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PRN Negeri Sembilan : AMANAH's Khalid Samad claimed that racial sentiments overshadowed PH's performance-based campaign. He said a narrative urging Malays to unite against what was portrayed as a threat from DAP led many Malay voters to base their choices on those sentiments. 🧵1

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PRN Negeri Sembilan : "Tok Min ni ibarat nak jadi hero," said voter Wan, referring to the caretaker MB Aminuddin Harun's handling of the royal constitutional issue. He added that while the state PH chairman's decision to contest in Linggi could pose a challenge to BN incumbent Faizal Ramli, it was a risky move given that Linggi is considered a BN stronghold. 🧵1
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PRN Negeri Sembilan : "Tok Min ni ibarat nak jadi hero," said voter Wan, referring to the caretaker MB Aminuddin Harun's handling of the royal constitutional issue. He added that while the state PH chairman's decision to contest in Linggi could pose a challenge to BN incumbent Faizal Ramli, it was a risky move given that Linggi is considered a BN stronghold. 🧵1

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Wise words from Willie to be a positive thinker. Base your actions in love and abstain from those fear based thoughts that attempt to control things in life. Focus more on what you’re for than what you’re against as “energy follows thought” friends. Willie Nelson 💚
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Wise words from Willie to be a positive thinker. Base your actions in love and abstain from those fear based thoughts that attempt to control things in life. Focus more on what you’re for than what you’re against as “energy follows thought” friends. Willie Nelson 💚

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Don Lemon has been covering Nolan Wells’ case from the beginning, and throughout his coverage he has repeatedly pushed a racial narrative by insinuating, without evidence, that Nolan’s white friend had something to do with his death. But that narrative is now being challenged by people close to Nolan’s own family. A friend of Nolan Wells’ parents appeared on Don Lemon’s show and told him directly that what he, Ben Crump, and Al Sharpton are doing is creating unnecessary racial tension in the town. He also said many black residents in Mississippi are pushing back against that narrative because it does not reflect what they are seeing in their community. Instead of seriously engaging with those concerns, Don Lemon proceeded to compare the way some white people love black people to the way they love their pets. You can watch my full take on The Tamera Nealy Show on YouTube.

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In an interview with a Nigerian radio station a few days ago, Zwelinzima Vavi said Zulu children are raised to identify as Zulu from a very young age, rather than as South Africans. He argued that this is why the xenophobia started in KZN Vavi further claimed that many Zulus tend to place themselves above other groups in South Africa, adding that in KwaZulu-Natal, people mainly vote for a political party led by a Zulu leader. As an example, he claimed the ANC enjoyed strong support in the province under Jacob Zuma, but that support declined after Zuma left. He also alleged that Zulu voters are generally reluctant to support leaders from other ethnic groups. He also added that while other provinces are home to many different ethnic groups and traditional leaders, KwaZulu-Natal is predominantly Zulu and has a single Zulu king.
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𝗦𝗔𝗡𝗨𝗦𝗜'𝗦 𝗦𝗣𝗘𝗘𝗖𝗛: "𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗖𝗛𝗜𝗡𝗘𝗦𝗘 𝗛𝗔𝗩𝗘 𝗖𝗛𝗜𝗡𝗔, 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗜𝗡𝗗𝗜𝗔𝗡𝗦 𝗛𝗔𝗩𝗘 𝗜𝗡𝗗𝗜𝗔, 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗠𝗔𝗟𝗔𝗬𝗦 𝗛𝗔𝗩𝗘 𝗢𝗡𝗟𝗬 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗠𝗔𝗟𝗔𝗬 𝗟𝗔𝗡𝗗." Some supporters of Pakatan Harapan have criticised me for supposedly remaining silent over the recent speech by Kedah Menteri Besar Dato' Seri Sanusi Md Nor, which has sparked widespread controversy and is now under police investigation. This is not the first time that the Kedah Menteri Besar's speeches, many of which have carried strong racial undertones, have generated public outrage and attracted police scrutiny. His latest speech, delivered during the Negeri Sembilan state election campaign, has also created friction between Barisan Nasional and Perikatan Nasional. In fact, UMNO President Dato' Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi openly signalled that Sanusi was no longer welcome to campaign in Negeri Sembilan. As the backlash intensified, Sanusi and his supporters began offering various explanations. One of the familiar defences often used by politicians was that his words had supposedly been taken out of context or distorted by the media. He has also threatened legal action against numerous individuals and organisations. At the same time, he published a lengthy statement in English, citing historical British politicians whom he claimed shared similar views in an attempt to justify his position. I will be discussing this issue in much greater depth in YBM Podcast Episode 57, airing this Friday, 31 July, at 9:00 p.m. For now, however, I would like to introduce one important perspective regarding the doctrine that lies beneath speeches like these. But before we go any further, what exactly did Sanusi say? This is the relevant excerpt from his speech in Jempol, beginning at around the 14-minute mark: "The Malays no longer have any land. The Malays only have this Malay land. The Indians have India. The Chinese have China..." Those defending Sanusi argue that he was merely stating a historical or factual reality, that this is the homeland of the Malays. Those offended by his remarks argue that the real message goes far beyond the literal words. They believe the underlying implication is that non-Malays are merely immigrants who will always have another homeland besides Malaysia. Whether one agrees with either interpretation often depends on one's own political instincts and emotional inclinations. My analysis, however, takes a somewhat different direction. I am less interested in debating the literal or implied meaning of the speech itself. Instead, I am interested in examining the much deeper question that is rarely discussed openly, the underlying doctrine that continues to produce politicians like Sanusi Md Nor, and speeches like these, generation after generation. At its core, this is a question about the kind of society we have chosen to build, and the kind of Malaysian society we want to become in the future. Many of the political campaigns we have witnessed over the years, whether under slogans such as Penyatuan Ummah, Muafakat Nasional, or claims that "the Malays only have this land", ultimately stem from the very same political doctrine. That doctrine can be summarised quite simply. It says that the Malays are the rightful masters of this country. If you are a Malaysian citizen who is not Malay, you are welcome to live here, but ultimately you should accept whatever decisions the Malays make. Those decisions are to be determined by Malay political leaders, acting on behalf of the Malay community. Under this doctrine, non-Malay political leaders who choose to cooperate with these Malay-led parties are viewed as acceptable because they are seen as respecting and submitting to this framework. On the other hand, non-Malay leaders who contest elections against them are portrayed as being disrespectful, challenging Malay authority, and threatening Malay political dominance. When a majority of non-Malay voters support parties outside this political coalition, the contest is no longer framed as one political party competing against another. Instead, it is portrayed as non-Malays confronting Malays. Surprisingly few people have examined the long-term political consequences of organising an entire nation around such a doctrine. Several important questions naturally arise. First, has this doctrine succeeded in creating genuine harmony within Malaysian society? So far, the answer appears to be no. As long as this doctrine exists, there will always be those who believe that the Federal Constitution guarantees equal rights to every Malaysian regardless of race, while simultaneously protecting the special position and legitimate rights of the Bumiputera community. This means the doctrine can only deliver temporary political victories. Over time, the political pendulum will continue swinging from one extreme to the other. The greatest beneficiaries of this cycle are political leaders, both Malay and non-Malay, who obtain positions of power, salaries, and influence. Meanwhile, the everyday lives of ordinary Malaysians, regardless of race, remain largely unchanged. Second, has this doctrine succeeded in elevating the economic standing of the Malays? Again, the evidence suggests otherwise. The statistics tell a remarkably consistent story. Even when governments were overwhelmingly Malay, such as during the long years of UMNO rule, when roughly 80 percent of the Cabinet was Malay and the government commanded a two-thirds parliamentary majority, Bumiputera equity ownership remained stubbornly around 17 to 18 percent. Governments have changed. Political coalitions have changed. Prime ministers have come and gone. Yet Bumiputera equity ownership has barely moved. Whenever a new generation of leaders embracing this doctrine comes to power, they publicly champion Malay political supremacy. But behind closed doors, they shake hands with many of the very same Chinese and Indian business tycoons whom they criticised while they were in opposition. That is why governments may change, yet the underlying structure of the economy rarely does. The only thing that changes is which group of politically connected elites, Malay, Chinese, or Indian gets to share in the nation's wealth. Third, has this doctrine succeeded in eliminating corruption? In reality, it has often contributed to the very problem it claims to oppose. A political doctrine built upon ethnic dominance inevitably concentrates enormous discretionary power in the hands of those controlling the government. They decide who receives licences. They decide who wins government contracts. They decide who enjoys monopolies. Governments may change, but those licences, contracts, and monopolies continue to circulate within a relatively small circle of well-connected individuals. Within that circle are Malays, Chinese, and Indians alike, many of whom eventually become close allies of those who previously campaigned most aggressively under this doctrine. As long as this doctrine remains unchallenged, insufficiently examined, and poorly understood, Malaysia's political pendulum will continue swinging back and forth. At one point, this doctrine dominates public discourse, and the parties promoting it win power. Once in government, many of them repeat the same old practices while hiding behind the rhetoric of protecting Malay rights. Over time, however, the public begins to witness corruption, administrative failures, abuse of power, and growing displays of wealth among the political elite. The pendulum then swings in the opposite direction, and they lose power. But if the new government fails to challenge this doctrine by governing better and delivering meaningful reform, it unintentionally breathes new life into the very doctrine it defeated. Before long, the political pendulum begins swinging back once again. That, in my view, is precisely where Malaysian politics stands today. What I have shared here is only the beginning of a much broader discussion. I hope you will join me for YBM Podcast Episode 57 this Friday, 31 July, where I will explore these ideas in much greater depth.
11:36

𝗦𝗔𝗡𝗨𝗦𝗜'𝗦 𝗦𝗣𝗘𝗘𝗖𝗛: "𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗖𝗛𝗜𝗡𝗘𝗦𝗘 𝗛𝗔𝗩𝗘 𝗖𝗛𝗜𝗡𝗔, 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗜𝗡𝗗𝗜𝗔𝗡𝗦 𝗛𝗔𝗩𝗘 𝗜𝗡𝗗𝗜𝗔, 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗠𝗔𝗟𝗔𝗬𝗦 𝗛𝗔𝗩𝗘 𝗢𝗡𝗟𝗬 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗠𝗔𝗟𝗔𝗬 𝗟𝗔𝗡𝗗." Some supporters of Pakatan Harapan have criticised me for supposedly remaining silent over the recent speech by Kedah Menteri Besar Dato' Seri Sanusi Md Nor, which has sparked widespread controversy and is now under police investigation. This is not the first time that the Kedah Menteri Besar's speeches, many of which have carried strong racial undertones, have generated public outrage and attracted police scrutiny. His latest speech, delivered during the Negeri Sembilan state election campaign, has also created friction between Barisan Nasional and Perikatan Nasional. In fact, UMNO President Dato' Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi openly signalled that Sanusi was no longer welcome to campaign in Negeri Sembilan. As the backlash intensified, Sanusi and his supporters began offering various explanations. One of the familiar defences often used by politicians was that his words had supposedly been taken out of context or distorted by the media. He has also threatened legal action against numerous individuals and organisations. At the same time, he published a lengthy statement in English, citing historical British politicians whom he claimed shared similar views in an attempt to justify his position. I will be discussing this issue in much greater depth in YBM Podcast Episode 57, airing this Friday, 31 July, at 9:00 p.m. For now, however, I would like to introduce one important perspective regarding the doctrine that lies beneath speeches like these. But before we go any further, what exactly did Sanusi say? This is the relevant excerpt from his speech in Jempol, beginning at around the 14-minute mark: "The Malays no longer have any land. The Malays only have this Malay land. The Indians have India. The Chinese have China..." Those defending Sanusi argue that he was merely stating a historical or factual reality, that this is the homeland of the Malays. Those offended by his remarks argue that the real message goes far beyond the literal words. They believe the underlying implication is that non-Malays are merely immigrants who will always have another homeland besides Malaysia. Whether one agrees with either interpretation often depends on one's own political instincts and emotional inclinations. My analysis, however, takes a somewhat different direction. I am less interested in debating the literal or implied meaning of the speech itself. Instead, I am interested in examining the much deeper question that is rarely discussed openly, the underlying doctrine that continues to produce politicians like Sanusi Md Nor, and speeches like these, generation after generation. At its core, this is a question about the kind of society we have chosen to build, and the kind of Malaysian society we want to become in the future. Many of the political campaigns we have witnessed over the years, whether under slogans such as Penyatuan Ummah, Muafakat Nasional, or claims that "the Malays only have this land", ultimately stem from the very same political doctrine. That doctrine can be summarised quite simply. It says that the Malays are the rightful masters of this country. If you are a Malaysian citizen who is not Malay, you are welcome to live here, but ultimately you should accept whatever decisions the Malays make. Those decisions are to be determined by Malay political leaders, acting on behalf of the Malay community. Under this doctrine, non-Malay political leaders who choose to cooperate with these Malay-led parties are viewed as acceptable because they are seen as respecting and submitting to this framework. On the other hand, non-Malay leaders who contest elections against them are portrayed as being disrespectful, challenging Malay authority, and threatening Malay political dominance. When a majority of non-Malay voters support parties outside this political coalition, the contest is no longer framed as one political party competing against another. Instead, it is portrayed as non-Malays confronting Malays. Surprisingly few people have examined the long-term political consequences of organising an entire nation around such a doctrine. Several important questions naturally arise. First, has this doctrine succeeded in creating genuine harmony within Malaysian society? So far, the answer appears to be no. As long as this doctrine exists, there will always be those who believe that the Federal Constitution guarantees equal rights to every Malaysian regardless of race, while simultaneously protecting the special position and legitimate rights of the Bumiputera community. This means the doctrine can only deliver temporary political victories. Over time, the political pendulum will continue swinging from one extreme to the other. The greatest beneficiaries of this cycle are political leaders, both Malay and non-Malay, who obtain positions of power, salaries, and influence. Meanwhile, the everyday lives of ordinary Malaysians, regardless of race, remain largely unchanged. Second, has this doctrine succeeded in elevating the economic standing of the Malays? Again, the evidence suggests otherwise. The statistics tell a remarkably consistent story. Even when governments were overwhelmingly Malay, such as during the long years of UMNO rule, when roughly 80 percent of the Cabinet was Malay and the government commanded a two-thirds parliamentary majority, Bumiputera equity ownership remained stubbornly around 17 to 18 percent. Governments have changed. Political coalitions have changed. Prime ministers have come and gone. Yet Bumiputera equity ownership has barely moved. Whenever a new generation of leaders embracing this doctrine comes to power, they publicly champion Malay political supremacy. But behind closed doors, they shake hands with many of the very same Chinese and Indian business tycoons whom they criticised while they were in opposition. That is why governments may change, yet the underlying structure of the economy rarely does. The only thing that changes is which group of politically connected elites, Malay, Chinese, or Indian gets to share in the nation's wealth. Third, has this doctrine succeeded in eliminating corruption? In reality, it has often contributed to the very problem it claims to oppose. A political doctrine built upon ethnic dominance inevitably concentrates enormous discretionary power in the hands of those controlling the government. They decide who receives licences. They decide who wins government contracts. They decide who enjoys monopolies. Governments may change, but those licences, contracts, and monopolies continue to circulate within a relatively small circle of well-connected individuals. Within that circle are Malays, Chinese, and Indians alike, many of whom eventually become close allies of those who previously campaigned most aggressively under this doctrine. As long as this doctrine remains unchallenged, insufficiently examined, and poorly understood, Malaysia's political pendulum will continue swinging back and forth. At one point, this doctrine dominates public discourse, and the parties promoting it win power. Once in government, many of them repeat the same old practices while hiding behind the rhetoric of protecting Malay rights. Over time, however, the public begins to witness corruption, administrative failures, abuse of power, and growing displays of wealth among the political elite. The pendulum then swings in the opposite direction, and they lose power. But if the new government fails to challenge this doctrine by governing better and delivering meaningful reform, it unintentionally breathes new life into the very doctrine it defeated. Before long, the political pendulum begins swinging back once again. That, in my view, is precisely where Malaysian politics stands today. What I have shared here is only the beginning of a much broader discussion. I hope you will join me for YBM Podcast Episode 57 this Friday, 31 July, where I will explore these ideas in much greater depth.

Rafizi Ramli

19,405 Aufrufe • vor 25 Tagen

Maria set the tone immediately. She said they “basically called an emergency interview” after DocPeteChambersForTexas's campaign was hit with what she described as serious attacks. The urgency was clear from the first sentence. Chambers then laid out what happened. As his team was posting daily campaign locations, they were suddenly locked out of Facebook. They couldn’t log in. Supporters couldn’t see where he would be speaking. Voters wouldn’t know where to show up. Then came the detail that shifted everything: another statewide campaign experienced the exact same issue at the exact same time. At that point, it no longer felt like a glitch. He said he activated what he called a military “net call,” switching to an alternate communications plan so supporters could manually spread event details and “stop the bleed.” In the middle of a heated primary, shutting down a candidate’s ability to reach voters doesn’t look random. It looks deliberate. Watch the full interview:👇
1:46

Maria set the tone immediately. She said they “basically called an emergency interview” after DocPeteChambersForTexas's campaign was hit with what she described as serious attacks. The urgency was clear from the first sentence. Chambers then laid out what happened. As his team was posting daily campaign locations, they were suddenly locked out of Facebook. They couldn’t log in. Supporters couldn’t see where he would be speaking. Voters wouldn’t know where to show up. Then came the detail that shifted everything: another statewide campaign experienced the exact same issue at the exact same time. At that point, it no longer felt like a glitch. He said he activated what he called a military “net call,” switching to an alternate communications plan so supporters could manually spread event details and “stop the bleed.” In the middle of a heated primary, shutting down a candidate’s ability to reach voters doesn’t look random. It looks deliberate. Watch the full interview:👇

The Vigilant Fox 🦊

37,851 Aufrufe • vor 6 Monaten

The Five co-host, Jessica Tarlov, runs with the Democrat narrative that ICE allegedly zip-tied kids during a raid on a Chicago apartment complex. “That was based on the eyewitness testimony of people that live in that apartment complex.” Jesse Watters: “One woman, she said a minor was zip-tied... What would you like to do when you find a young girl in the custody of a Tren de Aragua member?” Tarlov: “ICE didn’t need to pull all of those American citizens out of their homes in order to get at the Tren de Aragua members that they were going for.”
0:58

The Five co-host, Jessica Tarlov, runs with the Democrat narrative that ICE allegedly zip-tied kids during a raid on a Chicago apartment complex. “That was based on the eyewitness testimony of people that live in that apartment complex.” Jesse Watters: “One woman, she said a minor was zip-tied... What would you like to do when you find a young girl in the custody of a Tren de Aragua member?” Tarlov: “ICE didn’t need to pull all of those American citizens out of their homes in order to get at the Tren de Aragua members that they were going for.”

RedWave Press

171,163 Aufrufe • vor 10 Monaten