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الحلقة الاولى من برنامج #ثلاث_خطوط_حمر، نركز على القضايا السياسية والملفات الحساسة، ضيف الحلقة السيد ميخائيل مستشار سعادة السفير الأثيوبي لدى دولة الإمارات، تحدثنا عن ملف السودان وصوماليلاند وموقف اثيوبيا من ذلك، حلقة مليئة بالمواضيع المهمة في القرن الإفريقي، علاقة الإمارات ودول المنطقة بإفريقيا، استمتعوا! Episode 1 of Three Red...

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وزير الدولة لشؤون الدفاع يستقبل وزير الدفاع الوطني الكندي استقبل معالي محمد بن مبارك بن فاضل المزروعي، وزير الدولة لشؤون الدفاع، معالي ديفيد جيه ماكجنتي، وزير الدفاع الوطني الكندي، وذلك في إطار تعزيز علاقات التعاون الدفاعي والعسكري بين دولة الإمارات العربية المتحدة وكندا. وجرى خلال اللقاء بحث عدد من الموضوعات ذات الاهتمام المشترك، وسبل تطوير التعاون الثنائي في المجالات الدفاعية والعسكرية، بما يسهم في دعم المصالح المشتركة للبلدين الصديقين، إضافة إلى تبادل وجهات النظر حول المستجدات الإقليمية والدولية ذات الصلة. Minister of State for Defence Affairs Receives Canadian Minister of National Defence His Excellency Mohamed bin Mubarak bin Fadhel Al Mazrouei, Minister of State for Defence Affairs, received His Excellency David J. McGuinty, Canada’s Minister of National Defence, as part of efforts to strengthen defence and military cooperation between the United Arab Emirates and Canada. During the meeting, the two sides discussed a number of issues of mutual interest and explored avenues for further enhancing bilateral cooperation across the defence and military sectors in support of the shared interests of the two friendly countries. The sides also exchanged views on regional and international developments of mutual concern. #وزارة_الدفاع #وزارة_الدفاع_الإماراتية #MOD #UAEMinistryOfDefence

وزارة الدفاع |MOD UAE

28,650 views • 3 months ago

Arabs are increasingly, and surprisingly, studying and learning about Somaliland more objectively, while expressing its history and political context with greater accuracy and fairness. I have rarely seen Arab media provide such a balanced discussion of Somaliland as this episode by Mustafa Guri, a Sudanese YouTuber on Alaraby Tube, a Qatari media platform. The presentation was well structured, academically informed, and reflected the work of several researchers rather than relying on simplified political narratives. Some of the key points he highlighted include: - Somaliland is not simply a breakaway region or a conventional secessionist movement. It was an independent and sovereign state in 1960 before restoring its sovereignty in 1991. This historical background distinguishes Somaliland from many separatist movements, as it had previously existed as a recognized sovereign entity. - The British Somaliland Protectorate maintained a relatively strong system of local governance through traditional institutions and domestic structures under British oversight, while Italian Somaliland experienced a more centralized colonial administration with stronger direct control over local affairs. There was no fully completed or formally ratified Act of Union between the two newly independent states. The unification process was largely based on political agreement, nationalist sentiment, and mutual aspirations rather than a comprehensive constitutional and legally ratified framework. - The motivation behind unification was primarily driven by Somali nationalism and the aspiration to unite Somali-inhabited territories under one state. However, the two sides had different expectations regarding the structure, objectives, and future direction of the union. - The 1961 military coup attempt by officers from Somaliland reflected the early emergence of serious disagreements regarding the union and demonstrated the existence of different political visions between the two former states. - The military government in Somalia later introduced an increasingly centralized and authoritarian system of governance, which intensified grievances in Somaliland, increased feelings of political marginalization, and contributed to the rise of armed opposition. - The government's response relied heavily on military force. What initially began as demands for political reform, representation, and equal treatment gradually developed into wider questions about the legitimacy and purpose of the union itself after the repeated use of force against civilians. - Africa Watch documented the scale of destruction, the extensive use of military force, and serious human rights violations committed against civilians during the conflict. - In 1991, representatives of liberation movements, traditional elders, and community leaders gathered in Burao and decided to dissolve the union and restore Somaliland’s sovereignty based on its 1960 statehood. - This decision was not sudden or improvised, but rather the result of a long historical and political process. - Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, gradually rebuilt and developed functioning state institutions. Over time, Somaliland achieved a level of political stability, governance, and institutional development that contrasted sharply with the political trajectory of internationally recognized Somalia. - Somaliland has achieved a level more advanced then just a de facto recognition and international engagement, though not formal diplomatic recognition. It has gained increasing attention, respect, and practical cooperation, while official recognition remains limited, partly due to the African Union’s cautious approach toward altering inherited colonial borders. - Many countries recognize Somaliland’s practical governance capacity and cooperate with it in areas such as counterterrorism, anti-piracy efforts, maritime security, regional stability, trade, and development. These relationships demonstrate substantial engagement despite the absence of formal recognition. - The discussion also addressed the Somaliland–Ethiopia Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) - The Recognition of Somaliland by Israel, including their wider regional and geopolitical implications. A well-deserved hats off to Mustafa Guri and Alaraby Tube for this work a rare and valuable effort to present Somaliland’s history and political reality with greater objectivity, academic depth, and accuracy.

Gaboose

17,449 views • 14 days ago

The upcoming weeks could be a period that requires close attention in terms of the geopolitical direction of East Africa. The overall picture in Addis Ababa indicates that the region is passing through a critical threshold. We are in Addis Ababa as part of President Erdoğan’s visit to Ethiopia. 1. This year marks the 100th anniversary of Ethiopia–Türkiye relations. Türkiye’s first embassy in Sub-Saharan Africa was opened in Addis Ababa in 1926. The main theme of the visit, consistent with this historical continuity, is a “Permanent Partnership.” 2. Ethiopia occupies an extremely sensitive position within the conflict-prone and competitive environment of the Horn of Africa. The leadership seeks to consolidate its position on issues it considers vital. At the same time, it tends to turn any emerging opportunity into a strategic gain. 3. However, growing demographic pressure, economic challenges, the fatigue of internal conflict, and other domestic vulnerabilities-combined with the structural disadvantages of being a landlocked country-are pushing Addis Ababa toward alternative strategic options. 4. In this context, the strategy of “access to the sea” is seen as a form of strategic relief-both for managing internal pressures and deepening regional influence. Creating economic breathing space, reducing logistical dependence, and increasing strategic maneuverability are the core motivations behind this approach. 5. This places Ethiopia in a difficult equation: it must produce policy within a competitive-and at times confrontational-regional environment where its ambitions may clash with the sovereignty sensitivities of its neighbors. The search for maritime access therefore stands out as an issue that could easily harden the region’s fragile balance. 6. Its closer alignment with the UAE in the Sudan civil war reflects the cumulative pressures of multiple security and economic challenges. Recent developments suggest that Ethiopia may seek a more active and visible role in the Sudan file in the near term. 7. At the same time, military movements along the Eritrean border carry risks that could trigger a new confrontation. For Ethiopia, the Eritrea issue is directly linked to its most critical maritime option. Access to the sea through Assab remains central to its strategic thinking. Historical grievances and current security concerns are deeply intertwined in this file. 8. Another critical relationship is with Egypt. The core issue here is the Nile Basin and water security. While the GERD dam represents energy production, development, and strategic leverage for Ethiopia, it is perceived by Egypt as a high-risk scenario. What began as a technical water management issue has evolved into a geopolitical matter directly tied to regional power balances. 9. When regional dynamics and the engagement of external actors are considered together, it becomes clear that Ethiopia is navigating a multilayered but high-risk foreign policy landscape-one that affects fault lines across North Africa, the Middle East, the Gulf, and the Horn of Africa. 10. Within this broader tension environment, Türkiye-Ethiopia relations remain in a positive trajectory. Despite differences in certain areas, the potential for deeper cooperation is high. Today, both leaders delivered strong messages in this direction. 11. President Erdoğan’s visit comes at a time when regional conflict dynamics are becoming increasingly visible. Ankara is seeking to develop a balancing approach aimed at preventing potential conflicts and lowering rising regional tensions. Given that Türkiye has both direct and indirect interests tied to the nature of its relationship with Ethiopia, the process is being managed with careful strategic consideration. 12. From arrival to departure, President Erdoğan was warmly received in Addis Ababa. The key areas of focus included economic cooperation, defense industry partnerships, and critical regional issues. Murat Yeşiltaş SETA

Tunç Demirtaş

14,131 views • 6 months ago

A call for establishment of a transitional regional government that represents diverse perspectives and for the immediate withdrawal of military forces from the Amhara region by Former Amhara Region Governor Gedu Andargachew. The leaked footage by Ethiopian Reporter captures Gedu's candid address to the Ethiopian Parliament, wherein he raises significant concerns and critiques the actions of the current administration. Here are the key takeaways from his speech: 1. Failure to Learn from Past Mistakes: Gedu acknowledges that the government failed to learn from its five-year history of ineffective governance, implying that the purported reform efforts were misguided from the start. 2. Manipulating Political Problems: The former governor accuses the Prime Minister's government of orchestrating political issues and then resorting to military intervention to solve them, highlighting a troubling pattern that has persisted over the past five years. 3. Military Force vs. Political Solutions: Gedu asserts that military intervention cannot be a lasting solution to Ethiopia's political problems, and that pursuing peaceful political means is the key to achieving sustainable peace. He underscores that the Ethiopian nation's prospects for peace lie in political dialogue rather than the continued violence that has left a trail of devastation. 4. Addressing Legitimate Concerns: Gedu acknowledges the legitimate concerns of the Amhara population, emphasizing that addressing these concerns through political channels is crucial. 5. Regime's Political Failures: Gedu points to the regime's political failures and lack of accountability as the root causes of the ongoing crisis, shifting blame away from the people and armed groups. 6. Misrepresentation of Amhara Concerns: The former governor criticizes the government for mischaracterizing the genuine concerns of the Amhara people as extremism, urging a more considerate approach to address these legitimate issues. 7. Reform Reversed to Dictatorship: Gedu declares that the initially promising reforms have regressed into a form of dictatorship. 8. Victims of Ethnic-Based Violence: Gedu emphasizes that the Amhara population has been victimized by ethnic-based violence due to the government's failures, and laments the violent response to their demand for dignity and security. 9. Legitimate Anger and Concerns: The former governor highlights the justified anger and concerns of the Amhara people, emphasizing that military suppression will not quell legitimate questions. 10. Broken Relationship with Prosperity Party: Gedu asserts that the relationship between the Amhara people and the Prosperity Party has deteriorated beyond repair, casting doubt on the party's legitimacy to govern the region. In his conclusion, Gedu recommends the establishment of a transitional regional government that represents diverse perspectives, calling for the immediate withdrawal of military forces from the Amhara region. However, following the speech, Gedu's residence was reportedly raided by regime forces, underscoring the ongoing tensions and crackdowns within the country. Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) - ኢሰመኮ Orthodox Church OCA Amnesty International Human Rights Watch Al Jazeera English BBC News (UK) CNN AFP News Agency UN Human Rights UNESCO Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) - ኢሰመኮ U.S. Embassy Addis Muslim World League CPJ Asia CPJ Europe and Central Asia Meaza Ashenafi PEN International Committee to Protect Journalists CPJ Africa CPJ Américas Abiy Ahmed Ali 🇪🇹 Genocide Prevention In Ethiopia Amhara Association of America (AAA) U.S. Embassy Addis UK in Ethiopia 🇬🇧 @EthiopiaEU Mike Hammer Tibor Nagy Herman J. Cohen Ana Gomes Josep Borrell Fontelles Daniel Bekele FRANCE 24 BBC News Africa Al Jazeera English The Washington Post AFP News Agency U.S. Embassy Addis Department of State #WarOnAmhara #AmharaGenocide #FreeMeskeremAbera #FreeAmharaDetainees

Yuri Tadesse

14,290 views • 3 years ago

⭕️ Russian Minister of Defense, Andrey Belousov: “Striving to maintain global dominance, the United States of America and the collective West are destroying the foundations of the global security architecture. Their aggressive course exacerbates geopolitical contradictions, undermines strategic stability and key peace agreements,” According to the Russian Defense Minister, the world has "significantly increased its conflict potential". “At the same time, the role of international institutions has decreased,” he noted. “We are solely in favor of a diplomatic path to conflict resolution. We welcome the efforts of the SCO countries, including Pakistan, aimed at ending it. This is an important step towards restoring stability in the Middle East,” said the Russian Defense Minister. Noting that the USA and Israel carried out an attack on one of the SCO member states - the Islamic Republic of Iran, he stressed that "the Russian Federation at all levels strongly condemned this unprovoked aggression". “Once again, we express our condolences in connection with the irreparable loss of Iranian state and military figures, as well as civilians, including children, who died as a result of US and Israeli strikes,” said Andrey Belousov. He also stated that Russia considers unacceptable the attempts of non-regional states to ensure a military presence and solve logistical tasks in Central Asia, and is seriously concerned about the situation in Syria, Lebanon, and the humanitarian catastrophe in the Gaza Strip. “There are risks of militants from crisis zones penetrating into neighboring countries. Including into the SCO space,” noted the Russian Defense Minister. “Instability in Afghanistan persists. It remains the main source of transnational crime and terrorist threats,” said Andrey Belousov. He also emphasized that "the destructive influence on stability continues to be exerted by the activities of the United States in the Asia-Pacific region". “Their desire to reform the regional security system to an American-centric one at the expense of strengthening the military-political structures controlled by Washington. Such actions provoke tension, undermine regional stability, and increase the risks of armed conflicts,” stated the Russian Defense Minister. “There has been a decrease in the activity of the United States of America in supporting the Kiev regime against the backdrop of increasing assistance to Ukraine from European countries. The European Union is increasingly drawn into the conflict, finances it, and supplies weapons,” said the Russian Defense Minister. At the same time, he noted that the production and logistics chains of Western weapons supplies to Kiev are being closely monitored and deliberately made public. In particular, Andrey Belousov recalled that on April 15, a list of European enterprises producing and supplying attack UAVs and their components to Ukraine for strikes on Russian territory was published in the media. “Such actions contribute to a sharp escalation of the military-political situation on the entire European continent and can lead to unpredictable consequences,” said the Russian Defense Minister. 🔹 Russian MOD

MenchOsint

18,347 views • 3 months ago

⚡️🇮🇱🇺🇸JUST IN: Netanyahu highlights Trump’s Alignment on Gaza, Iran, Venezuela, and Regional Security: “President Trump asked me: 'Tell me, do you like fireworks?' I said to him: 'Look, it’s better than other things that explode in the sky, but we have also learned to handle those well.' He understood that, of course. There was a great sense of understanding and identification throughout the visit. I believe this contributed to strengthening the dual connection both between Israel and the United States, and of course, the personal connection between us. We discussed all of the developments in the region. I will focus my remarks first on Gaza. He was unequivocal. He repeated this both in our private conversations and to public opinion at the press conference there. He said it: 'The essential condition is that Hamas disarms.' There is no other option. This is an essential and fundamental condition for the implementation of his 20-point plan. He made no concessions and showed no flexibility on this issue. We also discussed Iran, of course. We reiterated our joint position of zero enrichment on one hand, and the need to remove the 400 kilograms of enriched material from Iran and oversee the sites with tight and genuine supervision. These discussions took place at the beginning of the developing, dramatic events in Iran. You heard the President refer to this shortly thereafter. We, of course, identify with this. The Government of Israel, the State of Israel, and my policy, we identify with the struggle of the Iranian people, with their aspirations for freedom, liberty, and justice. It is very possible that we are standing at the moment when the Iranian people are taking their fate into their own hands. Regarding Venezuela, I want to express the entire Government’s support for the determined decision and action of the United States to restore freedom and justice to that part of the world as well. I must say that across Latin America right now, we are seeing a transformation; several countries are returning to the American axis and, not surprisingly, to a connection with the State of Israel. We welcome this. We congratulate President Trump on his decision. We also salute the American military forces who carried out a perfect operation. We know how to appreciate such things. We are also carrying out other operations here in our region, and I am speaking first and foremost about the efforts of the Israel Police to restore governance in the Negev. We are going to do everything to prevent the Negev from becoming the 'Wild South,' and finally, there is an initiative here. I congratulate Minister Ben-Gvir for leading this initiative. I intend to visit the Negev with him in the coming days to see our actions up close, and this is not the only initiative.”

Suppressed News.

31,960 views • 7 months ago

Vice President of the Republic of Somaliland Receives High-Level Delegation from the Parliament of Sweden PRESS STATEMENT Hargeisa, 6 October 2025 The Vice President of the Republic of Somaliland and Acting President, H.E. Mohamed Ali Aw Abdi, today received at the Presidential Palace in Hargeisa a high-level delegation from the Parliament of the Kingdom of Sweden, accompanied by senior representatives from Sweden’s governing coalition parties, who arrived in Somaliland on an official visit. The Vice President was joined in the meeting by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Dr. Abdirahman Dahir Aadan, and the Representative of Somaliland to Sweden, Hon. Zakariye Hassan Wacays. The Swedish delegation comprised: 1. Magnus Oscarsson (Member of Parliament) 2. Mikael Oscarsson (Member of Parliament) 3. Mathias Bengtsson (Member of Parliament) 4. Dan Hovskär (Member of Parliament) 5. Annicki Oscarsson (Senior Party Official) 6. Natalie Oscarsson (Senior Party Official) 7. Katrin Hovskär (Senior Party Official) 8. Mikael Torstensson (Special Envoy of Somaliland to Sweden) and his spouse, Mrs. Elisabeth Torstensson The delegation’s visit aimed to gain first-hand insight into Somaliland’s ongoing progress in democratic governance, social development, peacebuilding, investment, and regional cooperation, as well as to explore potential areas of bilateral partnership between Somaliland and Sweden. In his welcoming remarks, the Vice President expressed deep appreciation to the visiting delegation for their interest and solidarity with the people and government of Somaliland. He briefed the delegation on the historical foundations of Somaliland’s sovereignty, recalling that the people of Somaliland peacefully reclaimed their independence on 18 May 1991 through a decisive public referendum following the collapse of the union with Somalia. The Vice President reaffirmed that Somaliland has fulfilled all the legal, political, and institutional criteria of statehood, and therefore deserves full international recognition. He called upon the Government and Parliament of Sweden to play an active role in supporting Somaliland’s long-standing pursuit of international recognition, describing Somaliland as a peaceful, democratic, and stable nation that has sustained good governance and constitutional order for more than three decades. The discussions also covered a range of topics, including: Ø Investment opportunities in strategic sectors such as the expansion of Berbera Port, renewable energy, livestock, agriculture, fisheries, and infrastructure. Ø Development cooperation in areas of health, water, and education. Ø Humanitarian and human rights issues, with the Vice President reiterating Somaliland’s firm commitment to upholding human dignity and the protection of vulnerable communities. The Swedish delegation commended Somaliland’s remarkable record of peace, stability, and democratic governance, and expressed a strong and growing interest in strengthening engagement between the two nations. They pledged to advocate within the Swedish Parliament for a renewed dialogue on Somaliland’s right to self-determination and international recognition, and to encourage the Government of Sweden to take proactive steps toward formal recognition of Somaliland and increased support for its social and economic development programmes. In conclusion, the Vice President thanked the delegation for their visit and their genuine understanding of Somaliland’s national cause. He emphasized that international recognition of Somaliland is not only a matter of justice and historical truth but also a key pillar for lasting peace and stability in the Horn of Africa. Hussein Aden Egeh (Deyr), Spokesman for the President of the Republic of Somaliland

Presidency | Republic of Somaliland

16,414 views • 10 months ago

I will sign a security pact between Lebanon and the United States, because the United States is the only real influence on Israel. I want to pursue peace. Today, the United States has an excellent relationship with Syria and President Sharaa, and it also maintains an excellent relationship with Israel. If I am positioned between these two countries, then, as far as I am concerned, it is in my interest for the United States to accept me as a member of its regional security coalition. In that case, the whole region could live more peacefully and securely. This would be my first request. Once we achieve that, the government must do its own work in terms of reforms—supporting legislation and implementing necessary changes. With a security pact in place, we can then attract investment and fully capitalize on our relationship with the United States. الولايات المتحدة الاميركية هي الجهة الوحيدة القادرة على التأثير الحقيقي على إسرائيل. أريد أن أسير نحو السلام. اليوم، تتمتع الولايات المتحدة بعلاقة ممتازة مع سوريا ومع الرئيس الشرع، كما أنها تحافظ على علاقة ممتازة مع إسرائيل. إذا كنتُ موجودًا بين هاتين الدولتين، فمن وجهة نظري، من مصلحتي أن تقبلني الولايات المتحدة كعضو في تحالفها الأمني الإقليمي. عندها يمكن للمنطقة بأكملها أن تعيش بسلام وأمن أكبر. هذا سيكون طلبي الأول. وبعد تحقيق ذلك، يجب على الحكومة أن تقوم بعملها من حيث الإصلاحات—عبر دعم التشريعات وتنفيذ التغييرات اللازمة. ومع وجود اتفاق أمني، يمكننا حينها جذب الاستثمارات والاستفادة الكاملة من علاقتنا مع الولايات المتحدة. Brian Katulis Middle East Institute

Fouad Makhzoumi

121,945 views • 2 months ago

Al-Harith Idriss Exposes UAE’s Role in Fueling War and Atrocities in Sudan Before the UN Security Council In a powerful and unprecedented right of reply before the United Nations Security Council, Sudan’s Permanent Representative, Ambassador Al-Harith Idriss, directly accused the United Arab Emirates of waging a proxy war against Sudan through its sponsorship of the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). His address came as a firm rebuttal to the statement made earlier by the UAE’s representative and laid bare the full extent of Abu Dhabi’s involvement in arming, funding, and coordinating attacks that have led to mass killings across Sudan, particularly in El Fasher. Al-Harith Idriss began his reply with a sharp assertion: “There is no civil war in Sudan. It is a war and aggression waged by the UAE through its regional proxy, the Rapid Support Militia.” He emphasized that attempts to frame the conflict as an internal power struggle between two sides are a deliberate distortion meant to conceal external aggression. The ambassador expressed astonishment that “a representative of a state whose hands are stained with the blood of innocents in Sudan” could address the Security Council as if speaking on behalf of peace and stability. “Hearing that representative talk about Sudan as though it were under Abu Dhabi’s guardianship is an insult to this Council and a mockery of the blood of the children, women, and orphans killed daily with Emirati money and weapons,” he said. Citing investigative reports by The Wall Street Journal, The Guardian, and Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab, Idriss detailed the UAE’s direct coordination with the militia. He described a sophisticated network linking military experts in eastern Libya with a satellite command center in Abu Dhabi, responsible for directing operations on Sudanese soil. According to these reports, shipments of weapons, armored vehicle engines, and advanced targeting systems—some manufactured in member states of the Security Council—have been transferred to the militia. Idriss noted that “Libyan television channels confirmed the presence of more than ten military aircraft flying daily between the UAE and eastern Libya between October 25 and 26, just before the militia’s latest assault on El Fasher.” The ambassador also referenced Yale’s Humanitarian Research Lab, which confirmed, through satellite imagery, that mass executions took place between October 26 and 28 at El Fasher’s Saudi Hospital. “All patients and staff were executed in horrific ways by the militia, and doctors and medical workers were abducted,” he said. Al-Harith Idriss condemned the UAE’s actions as “a blatant violation of the UN Charter, the Charter of the Arab League, and this Council’s resolutions, which prohibit support for terrorist and unlawful armed groups.” He questioned the hypocrisy of a state that “speaks of peace in this chamber while filling Sudan’s skies with planes and ammunition sent to those who kill women and children, loot cities, and rape girls.” The ambassador went further, accusing the UAE of attempting to fragment Sudan and control parts of its territory to plunder its resources and gold, warning that such ambitions would fail. “Sudan, which stood by the Emirati people since the founding of their state, will never forget that Abu Dhabi was among the first to betray that goodwill and conspire against Sudan’s unity and stability,” he declared. Defending the honor of the Sudanese Armed Forces, Idriss reminded the Council that Sudanese soldiers fought alongside the Allies and Britain in the battles of Eritrea, Ethiopia, and North Africa during both World Wars. “Is this proud institution now to be replaced by barbaric militias you have condemned this evening?” he asked. He concluded by warning that the UAE will be remembered in Sudan’s collective memory as a symbol of political treachery and moral decay. “The UAE’s representative should have been seated not under this dome, but among the ranks of the criminal militia his country has financed,” he said. Despite the devastation, Idriss reaffirmed the resilience of the Sudanese people, asserting that no money, weapons, or political complicity can break their will. “Sudan has faced colonialism, tyranny, and oppression—and triumphed over them all. Today, it will defeat the Emirati aggression just as it defeated every invader before,” he vowed. Al-Harith Idriss closed with words that echoed across the chamber: “Before this Emirati aggression, Sudan stands with one motto left — the honor of the rifle.” His statement was a reminder that Sudan’s struggle is one of sovereignty, dignity, and survival. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

28,412 views • 9 months ago

الناطق الرسمي باسم القوات المسلحة السودانية يؤكد تورط الإمارات وإثيوبيا في العدوان على البلاد Sudanese Armed Forces Spokesperson Confirms UAE and Ethiopia’s Involvement in Aggression Against the Country الخرطوم - ٠٥ مايو ٢٠٢٦م كشفت القوات المسلحة السودانية عن حزمة من الأدلة الموثقة التي تشير إلى تورط أطراف خارجية في الهجمات بالطائرات المسيّرة التي استهدفت عدة مناطق في البلاد، بما يشكل انتهاكًا لسيادة السودان وخرقًا للقانون الدولي. وخلال المؤتمر الصحفي الذي عُقد مساء أمس ، أوضح المتحدث الرسمي باسم القوات المسلحة السودانية، العميد ركن عاصم عوض عبدالوهاب محمد، أن الجهات المختصة تضع أمام الشعب السوداني والرأي العام الإقليمي والدولي أدلة موثقة تؤكد هذه المعطيات، وأن هذه الأدلة تشير إلى تورط كل من الإمارات العربية المتحدة وإثيوبيا في أعمال عدوانية استهدفت السودان. وأشار إلى أنه، استنادًا إلى بيانات مؤكدة جمعتها الجهات الرسمية، انطلقت في الأول من مارس ٢٠٢٦م ثلاث طائرات مسيّرة من مطار بحر دار داخل الأراضي الإثيوبية، ونفذت طلعات عدائية استهدفت ولايات النيل الأبيض والنيل الأزرق وشمال وجنوب كردفان. وأضاف أنه في ١٧ مارس تمكنت الدفاعات الجوية من اعتراض وإسقاط إحدى هذه المسيّرات شمال مدينة الأبيض كما أوضح أن الفرق الفنية قامت بتحليل بيانات الطائرة والتواصل مع الشركة المصنّعة، التي أكدت أن الطائرة، التي تحمل الرقم التسلسلي S88، مملوكة لدولة الإمارات العربية المتحدة، وأن تشغيلها تم من داخل الأراضي الإثيوبية، وتحديدًا من مطار بحر دار. كما بيّنت البيانات نقطة انطلاقها ومسار رحلتها إلى داخل الأجواء السودانية، حيث استهدفت مواقع في كُرْمُك ومناطق أخرى في ولاية النيل الأزرق، إضافة إلى مواقع في ولايتي شمال وجنوب كردفان. كما أشار إلى حادثة أخرى بدأت في الأول من مايو، حيث دخلت طائرة مسيّرة أخرى انطلقت من الموقع ذاته إلى الأجواء السودانية، وتمت متابعتها حتى منطقة جبل الأولياء، حيث استهدفت مطار الخرطوم الدولي ومناطق أخرى قبل أن يتم التصدي لها. وأكد المتحدث الرسمي أن هذه الأفعال تمثل عدوانًا مباشرًا على السودان، مشددًا على جاهزية القوات المسلحة للتعامل مع أي تهديد بما يحفظ سيادة البلاد وأمنها وكرامتها الوطنية. Khartoum – May 5, 2026 The Sudanese Armed Forces have revealed a set of documented evidence indicating the involvement of external parties in drone attacks that targeted multiple locations across the country, constituting a violation of Sudan’s sovereignty and a breach of international law. During a press conference, the official spokesperson of the Sudanese Armed Forces, Brigadier General Asim Awad Abdelwahab Mohamed, said that the relevant authorities are presenting documented evidence to the Sudanese public as well as to regional and international audiences. He added that this evidence indicates the involvement of both the United Arab Emirates and Ethiopia in hostile actions targeting Sudan. He stated that, based on confirmed data collected by official bodies, three drones were launched on March 1, 2026, from Bahir Dar Airport inside Ethiopian territory, carrying out hostile sorties targeting the states of White Nile, Blue Nile, and North and South Kordofan. He added that on March 17, Sudanese air defenses intercepted and shot down one of these drones north of the city of El Obeid. He further explained that technical teams analyzed the aircraft’s data and contacted the manufacturer, which confirmed that the drone, bearing serial number S88, is owned by the United Arab Emirates. It also confirmed that the drone was operated from Ethiopian territory, specifically from Bahir Dar Airport. The data identified its point of departure and traced its flight path into Sudanese airspace, where it targeted locations in Kurmuk and other areas in Blue Nile State, as well as sites in North and South Kordofan. He also referred to another incident that began on May 1, when another drone launched from the same location entered Sudanese airspace. It was tracked to the Jebel Aulia area, where it targeted Khartoum International Airport and other locations before it was intercepted. The spokesperson affirmed that these actions constitute a direct act of aggression against Sudan, stressing the readiness of the Armed Forces to respond to any threat in a manner that preserves the country’s sovereignty, security, and national dignity. #فيديو #السودان #القوات_المسلحة_السودانية #الذكرى_ال٧٠_للاستقلال #غداً_نعود_حتماً_نعود #حرب_الكرامة #RapidSupportIsTerroristMilitia

القوات المسلحة السودانية

74,633 views • 3 months ago

UAE’s Shadow War: How Bosaso Became the Hidden Nerve Center Supplying Sudan’s Rapid Support Militia In its investigative report titled “Exclusive: Inside the UAE’s secret Sudan war operation at Somalia’s Bosaso,” published by Middle East Eye and authored by Bashir Mohamed Caato, shocking evidence is presented of how the United Arab Emirates has turned the Somali port city of Bosaso into a covert logistics hub for its secret war in Sudan. The report exposes an extensive network of cargo flights, armed mercenaries, and military facilities that together sustain the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed), accused of mass atrocities in Darfur and particularly in the city of El-Fasher. The investigation reveals that heavy transport aircraft, mainly of the Russian-made IL-76 model, have been landing regularly at Bosaso Airport carrying large shipments labeled as “hazardous.” These cargos originate from the UAE and are immediately transferred onto other planes bound for Sudan through neighboring states. According to local military officials, the size and volume of these shipments far exceed any regional requirements, confirming that Bosaso serves as a key transit point for arming the Janjaweed. Over the past two years, more than 500,000 containers marked as dangerous have passed through Bosaso Port under Emirati supervision. The report cites local sources describing how these operations are conducted under extreme secrecy, with the Puntland Maritime Police Force deployed to seal off the area and prevent any photography. The contents of these shipments are never documented, and their destination remains undisclosed, indicating a deliberate effort to conceal the flow of weapons. The report also uncovers the presence of Colombian mercenaries operating from a fortified camp north of the airport. Exclusive photographs obtained by Middle East Eye show dozens of them arriving at Bosaso, carrying backpacks and heading directly to the camp. Witnesses confirm that these mercenaries travel through Bosaso almost daily en route to Sudan, where they fight alongside the Rapid Support Militia. Within their compound, they have built a private hospital used to treat wounded Janjaweed fighters before flying them to other destinations for further care. Adding to the militarization of the area, the UAE has installed a French-made radar system near Bosaso Airport to secure its operations against potential threats. This base forms part of a broader network of Emirati military outposts stretching across the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea, including the islands of Mayun, Abd al-Kuri, and Samhah, as well as the ports of Berbera in Somaliland and Mocha in Yemen—all strategically positioned under nominal local control but effectively serving Abu Dhabi’s regional agenda. The investigation highlights the political dimension of these operations. Although Somalia’s federal government in Mogadishu maintains nominal control over Somali airspace, it has no authority over Bosaso’s port or airport. The Puntland administration, led by Said Abdullahi Deni, is portrayed as a close ally of the UAE, benefiting from its financial and military assistance while acting independently of the central government. Analysts warn that this relationship undermines Somali sovereignty and risks entangling the country in regional conflicts driven by Emirati ambitions. Experts interviewed by Middle East Eye suggest that the UAE’s involvement in Sudan is motivated by its desire to control gold resources and expand its geopolitical influence across the Horn of Africa. Academic Martin Plaut described Puntland as “one of the least monitored regions in the world,” making it a convenient location for clandestine Emirati activity. The report concludes with grave implications: by using Bosaso as a covert supply hub, the UAE is enabling a militia accused of genocide and crimes against humanity in Sudan. The International Criminal Court has already stated that it has reasonable grounds to believe such crimes are being committed, and legal experts warn that Puntland’s authorities could face accountability for complicity. Middle East Eye’s investigation thus unveils the dark architecture of Abu Dhabi’s hidden war—a network of secret flights, mercenaries, and smuggled weapons linking the sands of Puntland to the blood-soaked streets of Darfur. To read the full article: #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

24,267 views • 9 months ago

25th June - Meaza Gidey Gebremedhin on Ethiopia's "Transitional Justice" for the Genocide committed in #Tigray ❝There are concrete evidences that prove what happened was indeed a state-led Genocide that resulted in the killing and the massacre of over half a million people, and the conflict related sexual violence of over 350,000 young girls and women. But despite these facts, they are independently verified, the State Department, and others said the US government continues to push for a Transitional Justice. Transitional Justice in a very simple term is like reconciliation or forgiving, and moving forward. We don't believe, I personally as an International Relations Researcher, and as a Human Rights Defender do not believe Transitional Justice would lead towards stability and peace. What could lead towards sustainable peace in Ethiopia is, real accountability and Justice mechanism that the people continue to call for. This is not really a call only coming from the people in Tigray, I believe this is a call that is echoed across the board by all Ethiopians. There is a very legitimate reason why that's the case, why we don't think transitional Justice will lead Ethiopia towards sustainable peace and stability. One, the federal government controls all Judiciary mechanisms in Ethiopia including the Supreme Court, doesn't have the political will nor the commitment to render Justice for the crimes it committed. Two, the Ethiopian Judiciary System doesn't have the capacity to adjudicate crimes as grave as weaponized sexual violence, and man-made famine, and massacre. Third, and the most important thing is the conflict in Tigray was not a local conflict, it was a regional conflict that involved #Eritrean, #Somalia to a certain degree, #UAE United Arab Emirates and many other countries, and so there has to be a Justice and accountability mechanism that truly reflects the reality, and has the intention, and the capacity to forge a better path going forward. But what's happening today as it has been echoed earlier when folks from the State Department were talking is that the US Government, and others haven't seen enough of the evil nature of the Federal government, they haven't seen enough of how little to no regard the Federal government has when it comes to Human Rights, and they want to continue giving them chance to kill and and massacre more people, and marginalized even more people in the Nation. So really the solution here is for Global, or International Partners including the US Government to have a well informed foreign policy towards Ethiopia. Foreign policy that centers the aspirations, and the political wishes of the #Ethiopian people and not necessarily the few that continue to influence the Foreign Policy. The last thing I would say is, ensuring that there is a victim centered approach to everything that we do, as we continue to aspire and to hope, to create a better future for Ethiopians. We have to make sure that our advocacy centers, on the voices of the victims.❞ Oromia 11 🔗 #Ethiopia & #Eritrea are guilty of #TigrayGenocide

Tigray Update

22,175 views • 2 years ago

In October 2025, the Prime Minister undertook a series of national and international engagements focused on infrastructure development, rural transformation, governance reform, and diplomatic cooperation. Here is a brief recap of the past month: 𝙊𝙣 𝙐𝙧𝙗𝙖𝙣 𝘿𝙚𝙫𝙚𝙡𝙤𝙥𝙢𝙚𝙣𝙩 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙁𝙤𝙧𝙚𝙞𝙜𝙣 𝘿𝙞𝙧𝙚𝙘𝙩 𝙄𝙣𝙫𝙚𝙨𝙩𝙢𝙚𝙣𝙩 A defining highlight of the month was the laying of the foundation stone for the urea fertilizer plant, a landmark project developed through a partnership between Ethiopian Investment Holdings and the Dangote Group. With an annual production capacity of three million tons, the plant will utilize natural gas from the Calub gas fields, transported through a 108-kilometer pipeline. This project is a cornerstone of Ethiopia’s strategy to achieve fertilizer self-sufficiency and enhance agricultural productivity. In the Somali Region, the Prime Minister also inaugurated the Gode Oil Refinery, developed by Golden Concord Group Limited (GCL). The refinery, designed to process 3.5 million tons of crude oil and condensate per year from the Hilala oil field, represents a significant step in Ethiopia’s path toward energy independence. Complementing these milestones, the Prime Minister inaugurated the first phase of the Ogaden Liquified Natural Gas (LNG) Project in Calub. The facility, with an annual production capacity of 111 million litres and the ability to generate 1,000 megawatts of energy, strengthens Ethiopia’s industrial base while contributing critical inputs to fertilizer production and energy generation. During his visit to Jigjiga in the Somali Region, the Prime Minister observed the city’s rapid transformation since his last visit in January 2025. Thousands of new housing units are under construction, and corridor development projects are visibly enhancing urban well-being. He lauded the Dine for Generations Project, nearing completion in the Somali Region, for unlocking new opportunities in tourism and stimulating regional economic growth. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, accompanied by members of the Prosperity Party Executive Committee, visited the corridor development project extending from Sar Bet to German Square, encompassing the Garment Factory and the Furi area. Spanning 589 hectares, it is the second-largest urban corridor after Kazanchis. The project features 16.5 kilometers of asphalt roads, 33 kilometers of pedestrian walkways, plazas, sports and recreation facilities, riverbank development, and over 1,100 commercial shops. The initiative embodies Ethiopia’s broader vision of creating modern, livable, and economically vibrant cities. 𝙊𝙣 𝙍𝙪𝙧𝙖𝙡 𝙏𝙧𝙖𝙣𝙨𝙛𝙤𝙧𝙢𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝘼𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙘𝙪𝙡𝙩𝙪𝙧𝙖𝙡 𝙈𝙤𝙙𝙚𝙧𝙣𝙞𝙯𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣 Advancing his government’s rural development agenda, the Prime Minister presided over the handover of model rural villages constructed through the Rainy Season Voluntary Scheme in the Halaba, Kembatta, Hadiya, and Silte zones. Each home in these Rural Corridor Villages is equipped with solar power, biogas systems, sanitation facilities, and animal shelters, significantly improving hygiene, comfort, and productivity for rural families. These model villages mark a new chapter in Ethiopia’s mission to raise rural living standards and promote sustainable livelihoods. The Prime Minister encouraged regional leaders to expand these initiatives, setting a target of 100 new houses per zone by next year. During his visit to the East Shewa Zone of the Oromia Region, the Prime Minister also reviewed the rainy season wheat harvest and launched summer wheat production activities. He assessed progress in banana, papaya, and fish farming clusters, emphasizing the growing adoption of mechanized agriculture as a major driver of productivity and self-reliance. He also inaugurated the Welmel River Irrigation Development Project in Delo-Mena Woreda, Bale Zone. Once fully operational, the project will irrigate 9,687 hectares of farmland, benefiting 20,000 farming households and enhancing drought resilience, food sovereignty, and rural employment. 𝙊𝙣 𝙀𝙘𝙤𝙣𝙤𝙢𝙞𝙘 𝙂𝙤𝙫𝙚𝙧𝙣𝙖𝙣𝙘𝙚 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙈𝙖𝙘𝙧𝙤𝙚𝙘𝙤𝙣𝙤𝙢𝙞𝙘 𝙍𝙚𝙫𝙞𝙚𝙬 At the Koysha Project site, the Prime Minister convened a strategic review session with the Council of Ministers to assess the macroeconomic performance of the first 100 days of the 2018 Ethiopian Fiscal Year. The review examined achievements, challenges, and strategic priorities, highlighting Ethiopia’s sustained economic resilience amid global uncertainty. The nation’s GDP growth rate stood at 9.2 percent for the 2017 fiscal year, underscoring the success of reforms aimed at fostering inclusive and diversified growth. 𝙊𝙣 𝙅𝙪𝙙𝙞𝙘𝙞𝙖𝙡 𝙈𝙤𝙙𝙚𝙧𝙣𝙞𝙨𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣 𝙩𝙝𝙧𝙤𝙪𝙜𝙝 𝘿𝙞𝙜𝙞𝙩𝙖𝙡 𝙏𝙧𝙖𝙣𝙨𝙛𝙤𝙧𝙢𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣 Building on the success of the Digital 2025 Strategy, the Prime Minister announced the forthcoming Digital 2030 Strategy, focused on advancing automation and improving public service delivery. He commended the Federal Supreme Court for implementing a Smart Court System featuring automated transcription, virtual hearings, and an Integrated Case Management System that enables litigants to track cases online. Covering 24 federal branches to date, this innovation marks an important step toward transparent and accessible justice across Ethiopia. 𝙊𝙣 𝙈𝙚𝙙𝙞𝙖, 𝘾𝙪𝙡𝙩𝙪𝙧𝙚, 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙏𝙤𝙪𝙧𝙞𝙨𝙢 Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed attended the launch of the pan-African media outlet Pulse of Africa, a platform he first proposed during the 35th Ordinary Session of the African Union Assembly in 2022. The initiative seeks to amplify African perspectives, counter negative portrayals of the continent, and strengthen African unity through shared narratives. In his remarks, the Prime Minister emphasized that Pulse of Africa marks a significant step toward ensuring that Africans tell their own stories and shape their global image. Accompanied by First Lady Zinash Tayachew and a high-level delegation of former and current leaders, the Prime Minister also visited the Bale Zone to assess key development projects that integrate natural heritage with national progress. The delegation toured the Bale Mountains National Park, one of Ethiopia’s most ecologically diverse and economically significant natural areas. The Prime Minister observed ongoing tourism developments, including the nearly completed Dinsho Lodge at the heart of the park and the Sof Omer Luxury Lodge near the Sof Omer Cave. Both projects are designed to advance Ethiopia’s Ten-Year Strategic Plan by positioning tourism as a catalyst for economic transformation. The Sof Omer Cave Development Project complements these initiatives by improving access and visitor facilities around one of the country’s most celebrated natural landmarks. The delegation also inspected the Robe–Goro–Sof Omer–GinirJunction Road Upgrading Project, a dual asphalt roadway featuring five bridges that connect the productive agricultural zones of East Bale and Bale with central Ethiopia. The upgraded route enhances regional mobility, strengthens economic integration, and improves access to major tourist destinations such as the Bale Mountains National Park and Sof Omer Cave. In addition, the Prime Minister reviewed the Weib River Flood Control Project, which regulates water flow through the cave system to ensure year-round accessibility and protect its ecosystem. He also examined tourism development efforts in the Harenna cluster, including the construction of the Rira Eco Lodge, new viewpoints, restaurants, and coffee facilities along the routes leading to Tulu Dimtu, the park’s highest peak. These initiatives aim to expand sustainable tourism, create local employment, and showcase the natural and cultural richness of the Bale region. The visit concluded at the Fincha Habera Waterfall, where the delegation explored the surrounding landscape, home to the Ethiopian Red Fox, diverse birdlife, and striking geological formations such as the Rafu rock pinnacles. The area, which recently revealed a newly discovered cave system, will soon feature a glamping site designed to promote eco-friendly tourism. Reflecting on the visit, Prime Minister Abiy highlighted Ethiopia as a land of abundance and opportunity, urging citizens to safeguard and build upon the nation’s natural and human wealth for future generations. The delegation collectively reaffirmed the importance of stewardship, unity, and visionary development in shaping Ethiopia’s sustainable and prosperous future. 𝙋𝙖𝙧𝙡𝙞𝙖𝙢𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙧𝙮 𝙀𝙣𝙜𝙖𝙜𝙚𝙢𝙚𝙣𝙩 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙉𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡 𝘿𝙞𝙨𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙧𝙨𝙚 Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, in his recent address to Ethiopia’s Parliament, highlighted the country’s substantial progress in economic reform, diversification, and infrastructure development. He noted that Ethiopia’s shift from an agriculture-dependent economy toward industrial and service growth has yielded impressive results, citing rapid agricultural expansion, record-high export revenues, and increased foreign reserves. Major investments in green initiatives, transport infrastructure, and energy projects are transforming productivity and sustainability, while prudent debt management and targeted subsidies have stabilized inflation. He emphasized the government’s focus on strengthening institutional capacity, expanding digitalization, training millions of youth in coding, and modernizing service delivery through nationwide one-stop centers. On peace and governance, the Prime Minister reaffirmed Ethiopia’s commitment to stability, dialogue, and national unity, warning against both internal and external actors seeking to destabilize the country. He stressed that the only viable path for Ethiopia is peaceful political transition and democratic consolidation. Looking ahead to the upcoming national election, he assured Parliament of the government’s readiness to ensure a fair and inclusive process. On foreign relations, he reiterated Ethiopia’s right to equitable use of the Nile waters and called for cooperative engagement with neighboring countries. Addressing the Red Sea question, he described it as a legitimate historical and economic concern that Ethiopia intends to pursue through dialogue and mutual development, underscoring that the nation’s growth is intertwined with regional prosperity and peace. 𝙊𝙣 𝘿𝙞𝙥𝙡𝙤𝙢𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙘 𝙀𝙣𝙜𝙖𝙜𝙚𝙢𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙨 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙍𝙚𝙜𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡 𝘾𝙤𝙤𝙥𝙚𝙧𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣 On the international stage, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed led Ethiopia’s delegation to the 24th Summit of the COMESA Authority of Heads of State and Government in Nairobi, Kenya, held under the theme “Leveraging Digitalization to Deepen Regional Value Chains for Sustainable and Inclusive Growth.” Addressing the Summit, he underscored that Africa’s digital transformation offers a unique opportunity to rewrite its economic narrative and strengthen continental integration. He affirmed Ethiopia’s readiness to collaborate with regional partners to advance a shared digital future. In separate diplomatic meetings, the Prime Minister held discussions with President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud of the Federal Republic of Somalia on bilateral and regional matters of mutual interest, and with Dr. Constantinos Kombos, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Cyprus, to strengthen political and economic cooperation between their two nations. 𝙊𝙣 𝙏𝙖𝙭𝙥𝙖𝙮𝙚𝙧 𝙍𝙚𝙘𝙤𝙜𝙣𝙞𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙂𝙤𝙫𝙚𝙧𝙣𝙖𝙣𝙘𝙚 𝙍𝙚𝙛𝙤𝙧𝙢 At the 7th Annual Loyal Taxpayers Recognition Ceremony, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed celebrated outstanding taxpayers for their contributions to Ethiopia’s development. He reaffirmed that tax revenues are being invested in vital public goods and infrastructure projects and urged all citizens to uphold transparency and reject corruption. The Prime Minister emphasized that collective integrity and accountability are essential to building a just and prosperous nation. Throughout October 2025, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s decisive leadership and forward-looking initiatives across industry, agriculture, urban renewal, justice, and diplomacy demonstrated Ethiopia’s unwavering commitment to inclusive development and national progress. // #PMOEthiopia

Office of the Prime Minister - Ethiopia

12,135 views • 9 months ago

In the corridors of Westminster, momentum is building for a decision that could reshape the Horn of Africa: the formal recognition of Somaliland as an independent state. A representative of His Majesty’s Government recently remarked in conversation that the issue is taking on renewed urgency. At least ten prominent British parliamentarians and peers—both past and present—have publicly expressed their support for #Somaliland in recent years. Political Heavyweights Leading the charge is Sir Sir Gavin Williamson CBE MP MP (Conservative), MP for Stone, Great Wyrley & Penkridge, and Chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group (#APPG) on Somaliland. Williamson’s advocacy has become the most visible symbol of Westminster’s growing awareness that #Somaliland deserves recognition. Joining him are figures such as Kim Johnson (The Labour Party Ireland), Co-Chair of the APPG and MP for Liverpool Riverside, and the ever-eminent Tom Tugendhat MP (Conservative), a respected voice on foreign affairs. The support extends into the House of Lords, with Lord (Edward) Julian Udny-Lister, a life peer and officer of the APPG, and David Howell of Guildford, who pressed the case during an October 2024 Lords debate. Former ministers and members of UK House of Commons have also added their weight: Zac Goldsmith, who openly called for recognition; Tim Loughton, who rallied a cross-party group of 15 MPs to push the Government; Stephen Doughty HC MP, who led delegations to Somaliland; and Paul Blomfield, the former The Labour Party MP who consistently raised Somaliland in #Commons debates until he stepped down in May 2024. This list represents more than isolated goodwill. It signals a cross-party consensus that Somaliland’s case is legitimate, long-standing, and increasingly unavoidable. The Race Against Time For many in #Westminster, the urgency is geopolitical. There is a real fear that #Britain could be outflanked by the United States if Donald J. Trump—moves first on recognition. This most exquisitely spoken Mandarin bluntly put it, “The UK cannot afford to be Trumped on Somaliland.” This sense of urgency is more than political maneuvering. It reflects Somaliland’s unique position: a functioning democracy in a region beset by instability, a partner on counterterrorism, and a former British protectorate whose independence was already once recognized. The Forgotten Independence of 1960 Somaliland’s story is not one of secession, but of interrupted sovereignty. On 26 June 1960, Somaliland achieved independence from Britain. Within days, more than 30 countries—including the UK, the US, Israel, Egypt, Ethiopia, and all five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council—formally recognized it. Crucially, #Somaliland was admitted to the United Nations as a full member on the very day of independence, under UN Resolution 141 (1960). Diplomatic notes were exchanged with the UK, and sovereign relations established. Five days later, in an ambitious but ill-fated experiment, Somaliland entered a union with the former Trust Territory of Somalia. But the union was never legally sound: Somaliland passed a “Union of Somaliland and Somalia Law” on 27 June 1960. Somalia passed a different “Act of Union” on 30 June. The two texts did not match and were never harmonized. Somaliland’s legislature never ratified the provisional Somali constitution. No valid treaty of union was ever deposited at the #UN, as required by Article 102 of the UN Charter. Yet, on 1 July 1960, Somalia presented itself to the world as the “continuation” of both states, effectively absorbing "impersonating," Somaliland’s independent UN membership. To many legal scholars, this amounted to a theft of sovereignty. Somaliland’s statehood was not legally dissolved, but politically sidelined. Impersonated at the UN What followed was decades of instability under the unified Republic of Somalia. The Somali state collapsed into civil war in 1991. From that moment, Somaliland quietly reasserted the independence it had briefly held in 1960. It built its own government, constitution, currency, judiciary, and armed forces. It has held multiple competitive elections judged free and fair by international observers. Unlike Mogadishu, which has struggled #terrorism, #piracy, and foreign interventions, #Somaliland has maintained relative peace and stability. It has acted as a de facto sovereign state for over three decades, yet remains unrecognized in the international system—a paradox born of a union that never legally existed. Why Recognition Matters Now Recognition is more than symbolism. It would unlock access to international financing, formalize Somaliland’s role as a regional security partner, and strengthen the UK’s diplomatic influence in the Horn of Africa. Critically, it would also correct a historical wrong. #Somaliland was recognized once already, its #UN membership unjustly erased without due process. Unlike other self-determination cases, #Somaliland is not seeking to break away from Somalia—it is seeking to restore its rightful, documented independence. A Time For Action In Westminster, the message is increasingly clear: the UK has a unique responsibility and a strategic opportunity. By moving first, #London would reaffirm historic ties, correct a legal injustice, and secure an ally in one of the world’s most volatile regions. As one 'parliamentarian told me: “Somaliland has done everything asked of it—peace, democracy, stability. It is time #Britain did the right thing. Recognition is not just an option; it is an obligation.” For #Somaliland, the wait has already lasted 64 years. The question is no longer whether recognition is deserved, but whether Britain will finally step forward—or allow history to repeat itself, with others leading the way. Somalilanders (video clip) "Last, week: It truly pained me to see that only one flag was missing among those of the Commonwealth countries hanging in Westminster, London — the flag of #Somaliland."

Samuel J. Rosenfeld 🇺🇸 They Lied — I Document

12,075 views • 11 months ago

🇲🇾🇧🇷 Anwar Ibrahim at the BRICS Business Forum 2025 in Rio In Rio, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim delivered a quiet thunderclap: BRICS 2025 is not merely a summit—it’s a historic turning point in the unfinished struggle for post-colonial justice. He invoked the legacy of Sukarno, Nehru, Zhou Enlai, and Nkrumah—founders of a vision long obstructed by the chokehold of Western institutions. The Non-Aligned Movement and G77 laid the groundwork, but too often the Global South was spoken about, not with. Those days, he suggested, are numbered. What sets today’s BRICS apart, Anwar argued, is not just political will, but the convergence of state leadership with the energy of the business community, youth, women, and civil society. This is no longer about theory or protest—it’s about implementation, trade, currency sovereignty, and technological parity. He saluted President Lula for defying the scripted roles assigned to Southern leaders and advancing a vision rooted in dignity and independence. That era—of waiting for permission from Washington or Brussels—is over. As Anwar put it, “We cannot continue complaining but not executing.” The message was unmistakable: the Global South is no longer a passive bloc—it is a strategic South, ready to engage the world on its own terms, with its own voice, and on equal footing. Full Speech Transcript (Edited lightly for clarity and flow.) It is a historic moment. For those of you who have been following the course of history, we realize that the attempt to save the voice of newly emerging economies and countries—post-colonialism—was led by Sukarno of Indonesia, Zhou Enlai of China, Jawaharlal Nehru of India, and Nkrumah of Africa. It was a bold attempt to ensure that the voice of conscience—of those struggling for freedom and justice—would be heard. It did not achieve much success. But it was a bold attempt. Then we had the Non-Aligned Movement. Preceding that, we had the G77—still not achieving the desired results. Now, I salute you, President Lula, for having the courage to proceed with a clear vision, a clear commitment, to voice the concerns and aspirations of the people, particularly of the Global South. [applause] But why are we particularly encouraged? Because it is no longer an effort purely of political leadership. Political leaders have a role to initiate this reform. But what is spectacular about BRICS is the participation of the business community—the private sector—that complements this effort, ensuring that the voice of reason, the voice for justice, is not only heard, but also implemented. Together with political leadership, the business community, women, youth, and the private sector—we salute you all for this effort. [applause] I see this conference in a more positive light. We’re not here to complain or lament those who believe in unilateral actions—tariffs, protectionism. Here, we raise a voice for multilateralism, for collaboration. We work with countries of the South, but still engage with countries in the North as friends in this new alliance. But we want to make sure we speak from a position of strength—not as weak, ex-colonial countries, but as independent nations with a clear position. And now you see—from aerospace to AI, from food tech to green technology—you have this new strength emerging from emerging economies. And I believe this BRICS initiative will succeed in ways that could alter and redirect the course of human history. Thank you very much for this effort. [applause] I come from Malaysia. And in ASEAN, we deliberate these issues. First, we must be cohesive. We must speak as one—based on multilateral arrangements—and we must promote the principle of centrality: befriending all, supporting just causes. But it's no longer enough to rely on rhetoric and political platitudes. What we need is concrete action. That’s why one of ASEAN’s pillars is the business community. We must increase intra-ASEAN trade. And now, we must also increase intra-BRICS trade. We have enormous potential, and we must act on it. Because only with that strength can we negotiate—safely, fairly, and justly—with all other partners, multilaterally. We must demand reform: a democratic, just, international, and multilateral order—from the United Nations to the WTO, to the IMF and the World Bank. Again, I support the position taken by President Lula—one of the few courageous leaders today—voicing the concerns of those who have long gone unheard. So thank you, my friend. [applause] In ASEAN, we’ve not only worked on enhancing inter-ASEAN trade; we’ve also experimented with financial settlement systems. We’ve started using local currencies. Of course, we’re not talking about full de-dollarization yet—that’s still a long road. But we’ve started: Malaysia with Indonesia, Malaysia with Thailand, and now also with China. Even beginning with 10 or 20% makes a difference. We cannot continue to complain without implementing our own plans among ourselves and our friendly neighbors. And I believe that what President Lula said—and what the chairman of the confederation emphasized—about ensuring the private sector takes these items seriously will truly make a difference. But let me return to the central point: BRICS in 2025 is not the first attempt. The Bandung Conference in 1955—it began when we were still struggling. No industry. No new technology. No real capacity—except for our shared humanity, our national aspirations, and political leadership. Now, we have political leadership with vision, and we have a strong business community. I believe that this collaboration—between women and youth, between governments and the private sector, and with civil society—will make a difference. I thank you again, Mr. President. See you in Kuala Lumpur in October. Thank you. [applause]

🅰pocalypsis 🅰pocalypseos 🇷🇺 🇨🇳 🅉

178,348 views • 1 year ago

You are confusing cause and effect, and in doing so, you are missing the deeper structural reality that is the central point of the argument. Migration in Africa does not happen in a vacuum. People do not wake up and casually decide to leave their homes, families, and countries for no apparent reason. Movement of people across colonial borders is driven by economic collapse, political instability, conflict, and governance failures, yes, but also by powerful historical forces that shaped those very conditions in the first place. Not everyone has the third eye to see those historical forces at play unless they read, comprehend and follow ideas and not populist demagoguery. Apartheid was not just a South African policy that ended in 1994. Its effects still live with South Africans to this very day. It was part of a wider political and more importantly economic system of racial capitalism that structured the region’s economy. What you fixed in 1994 was only the political and not the economic side of it. South Africa was designed as the industrial hub, while neighbouring countries were deliberately underdeveloped and turned into labour reserves for South Africa’s economy. Migrant labour from countries like Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and Lesotho was not an accident at all, it was built into the system. It was designed that way and remains so to this very day. The owners of the means of production then remain the owners of the means of production today. Black people are largely still workers. You have a few token black individuals at the top, but the majority remain little more than exploited labour. So when people move from their countries today, they are often moving along routes that were created decades ago. The inequality between South Africa and its neighbours did not emerge overnight, and it is not simply the result of “African leaders” in isolation of other key factors. It is the continuation of a historical economic design that concentrated wealth in one place and poverty in others. That does not absolve African governments of responsibility. Many have failed their citizens through corruption, mismanagement, and repression. I write about this daily, and I have gone to prison three times in my lifetime for doing so. I have had to leave my country to save my life for doing so. But to reduce a complex, multi-layered issue to “it is African leaders” is intellectually lazy and historically dishonest. It ignores history, economics, and global power dynamics. As for Malema, whether you agree with him or not, his political skill lies in identifying how political and economic narratives are shaped and who benefits from them. He is pointing out that anger is often redirected away from the very systems of inequality and towards vulnerable people, migrants, who did not create those conditions. If you want a serious conversation, then deal with the full picture. Migration is about history, economics, governance, and global inequality. Blaming one factor while ignoring the rest is not analysis at all, it is deceitful propaganda. The economically and intellectually illiterate are often the easiest targets of political propaganda, precisely because they are fed simple, emotionally satisfying explanations for complex structural problems. They are told who to blame for their suffering, migrants, neighbouring countries, or vague notions of “outsiders”, while the real drivers, historical dispossession, entrenched economic inequality, and elite collusion, are deliberately obscured. In Southern Africa, and particularly in South Africa, this manifests in xenophobic narratives that blame Zimbabweans or Mozambicans for unemployment and poverty, when in reality those conditions are rooted in a long standing economic architecture that concentrated wealth and ownership in very few hands. It is easier to turn the poor against the poor than to confront systems that benefit those in power. What is often forgotten in this debate is that the political elites of colonial South Africa and Rhodesia worked in concert to sustain a repressive regional system that enriched a minority while extracting labour and resources from the rest. Your former apartheid Prime Minister John Vorster says it in this video in a very tactful manner. That logic has not disappeared at all, it has merely changed form. Today, segments of the political elite in both South Africa and Zimbabwe continue to operate in ways that protect entrenched economic interests while the majority remain economically marginalised. South Africa was the only true white settler “home”, where wealth, infrastructure, and industry were concentrated, while territories like Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), Northern Rhodesia (Zambia), and Nyasaland (Malawi) functioned largely as economic outposts, feeding capital, labour, and raw materials into that system. The Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland was presented as a project of regional integration, but in practice it reinforced patterns of extraction, with mining in Zambia, agriculture in Zimbabwe, and labour flows from Malawi all tied into a broader economic network dominated by South African capital. The same remains to this very day. The tragedy of focusing on Julius as the messenger rather than the message is something I speak about regularly, the need to focus on ideas and not personalities. You do not have to like Julius Malema. You do not have to agree with everything he says. All you need to do is focus on his message and interrogate it critically. I am not enslaved to Julius Malema’s ideas. I pick and choose what I agree with, and I am able to articulate a reasoned argument for both what I support and what I reject. You should do the same. One of the most powerful weapons of colonialism was the deliberate fragmentation of black people into small Bantustans, into isolated villages where communities were conditioned to view the next village with suspicion. In Rhodesia we had “reserves” and “keeps.” People from other Bantustans were treated as outsiders. That mentality was never dismantled, it still exists today. The idea of seeing others with suspicion simply because of an arbitrary line, a colonial border, remains deeply entrenched. Many do not fully appreciate how powerful and enduring that mentality and conditioning is. Yet when you look at the descendants of colonialists, they do not view each other through those same lenses. White Zimbabweans move into South Africa without attracting the same hostility because of the economic architecture that allows them to stay away from the so called lumpen. White people from across the world come and settle with ease in South Africa. In fact, one of the most visible figures advocating for the secession of the Western Cape is a British citizen, yet there is no comparable outrage from black South Africans. The same energy of protests and marches that is directed at fellow Africans is rarely directed there. That is not accidental at all, it is well designed that way. It speaks to the protection afforded by entrenched economic power and privilege, but also to a deeper psychological conditioning in how black people are taught to see each other and to see whiteness. This will not disappear overnight. It may not even disappear in my lifetime. But the task is to keep planting the seeds of awareness and unity. As Bob Marley said, you give your more to get your little. What you do today may seem small, but in time it contributes to something much larger, especially if there is collective effort to confront and resolve these divisions. One of the most important things colonialists understood was that education is the key to discernment, to the ability to interrogate and understand issues such as those I raised in this essay. That is precisely why they restricted access to it. Only a few black people were allowed meaningful education, and the consequences of that exclusion remain with us today, not only in South Africa but across much of the continent. We did not dismantle the systems that underpinned colonialism. We largely inherited them, changed the faces at the top, and continued to operate within the same structures. So I will end by saying this, if anyone truly wants change on the issues being debated, you must fix the foundation. You cannot repair window panes when the foundation itself is cracking. Immigration, whether legal or illegal, will always exist, but it is sustained not by foreigners alone, but by the system itself. When Zimbabweans cross the border without passports, they are often enabled by South Africans within a broken system. When documents are obtained illegally, it is again the system that enables it. When Zimbabwe’s political crisis persists without free and fair elections, regional dynamics, including South Africa’s political and economic interests, often play a role in sustaining that status quo. There is a web of political and economic interests that mirrors, in some respects, the relationships that existed during the colonial and apartheid eras. As long as those interests remain, there is little incentive for those in power to confront injustice decisively. The corruption and governance failures in Zimbabwe are real and significant, but they are part of a broader structural problem. The real issue is the foundation. If black South Africans were living well, with access to quality education, meaningful employment, and economic security, they would not be marching in the streets. The anger you see today is not simply about immigration. It is a reflection of an economic structure that has remained fundamentally unchanged, even after 1994. Repression underpinned by racism in Rhodesia effectively came to an end when South Africa shifted its position and recognised that the system was no longer sustainable. The same principle applies today. Repression underpinned by political corruption in Zimbabwe will begin to end the day South Africa, the regional power whether one accepts it or not, decides that the current situation is no longer acceptable. Zimbabwe’s crisis has, over time, been treated as a largely domestic issue rather than a regional one, yet the political and economic realities of Southern Africa make that distinction artificial. What happens in Zimbabwe does not exist in isolation, it is shaped, sustained, and, at times, enabled by regional dynamics, particularly South Africa’s stance. This may be an uncomfortable truth, but history consistently shows that regional power centres play a decisive role in determining outcomes. Ignoring that reality does not change it, it only delays the moment when it must be confronted. It was convenient then for John Vorster and successive apartheid regimes to continue using illegal migrants as a source of cheap labour in South Africa for menial jobs. It remains the same today. As I have said, the political and economic architecture of the apartheid era largely remains in place. What has changed are the political faces, the white faces that held power then and the black faces that hold office today, often operating within and alongside the same entrenched economic structures. Whether one accepts it or not, that is the reality of our politics in the region and of the economic architecture that continues to shape it. There is a reason why certain political actors avoid critically engaging with the structural drivers of immigration, particularly those that sustain flows of cheap labour. There is also a reason why figures like Helen Zille often emphasise the need to document illegal immigrants in South Africa, that position can be understood within the broader context of preserving an economic order that has long depended on controlling and managing labour rather than fundamentally transforming the conditions that produce it. That economic order is rooted in historical structures of concentrated power that shaped not only South Africa, but the wider region more than a century ago. How black Africans view themselves is often reflected in how they respond to political messages. It is why some are quick to criticise Julius Malema for positions that are, in substance, not fundamentally different from those expressed by Helen Zille. On immigration, there is significant overlap in what has been said across the political spectrum, including by the DA and the EFF. Yet the EFF is frequently viewed through a lens of hostility, in part because it is a black-led party, and that perception shapes the reaction it receives. As a result, some black citizens, influenced by long-standing narratives, direct harsher and more emotive criticism towards it. When similar points are made by figures like Helen Zille, the response is often markedly different. That contrast speaks to deeper historical conditioning and the psychological legacy of colonialism. It has not disappeared, and changing it will take time. The fundamental difference, however, lies in the intent and framing of their messages. Malema’s position on immigration is part of a broader effort to confront and address the structural inequalities created by colonial rule. Zille’s position, by contrast, can be seen as operating within and reinforcing an existing economic framework that has its roots in that same colonial architecture which feeds off cheap migrant labour. However, you can't fix the broken system by chasing away immigrants, legal or illegal, you can only empower black South Africans by allowing them to own the means of production and not fighting in the streets for crumbs. Have a lovely weekend.

Hopewell Chin’ono

21,194 views • 3 months ago