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#Syria how did the SDF/YPG gradually lose leverage over its Arab component and with Washington which privileges a state to state relation with Damascus & where does Ankara stand ? ⁦François Picard⁩ ⁦FRANCE 24 English

Wassim Nasr

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31,218 views • 6 months ago •via X (Twitter)

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Syrian Arab tribal leaders say they are ready to mobilize against the SDF, accusing it of attacking civilians in Aleppo and pledging loyalty to the Syrian state: We declare our readiness and willingness to stand with our state to deter the aggression and defeat the terrorist SDF militias. We are prepared to offer our lives and souls… until the Syrian state extends its control over all of Syria. To the SDF: The answer is what you will see, not what you hear.

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With their sacrifices, they spared the city a humanitarian catastrophe… The Syrian Arab Army supports state institutions in assisting displaced residents from the Al-Ashrafieh and Sheikh Maqsoud neighborhoods in Aleppo. #Syria #Aleppo #PKK #SDF

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Mazloum Abdi's European tour and the limits of European influence SDF commander Mazloum Abdi this past week visited several European countries, including Italy and France. In Paris, he held meetings with French officials to discuss developments in Syria and the continuing integration process between the SDF and Damascus. • The tour caused controversy in pro-government Syrian media. Some outlets cited Syrian diplomatic sources as saying that Abdi travelled without prior consultation with or approval from Damascus, describing the visit as a violation of the integration agreement. • The SDF has not been formally dissolved, and Abdi remains its commander during the transitional integration period. Damascus continues to deal with him in that capacity, with Syrian officials and government-linked media still referring to him as the commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces. His foreign travel therefore does not clearly violate the agreement. The SDF and its civilian institutions continue to exist while their gradual incorporation into Syrian state structures proceeds, and Abdi retains a distinct political and military position throughout. • The visits carry symbolic importance, but France has no physical leverage in northern Syria. With US forces withdrawn, there is no allied military framework within which French engagement could be anchored. France cannot deploy forces, secure supply lines or meaningfully deter pressure from Damascus or Turkey. • France's domestic constraints compound its external weakness. Economic deterioration, internal political pressures and the migration debate make European governments more inclined to seek workable arrangements with Damascus than to confront it. • Turkey holds the strongest immediate external position by a considerable margin. Geographic proximity, deep intelligence penetration, established local networks, military reach and a demonstrated willingness to act give Ankara tools that no European state can match in northern Syria. • The remaining SDF pocket is geographically incoherent and demographically vulnerable. Most Kurdish-majority cities lie within a few kilometres of the Turkish border. Hasakah, the only city with some distance from Turkey, has considerable Arab depth. The area cannot be held against sustained indirect pressure. • Direct military action may not be required. Turkey and Damascus may be able to achieve their objectives through intelligence operations, recruitment of local informants and defectors, sabotage and selective drone strikes, eroding SDF cohesion below the threshold of overt provocation and hollowing out its organisational capacity through the integration process itself. Recent reporting of sleeper cells near Qamishli illustrates how exposed the SDF's position already is. • Israel's influence does not reach the north. Whatever leverage Tel Aviv holds over Damascus is concentrated in the south and tied to its campaign against Iranian entrenchment. In northern Syria, Israeli influence is wholly overshadowed by Turkey's. • European engagement may produce limited influence over specific details: representation arrangements, treatment of former SDF personnel, administrative appointments, cultural rights and the pace of institutional transfers. This is the realistic ceiling. • The SDF retains agency. Its internal cohesion, negotiating strategy, political manoeuvring and capacity to exploit divisions among its opponents will shape the pace and final form of integration. The prolonged process also leaves room for regional developments to alter the balance. Growing discussion of possible US pressure on Damascus to move against Hezbollah in Lebanon could place further strain on Ahmed al-Sharaa's still-consolidating government. A wider confrontation or internal crisis could distract Damascus, weaken its centralising momentum and allow the SDF to recover some negotiating leverage, preserving elements of de facto autonomy through locally concentrated security forces, administrative continuity and political representation. Whether that materialises will depend on disciplined leadership, internal cohesion and a more effective political strategy than Damascus can easily contain. • Any durable SDF role in Syria requires accommodation with Turkey. No amount of European diplomatic support can substitute for that. More:

Mazloum Abdi's European tour and the limits of European influence SDF commander Mazloum Abdi this past week visited several European countries, including Italy and France. In Paris, he held meetings with French officials to discuss developments in Syria and the continuing integration process between the SDF and Damascus. • The tour caused controversy in pro-government Syrian media. Some outlets cited Syrian diplomatic sources as saying that Abdi travelled without prior consultation with or approval from Damascus, describing the visit as a violation of the integration agreement. • The SDF has not been formally dissolved, and Abdi remains its commander during the transitional integration period. Damascus continues to deal with him in that capacity, with Syrian officials and government-linked media still referring to him as the commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces. His foreign travel therefore does not clearly violate the agreement. The SDF and its civilian institutions continue to exist while their gradual incorporation into Syrian state structures proceeds, and Abdi retains a distinct political and military position throughout. • The visits carry symbolic importance, but France has no physical leverage in northern Syria. With US forces withdrawn, there is no allied military framework within which French engagement could be anchored. France cannot deploy forces, secure supply lines or meaningfully deter pressure from Damascus or Turkey. • France's domestic constraints compound its external weakness. Economic deterioration, internal political pressures and the migration debate make European governments more inclined to seek workable arrangements with Damascus than to confront it. • Turkey holds the strongest immediate external position by a considerable margin. Geographic proximity, deep intelligence penetration, established local networks, military reach and a demonstrated willingness to act give Ankara tools that no European state can match in northern Syria. • The remaining SDF pocket is geographically incoherent and demographically vulnerable. Most Kurdish-majority cities lie within a few kilometres of the Turkish border. Hasakah, the only city with some distance from Turkey, has considerable Arab depth. The area cannot be held against sustained indirect pressure. • Direct military action may not be required. Turkey and Damascus may be able to achieve their objectives through intelligence operations, recruitment of local informants and defectors, sabotage and selective drone strikes, eroding SDF cohesion below the threshold of overt provocation and hollowing out its organisational capacity through the integration process itself. Recent reporting of sleeper cells near Qamishli illustrates how exposed the SDF's position already is. • Israel's influence does not reach the north. Whatever leverage Tel Aviv holds over Damascus is concentrated in the south and tied to its campaign against Iranian entrenchment. In northern Syria, Israeli influence is wholly overshadowed by Turkey's. • European engagement may produce limited influence over specific details: representation arrangements, treatment of former SDF personnel, administrative appointments, cultural rights and the pace of institutional transfers. This is the realistic ceiling. • The SDF retains agency. Its internal cohesion, negotiating strategy, political manoeuvring and capacity to exploit divisions among its opponents will shape the pace and final form of integration. The prolonged process also leaves room for regional developments to alter the balance. Growing discussion of possible US pressure on Damascus to move against Hezbollah in Lebanon could place further strain on Ahmed al-Sharaa's still-consolidating government. A wider confrontation or internal crisis could distract Damascus, weaken its centralising momentum and allow the SDF to recover some negotiating leverage, preserving elements of de facto autonomy through locally concentrated security forces, administrative continuity and political representation. Whether that materialises will depend on disciplined leadership, internal cohesion and a more effective political strategy than Damascus can easily contain. • Any durable SDF role in Syria requires accommodation with Turkey. No amount of European diplomatic support can substitute for that. More:

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Shirin is a survivor, wife, daughter and sister of victims sheinsists were killed by "Damascus state forces" in Deir ez-Zor on the same day Syrian interim President Sharaa announced a ceasefire with the SDF. "Kurd or Arab?" the gunmen asked. READ MORE:

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Taj Kurdish, a founder of the SDF-linked North Press (NP) and a collaborator with FRANCE 24, is also closely connected to the CJTFOIR. He has been posting on Facebook to glorify the SDF/YPG terrorist responsible for the massacre in Ayn al-Arab (Kobani) against Arab civilians—a massacre he filmed himself committing. In one post, Taj wrote: "This person deserves all the respect, may God honor your roots. I will make a picture of him and hang it in my house." On his Facebook page, he also uses a notorious racist phrase, "The Arabs are the most severe in disbelief and hypocrisy," often used to justify atrocities against Arab tribal communities. Additionally, his bio states, "no integration with the Joulani," sending a divisive and hostile message. Meanwhile, France 24 recently published an investigation confirming the massacre and directly implicating the SDF/YPG. This public figure exemplifies the true face of SDF/YPG/PKK social media: vile, racist, and disgraceful in Arabic and Kurdish, while their English platforms fabricate stories of violations against Kurds that never occurred. On the ground, the reality is the opposite—they are committing mass killings and humiliating Arabs to provoke a civil war, only to exploit it later for their propaganda. #Syria

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Syrian forces have released dozens of children from the SDF run al-Aqtan prison in Raqqa after taking control of the facility, with footage showing malnourished boys running out of the gates and sprinting towards freedom. The children described being starved, placed in solitary confinement, doused with water, whipped and electrocuted, with one 15 year old sentenced to seven years in prison and a 9 year old also seen in the footage. The SDF was previously known as the YPG, which rebranded as the Syrian Democratic Forces under a US strategy amid scrutiny over its conduct and links to terrorism. The controversial group is widely regarded as the Syrian arm of the PKK, a group designated as terrorists by the US, UK, EU and Turkey. It consists predominantly of Kurdish and Armenian fighters, and has long been aligned with US and Israeli interests in Syria, including controlling oil rich regions in the country’s northeast. The US has now largely ended its backing of the SDF as its role in Syria is said to have “largely expired” and Washington shifts support toward Damascus under a new ceasefire and integration framework with the Syrian government.

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I want to highlight this: Town of Marat in Deirezzor - members of the SDF have set up meetings with the residents there to discuss and talk with them. Here one of the residents says to the official „We don’t want you here, we want the Free Syrian Army“ - his opinion shall not be the focus here. I’d like to ask: Where else in Syria? Where in Syria can a men say to their administration that he doesn’t want him there? Where can a men in Syria raise his voice at a soldier? Where in Syria does the administration go from village to village to talk with the residents? Where in Syria does anyone care what the residents think? Where in Syria does an administration exist who tries to solve and include different opinions? Only in the AANES run by the SDF. Do that in an area held by the Turkish led SNA and see how you will be locked up and tortured. Go and do that in areas controlled by the HTS and watch how they’ll behead you. I dare any Syrian to do that.

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