Hopewell Chin’ono

91,991 Aufrufe • vor 3 Monaten