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When I get flak from the left it's *almost always* preceded with "he says his channel is a civil rights channel but..." which simply shows they don't understand civil rights. The 2nd Amendment is a lot of things: a natural right, a Constitutionally protected right, a God given right,...

31,017 views • 1 year ago •via X (Twitter)

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DOJ Assistant AG for Civil Rights, Harmeet Dhillon, is suing the city of Denver, Colorado over its "assault weapons" ban law. While I'm glad to see this type of lawsuit as the Denver "law" is prima facie unconstitutional, I'd much rather see those responsible for these types of laws be criminally charged and perp walked in chains as these "laws" aren't just unconstitutional, instituting them is a criminal offense. To that point, Denver's Mayor Johnson stated, "Denver will not be bullied by any administration, especially one that has shown so little regard for public safety or the rule of law." As you can see by that quote, he doesn't care about a civil lawsuit as it will be paid for with forcibly stolen taxpayer dollars and won't impact his life at all. He probably wouldn't be so smug if he was rightfully and justly looking at a prison sentence. TITLE 18, U.S.C., SECTION 242: "Whoever, under color of any law, statute, ordinance, regulation, or custom, willfully subjects any person in any State, Territory, Commonwealth, Possession, or District to the deprivation of any rights, privileges, or immunities secured or protected by the Constitution or laws of the United States, ... shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than one year, or both; and if bodily injury results from the acts committed in violation of this section or if such acts include the use, attempted use, or threatened use of a dangerous weapon, explosives, or fire, shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than ten years, or both; and if death results from the acts committed in violation of this section or if such acts include kidnapping or an attempt to kidnap, aggravated sexual abuse, or an attempt to commit aggravated sexual abuse, or an attempt to kill, shall be fined under this title, or imprisoned for any term of years or for life, or both, or may be sentenced to death." #CityLife #denver #CivilRights #crime #democrats #milehighcity #policestate #urban

Mrgunsngear

12,049 views • 2 months ago

The Singaporean has been arrested after he being defrauded? Why is the NDC Regional Chairman Ashie Moore still free? I know this turn of event follows For The Records exposé on this issue Let’s revisit what the law says from the Political Party Act 2000 (Act 574) PART III-FUNDING OF POLITICAL PARTIES Section 23: Contribution by Citizens. Only a citizen may contribute in cash or in kind to the funds of a political party. A firm, partnership, or enterprise owned by a citizen or a company registered under the laws of the Republic at least seventy-five percent of whose capital is owned by a citizen is for the purposes of this Act a citizen. Section 24: No Contribution by Non-Citizens. A non-citizen shall not directly or indirectly make a contribution or donation or loan whether in cash or in kind to the funds held by or for the benefit of a political party and no political party or person acting for or on behalf of a political party shall demand or accept a contribution donation or loan from a non-citizen. Section 25: Contraventions of this Part. Where any person contravenes section 23 or 24, in addition to any penalty that may be imposed under this Act, any amount whether in cash or in kind paid in contravention of the section shall be forfeited to the State and the amount shall be recovered from the political party as debt owed to the State. The political party or person in whose custody the amount is for the time being held shall pay it to the State. A non-citizen found guilty of contravention of section 24 shall be deemed to be a prohibited immigrant and liable to deportation under the Aliens Act, 1963 (Act 160). The provisions of sections 23 and 24 do not preclude a goverment of any country or a nongovernmental organization from providing assistance in cash or in kind to the Commission for use by the Commission for the collective benefit of registered political parties. The law is clear on this and we expect the NDC Chairman to refund the money sponsored by Toh You Kang into their campaign to the state. Total Abuse of Power! Scam Aban!

For The Records

58,828 views • 1 year ago

He’s filming everyone at the market, but the police say there’s nothing they can do. Whose side are you on? A male videographer (the "auditor"), who is wearing a disguise for anonymity, is filming at an outdoor market. He is confronted by a market organizer (Kaylee Dolan) regarding his filming of vendors and attendees. A law enforcement officer arrives to mediate the dispute. ​The organizer expresses concern that the videographer is making vendors and patrons uncomfortable and asks him to stop or leave. The videographer asserts his right to film in a public area, refusing to comply with her request. ​The responding officer confirms that the videographer is in a public space where he has a legal right to record. The officer acknowledges the organizer's frustration but explains that, as no crime is being committed, he cannot compel the man to stop filming or force him to leave. ​The tension arises from the intersection of constitutional rights and personal expectations of privacy. ​Under the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, individuals generally have a protected right to film in public spaces (such as sidewalks, public parks, and plazas). This includes the right to film government officials and police officers performing their duties, as well as things that are plainly visible from those public areas. ​In general, there is no "reasonable expectation of privacy" in a public space. If something can be seen by the naked eye from a location where a person is legally permitted to be, it is typically legal to photograph or record it. ​While filming is a protected activity, it is not absolute. If filming crosses the line into harassment, stalking, or disorderly conduct—or if it is done to "clandestinely" capture private or intimate areas, it can become illegal. In this specific interaction, the officer determined that the videographer’s actions did not meet the legal threshold for a crime, which is why he could not intervene. ​If the market were held on private property rather than public land, the owners or organizers would have the right to set rules regarding photography or to ask people to leave. If someone refuses to leave private property after being asked, they can be cited for trespassing. The officer's inability to remove the videographer suggests that the location was either public property or that the organizer lacked the legal authority to exclude him from that specific area.

✨️Serenitee♡Sam✨️

42,667 views • 2 months ago

THE CONDUCT OF PROCEEDINGS IN THE CASE AGAINST HONOURABLE TUNDU A. LISSU IS THE LAW BEING DISREGARDED? The Tanganyika Law Society (TLS) raises its voice regarding the troubling conduct in the criminal case against Honourable Tundu Antipas Lissu — a lawyer, former Member of Parliament, and one of the nation’s prominent advocates for human rights, good governance, and constitutionalism. Since his arrest, there has been a disturbing pattern undermining the principles of justice, violating legal procedures, and casting a heavy shadow over our criminal justice system. This is evident in the following: His arrest was conducted without adherence to lawful procedures, signaling an abuse of power; The charges appear to be politically motivated, raising serious concerns about the use of judicial processes as tools for political ends; Denial of even the basic right to greet and meet with fellow citizens before the official hearing of the case; Repeated adjournments of the case on legally unsubstantial grounds, indicating a deviation from legal focus; Interference with or denial of the accused’s right to private consultations with his lawyers, which violates the right to equal legal representation; Indications of breaches of the attorney-client privilege, which is protected under the Constitution and legal framework, and is a cornerstone of the right to an effective legal defense. The right of a client to consult privately with their lawyer is a fundamental right protected by the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania, the Evidence Act, and the Code of Ethics for Advocates. To restrict or interfere with this right is to undermine the foundation of the justice process and impair the accused’s ability to defend themselves adequately before the court. TLS emphasizes the following: The law must not be used as a weapon against justice; State authorities must not place themselves above the Constitution or the laws enacted by Parliament; The Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) must reflect deeply on the significant constitutional powers he holds in criminal justice and whether there is sufficient accountability to protect citizens' rights and ensure adherence to the law at all times; The right to legal assistance is not a privilege — it is a right of every citizen. Any criminal case, especially those involving individuals with political or social stature, must be conducted with transparency, fairness, and with respect for human dignity. The Tanganyika Law Society (TLS) continues to closely monitor the progress of this case. We reiterate that justice must not only be done but must also be seen to be done. We call upon the Judiciary and all state organs to uphold and protect the rights of the accused in accordance with the law and the Constitution. Furthermore, we urge all lawyers in the country, the media, and human rights stakeholders to continue championing the protection of justice, freedom of expression, and the rule of law — without fear or favour. BAK MWABUKUSI President, Tanganyika Law Society (TLS)

Boniface Mwabukusi

15,205 views • 1 year ago

"Today, we can see the futility of the political route and the bankruptcy of the political system writ large." "Scotland is annexed, a dominion under the English crown. And it is the English crown, not the fictional UK crown, that we're all told about. "Not a partner, not of any kind. In fact, the whole partnership story is a concoction fashioned to convince the world that Scots are part of a joint state and to disguise the fact that Scotland is, in reality, nothing other than a colony. "It's not a partner in a marriage, but a kidnap victim. And you do not escape from a kidnapper by filing for divorce from a fictional marriage. "Second, even if it were possible to break free through a referendum or an election, or to propose any other route that would be approved as lawful by the kidnapping state, the political system in Scotland would not guarantee any of the things that sing in our bones as Scots. We dream of justice, compassion, equality, prosperity and care for all without preference or privilege. "But what we have is an english system of concentrated power and privilege, which those Scots who enjoy it will not give up easily. Where the government sits in authority over the people, and the people surrender their hopes, their ambitions and their human and civil rights to the whims of their elected representatives. Where all that we hold dear, all that we depend on for decency, fairness and security, depends on the honor, honesty and good faith of those elected. "Because once it is elected, we have no means of curbing, challenging or preventing anything a government may choose to do, whether or not that's lawful, just, rational or humane. "Today, we can see the futility of the political route and the bankruptcy of the political system writ large. Our helplessness in the face of the state marching side by side with destitution and despair. "This is why liberation was born. Because the route to the Scotland we dream of neither can nor will come through the present political system, but through the restoration of the political, territorial and judicial rights, the constitutional provisions that belong to the people of this nation, in law and in justice, even under the terms of this fraudulent union, and certainly under international law. "They mean that we, the people, are sovereign, in fact, not in sound bite, the ultimate authority of this nation of Scotland. "They mean that the interests of the people, collectively known as the common good, are not only the primary purpose of government, but the only condition on which it's permitted to exist. "They mean that we are entitled to overrule, remove or replace a government that violates that condition of its existence, that fails to honour its promises, to consult the people or to act according to their wishes and welfare. "And in the modern world, that means the right to all the mechanisms that we see in a nation like Switzerland, which will make that sovereign power a reality. "All this is part of what we call decolonization, true Scottish self determination. And it is the soul and purpose of liberation Scotland. "Impossible? Other nations have trodden the path to decolonisation. Not one has bowed to the kidnapper and asked for permission. "We know now that we can gain our independence as a state by first gaining independence from a colonizing power. So that instead of waiting to reclaim real sovereignty of the people after independence, we gain our independence by first reclaiming our sovereign Scottish rights. "The next step on this road is establishing the committee of the Scottish Liberation Movement. This committee will be elected from the membership of Liberation and will operate under a ratified constitution. "And it will register Scotland's Liberation Movement with the United Nations." Sara Salyers @TheScotCongress Iain.lawson27 Salvo.Scot Colette Walker

ScotNews

20,333 views • 2 years ago

As a firearms educator and a 2A absolutist, I believe the 2nd Amendment is both a human right and a civil right. The 2nd Amendment does not grant permission—it affirms a pre-existing, natural right of all people to keep and bear arms. The U.S. Supreme Court made this clear in District of Columbia v. Heller (2008) and reaffirmed in McDonald v. Chicago (2010): the right to keep and bear arms is an individual right, fundamental to our system of ordered liberty, and incorporated against the states. In New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen (2022), the Court further held that the 2nd Amendment protects the right to carry firearms in public for lawful purposes, especially self-defense. But lawful purpose is the key distinction. I teach my students a foundational principle: the mind is the weapon; the gun is the tool. Firearms are carried to defend and protect life, not to impose our will on others—but to ensure that others cannot force their will upon us. We are peaceful, not harmless. We are at a dangerous point in our society where radical leftists are openly taking up arms and encouraging others to do the same, not for self-defense, but to seek out violence against their fellow countrymen. That conduct is not protected by the 2nd Amendment, because the Constitution does not protect violent intent, criminal conspiracy, or political terror. The Supreme Court has been clear across constitutional law that rights do not extend to violent misuse. The 2nd Amendment protects keeping and bearing arms for lawful purposes—it does not protect threats, incitement, or plans to harm others. Just as the First Amendment does not protect true threats or incitement to violence, the Second Amendment does not shield those who seek to abuse it. As a firearms instructor, I am not the government. I am not issuing permits; I am certifying training and competency. Instructors have long-recognized professional discretion and duty of care—especially when credible threats or statements of violent intent are expressed. Is refusing to certify someone who demonstrates dangerous intent gun control, disarmament, and a constitutional violation? Or, is it a private professional judgment, grounded in safety, ethics, and responsibility? When credible threats of violence are made, is alerting law enforcement a betrayal of liberty? The Supreme Court has never held that the 2nd Amendment creates a right to anonymity in violent plotting or shields criminal intent from lawful investigation. So here’s the question I’m wrestling with—and I want your thoughts: As a firearms instructor, should I be able—or obligated—to deny concealed carry certification to individuals who express violent or extremist intent? Should instructors alert law enforcement when credible threats are made? Am I violating my principles by refusing to arm those who seek chaos—or am I upholding the true purpose of the 2nd Amendment? Let me know in the comments.

Alicia Garcia

33,744 views • 6 months ago

THE CONVERSATION BEGINS HERE: What does the law provide about demonstrations? 1. Article 37 of the Constitution provides that every person has the right to PEACEBLY and UNARMED to assemble, to demonstrate, to picket, and to present petitions to public authorities. 2. The right to assemble demonstrate, picket and present petitions to public authorities is hence exercisable under Article 37 of the Constitution under two conditional precedents which must be met: PEACEBLY and UNARMED. Have the maandamano we have witnessed being done PEACEBLY and by UNARMED persons? 3. Suffice it to note that the right to assemble, demonstrate and to picket is not an absolute right. 4. Article 24 of the Constitution provides that the right to assemble, demonstrate and to picket is one of the rights that can be limited vide legislation to ensure that the enjoyment of rights and fundamental freedoms by any individuals does not prejudice the rights and freedoms of others. Have the maandamano not taken away the right to property of Kenyans with the mass destruction not only of private property but public property? 5. Article 259(1)(b) of the Constitution provides that the Constitution shall be interpreted in a manner that advances the rule of law, and the human rights and fundamental freedoms in the Bill of rights. To what extent do the maandamano fall within the defined parameters of the Constitution in particular the Bill of Rights? Is looting, destruction of property, anarchy and hooliganism the definition of demonstrations? Certainly not. These are purely criminal acts that have no constitutional basis! The conversation should begin here.

Hon. Aden Duale, EGH

101,326 views • 3 years ago

If Zohran Kwame Mamdani lied to U.S. immigration about his failure to register with Selective Service (a federal felony) for over 7 years, Zohran is still subject to criminal prosecution until 2028. And Zohran would be subject to denaturalization forever. READ THE LAW: U.S. citizens can be denaturalized for lying to immigration authorities during the naturalization process if the lie involves the concealment of a material fact or willful misrepresentation that resulted in procuring citizenship. This is a civil process under 8 U.S.C. § 1451(a), where the government must prove the elements by clear, unequivocal, and convincing evidence: the fact was willfully misrepresented or concealed, it was material (meaning it had a natural tendency to influence the decision, even if it wouldn't have necessarily prevented approval), and citizenship was obtained as a result. Examples include failing to disclose criminal history, prior identities, or affiliations with certain organizations (like communist or terrorist groups) within five years post-naturalization, which serves as prima facie evidence of such concealment. The Department of Justice handles these cases and has pursued denaturalization against individuals for immigration fraud, including lying on applications. There is no statute of limitations for civil denaturalization proceedings. However, if the lying also constitutes a criminal offense (e.g., under 18 U.S.C. § 1425 for knowingly procuring naturalization contrary to law), the statute of limitations for prosecution is 10 years from the commission of the offense. The primary penalty is revocation of naturalization, which strips the individual of U.S. citizenship and reverts them to their prior immigration status (often lawful permanent residency, though they may then face removal proceedings if deportable). If criminal charges are brought under 18 U.S.C. § 1425 within the 10-year window, penalties include fines and imprisonment: up to 25 years if the offense facilitated international terrorism, 20 years if it facilitated drug trafficking, 10 years for a first or second offense not involving terrorism or drugs, or 15 years for any other offense (or a combination of fine and imprisonment). In practice, sentences for straightforward immigration fraud cases have included shorter prison terms, such as eight months. Additional consequences can include permanent inadmissibility to the U.S., loss of benefits tied to citizenship, and civil fines under related statutes.

SCOOCH דוד

249,573 views • 9 months ago