Video yükleniyor...
Video Yüklenemedi
🇸🇪 Sweden's Ongoing Suicide Explained in the simplest way possible – the current (anti-White) Narrative says the following: The ultimate evil is 1930s Germany. Every step, no matter how small, towards that is an act of evil. • Decreased immigration or a closed border? One step closer to 1930s... show more
37,829 görüntüleme • 1 yıl önce •via X (Twitter)
0 Yorum
Yorum bulunmuyor
Orijinal gönderinin yorumları burada görünecek
![The subject of 'owning a slave' is dense. It is something we hear a lot when we are in the FemDom Realm. Is it just fantasy? Can it actually be a lifestyle? How do we navigate this type of dynamic? How do we even get to that level of D/s? In this short clip [Exerpt from SLAVE TRAINING Part 2] I want to already bring to your attention one thing that will define if your desire for a slave (or desire as a slave) is touching more on a fantasy or... how can you actually navigate this in a realistic way. No one person 'can do it all' or should be expected to. If you want your slave to be 'the best' , assign them a specific role in which they can excel... and then build upon that. Once they 'master' your housekeeping (which takes quite a bit of real training), they can move to other levels. And an important note I want to leave here... make them EARN access to certain things in your life that sometimes you just want to delegate because you don't want to manage or don't know how to manage. Entrusting them with serious tasks that can affect your life, your business, your reputation, are on top of the ladder. Are they even qualified for the thing you want them to take off your shoulders? Start small and allow them to grow in their submission, to develop their skills and to learn how to best satisfy you without setting them up for failure by expecting too much, too quick. In the end, if you want this to truly work, you have to approach it from a place that transcends the roles. As this is consensual power exchange. And you both want to be fulfilled in that relationship.](https://image.24vids.com/tw-2024607322354434443/ext_tw_video_thumb/2024607017210441729/pu/img/Gb0sS-jDF3Qob_x9.jpg)
![[WATCH] THE PRESIDENT WILL NOT RESIGN. When it comes to the President, there is always a distinctive role between him being the President of the party and the state. There are many factors that influence the state in terms of governance and stability. If the President is called upon by some to resign and he keeps quiet it can throw the state into a state of turmoil. I want to make it clear that the officials agreed with the President on his approach, he took us into confidence and explained the factors that led him to make that particular pronouncement. We believe that the President did the right thing in pronouncing in the best interest of South Africa that he will not be resigning. There was nothing in terms of the judgment that warranted the President to resign it was just mere calls made by individuals and political parties that wanted to throw our country into a state of turmoil, uncertainty and anxiety. So it was imperative that he focus on that. It was correct for him to tell the country that from where he is standing there is nothing in the judgement that states he has done any wrongdoing and what he is going to do with the options in front of him and he has made this public. The President will take the Section 89 Report on review based on the outcome of the judgment and the legal advice he has received. There are no daggers out for the President to resign just opportunistic elements. These elements do not know what they want, they want to impeach and want him to resign, they do know what they actually want. The veracity of the report has not been tested in any committee so they don’t have a basis for the President to resign.](https://image.24vids.com/tw-2054652118766952473/amplify_video_thumb/2054651071256031232/img/hHJ1zaS5Ba9ZQ_h9.jpg)
![[WATCH] The question before the Court is short, and it is a question of law. When a political party has completed the Commission’s prescribed forms and uploaded its lists onto the Commission’s own system before the hour, has that party submitted its lists? The movement says it has. The Commission says it has not. That is a disagreement between a political party and a public institution about what a statute means, and this country built a specialist court for precisely that. The Electoral Court will decide it. The ANC will abide by what the courts decide. I say that now, before judgment, so that nobody need ask afterwards. I want to address the judgment the Electoral Court handed down on Friday in the matter of the UDF Party, because it has been reported as a blow to the ANC. The Court held that the Commission has no power to exempt one party from a deadline that binds all others. The African National Congress agrees with that. We have never asked for an exemption. We have never asked for an extension. We are not asking for one now. What the UDF asked for and what the ANC asks for are different things, and Friday’s judgment is the clearest statement yet of that difference. And to those who have warned the Commission against giving the ANC “preferential treatment”, I say this plainly. The ANC wants none. Whatever relief the Court grants, the movement has asked that it apply to every affected party on the same terms — to the forty-four other parties as much as to us. If the ANC succeeds, two thousand and ninety-three candidates who are not ours succeed with us. That is the only kind of relief this movement would accept. Now let me speak about the Electoral Commission again. The Electoral Commission is a Chapter Nine institution of our Constitution. The African National Congress, more than any other organisation in this country, argued for it, negotiated it and built it. Through seven national elections and six local elections, the ANC has accepted every substantive result the Commission has declared — including the result of 2024, which took from this movement the majority it had held for thirty years. We accepted it on the night. We did not go to a stage and call the Commission a thief. That record is who we are, and it is not for sale in a dispute over six councils. So let me be clear about what the ANC is doing and what it is not doing. The ANC is not attacking the Electoral Commission. The ANC disagrees with the Commission on a point of law, and it has taken that disagreement to the court that Parliament created to hear it. Disagreement in a court is how a democracy respects an institution. Disagreement on a stage, with slogans, is how a democracy weakens one. The movement has chosen the court, respectfully. There are parties in this country who have used this matter to relitigate their own grievances against the Commission. The ANC will not join them, and it will not be used by them. Where the Commission is attacked for doing its work, this movement will defend it, as it has always defended it. We have a responsibility to the institutions of this state that the Commission’s other critics do not carry, and we will carry it even while we are in court against it. And there is a responsibility on all of us that goes beyond this matter. Forty-five parties used one channel and had challenges. That is a fact about the channel, whatever the Court decides about the law. After this election the ANC will go to the Party Liaison Committee and propose, for every party, that the electronic route carry a receipt; that its final step be prescribed in regulation, published in the Gazette, where every party can read it, and not only in software; and that a party be able to see the record of what the Commission holds from it. Not so that the ANC is spared next time. So that no party, large or small, ever again stands where forty-five parties stand this morning. #ANCMediaBriefing #SGMbalulaSpeaks #LGE2026VoteANC](https://image.24vids.com/tw-2097277576167280865/amplify_video_thumb/2097277276069212160/img/NjNvlZsXjgqYzRem.jpg)