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ثريد فيديوهات عن الموجة الثانية للتظاهرات حول العالم ضد فظائع مليشيا الدعم السريع والتمويل الإماراتي لها.. البداية من لندن السبت 8 نوفمبر 2025 Thread of videos documenting the second wave of global protests against the atrocities committed by the RSF militia and its Emirati sponsors; calling to BOYCOTT THE...

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Mohamed Mustafa - محمد مصطفى جامع

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183,724 просмотров • 10 месяцев назад •via X (Twitter)

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HOW THE UAE BECAME LIKE THE COUNTRY IT DESTROYED Under the cover of the US Empire, the UAE was able to preserve its reputation for safety while putting its wealth towards exporting destruction to the Global South. But today, the UAE is learning a bitter lesson, as the same Empire that protected it brings war to its doorstep. "Those expensive buildings... nobody will enter them but the cats," said Hemedti, the commander of the UAE-backed Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia, in 2019 as he threatened to empty Sudan's capital city Khartoum. By 2023, he did exactly that: triggering the world's worst displacement crisis. The UAE continued to launder its reputation as a "safe haven" even as it bankrolls a g*nocide in Sudan. Shortly before launching the UAE-backed war, Hemedti threatened it would "rain hailstones" of bullets on Sudan. Today, as Iran retaliates against the US-Israeli axis, it is Iranian drones raining on the UAE. In desperate attempts to preserve the dying illusion of safety, the UAE is trying to block the circulation of videos exposing the reality. But it is futile. The whole world can see how the UAE is beginning to mirror the country it destroyed. Amid the world's worst famine, the UAE-backed RSF uses starvation as a weapon. Now, Emirati supermarket shelves are rapidly emptying. The UAE bombed Sudan’s oil depots and airports. Today, Dubai International Airport, the world’s busiest, has been brought to a standstill. Just as the UAE wrecked Sudan's fragile economy, their own is in peril: Dubai’s stock market is in freefall, its tourism industry is in danger, its AI superpower ambitions are flatlining, and the mega-rich are seeking to move their assets. The ultimate irony is that the UAE cannot even export the gold it loots from Sudan. An Emirati billionaire who endorsed normalisation with Isr*el now asks who authorised the war. But he never questioned his own government’s authority to turn Sudan into a graveyard. As life slowly returns to Sudan, it is being sucked out of the UAE. The cats are changing addresses. VoxUmmah Venezuelanalysis Qiao Collective Progressive International Kawsachun News Orinoco Tribune Black Agenda Report Soberanía: The Mexican Politics Podcast
6:56

HOW THE UAE BECAME LIKE THE COUNTRY IT DESTROYED Under the cover of the US Empire, the UAE was able to preserve its reputation for safety while putting its wealth towards exporting destruction to the Global South. But today, the UAE is learning a bitter lesson, as the same Empire that protected it brings war to its doorstep. "Those expensive buildings... nobody will enter them but the cats," said Hemedti, the commander of the UAE-backed Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia, in 2019 as he threatened to empty Sudan's capital city Khartoum. By 2023, he did exactly that: triggering the world's worst displacement crisis. The UAE continued to launder its reputation as a "safe haven" even as it bankrolls a g*nocide in Sudan. Shortly before launching the UAE-backed war, Hemedti threatened it would "rain hailstones" of bullets on Sudan. Today, as Iran retaliates against the US-Israeli axis, it is Iranian drones raining on the UAE. In desperate attempts to preserve the dying illusion of safety, the UAE is trying to block the circulation of videos exposing the reality. But it is futile. The whole world can see how the UAE is beginning to mirror the country it destroyed. Amid the world's worst famine, the UAE-backed RSF uses starvation as a weapon. Now, Emirati supermarket shelves are rapidly emptying. The UAE bombed Sudan’s oil depots and airports. Today, Dubai International Airport, the world’s busiest, has been brought to a standstill. Just as the UAE wrecked Sudan's fragile economy, their own is in peril: Dubai’s stock market is in freefall, its tourism industry is in danger, its AI superpower ambitions are flatlining, and the mega-rich are seeking to move their assets. The ultimate irony is that the UAE cannot even export the gold it loots from Sudan. An Emirati billionaire who endorsed normalisation with Isr*el now asks who authorised the war. But he never questioned his own government’s authority to turn Sudan into a graveyard. As life slowly returns to Sudan, it is being sucked out of the UAE. The cats are changing addresses. VoxUmmah Venezuelanalysis Qiao Collective Progressive International Kawsachun News Orinoco Tribune Black Agenda Report Soberanía: The Mexican Politics Podcast

Sovereign Media

35,728 просмотров • 6 месяцев назад

UAE-Backed RSF Harvesting Organs Of Captured Sudanese, Sudan Army Says The externally-fueled proxy war in Sudan officially entered its fourth year this April 2026. Across the resource-rich North African nation, millions remain displaced, facing hunger, disease and death in what many are calling the worst humanitarian crisis of our time, while the “international community” continues to turn a blind eye. The UAE-backed – and by extension, Western-aligned – Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia has perpetrated atrocities across Sudan in its campaign to seize resource-rich territory on behalf of its sponsors, with the regions of Darfur and Kordofan bearing the worst of the carnage. The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) are fighting to reclaim their nation from this vicious t*rror group, and what was once simplistically painted by international media as a “civil war” between “rival factions”, has quickly transformed into a new independence struggle, with Sudan's gold, oil, arable land and sovereignty as the prize. This month, the SAF discovered, in the territories liberated from the RSF, a trove of medical freezers manufactured in Sweden, freezers which it says have been used by the RSF to harvest the organs of captured Sudanese. Given the RSF’s already well-documented atrocities, this claim is far from incredible.
1:33

UAE-Backed RSF Harvesting Organs Of Captured Sudanese, Sudan Army Says The externally-fueled proxy war in Sudan officially entered its fourth year this April 2026. Across the resource-rich North African nation, millions remain displaced, facing hunger, disease and death in what many are calling the worst humanitarian crisis of our time, while the “international community” continues to turn a blind eye. The UAE-backed – and by extension, Western-aligned – Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia has perpetrated atrocities across Sudan in its campaign to seize resource-rich territory on behalf of its sponsors, with the regions of Darfur and Kordofan bearing the worst of the carnage. The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) are fighting to reclaim their nation from this vicious t*rror group, and what was once simplistically painted by international media as a “civil war” between “rival factions”, has quickly transformed into a new independence struggle, with Sudan's gold, oil, arable land and sovereignty as the prize. This month, the SAF discovered, in the territories liberated from the RSF, a trove of medical freezers manufactured in Sweden, freezers which it says have been used by the RSF to harvest the organs of captured Sudanese. Given the RSF’s already well-documented atrocities, this claim is far from incredible.

The Spearhead

149,351 просмотров • 1 месяц назад

Sudan Confronts the UAE at the UN: Al-Harith Idriss Exposes Abu Dhabi’s Role in Fueling War At today’s United Nations session, Sudan’s Permanent Representative to the UN, Al-Harith Idriss, delivered a forceful response to the UAE’s attempts to manipulate the narrative surrounding the war in Sudan. The session saw repeated exchanges between the two delegations, with Sudan directly accusing the UAE of fueling the war by funding and arming the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed), while the UAE scrambled to deflect responsibility. The UAE’s Opening Statement: A False Show of Neutrality The UAE representative began by expressing concern over the suffering of the Sudanese people, highlighting the urgent need for humanitarian aid and calling for stronger mechanisms to protect civilians. The speech was carefully crafted to present the UAE as a neutral party, advocating for a ceasefire and negotiations between both sides of the conflict. However, while Abu Dhabi attempted to position itself as a peace broker, the entire world knew that it was a key player in the war, not merely an external observer. Rather than addressing its well-documented role in fueling the war, the UAE attempted to shift the blame entirely onto "two warring generals." The representative condemned the violence, called for unrestricted humanitarian access, and even suggested adding conflict-related sexual violence as an independent criterion in the UN sanctions system. Yet, the very crimes the UAE claimed to denounce were being committed by the militia it continues to support. Al-Harith Idriss Responds: Exposing the UAE’s Criminal Role Al-Harith Idriss, Sudan’s Permanent Representative to the UN, wasted no time in dismantling the UAE’s façade of neutrality. Addressing the council, he delivered an unfiltered truth: the UAE is not a bystander in this war—it is an instigator. He accused Abu Dhabi of igniting and prolonging the war in Sudan, not out of any genuine concern for peace, but to occupy Sudan, seize its resources, and establish control through its proxies. His response was clear and backed by evidence. Idriss pointed to UN reports, congressional testimonies, and investigative findings that confirm the UAE’s support for the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). He detailed how Emirati drones and weapons have been used in at least 188 bombing raids in Darfur, how UAE aircraft have landed on dirt runways in Nyala to supply arms, and how Abu Dhabi has been using Chad as a staging ground for further attacks. He also exposed the fact that while the UAE claimed to be offering humanitarian assistance, its financial support was in fact being funneled into purchasing weapons for the militia. Sudan’s representative did not stop there. He called out the UAE for attempting to whitewash its involvement by referring vaguely to "foreign elements" in Sudan, when the only foreign actor arming and funding the militia is the UAE itself. He challenged the UN Security Council to explicitly name the UAE and hold it accountable for the destruction it has caused. The UAE’s Retaliation: Deflection and Denial In response, the UAE representative took the floor again, this time resorting to outright dismissal of Sudan’s accusations. The UAE accused Sudan of spreading "misinformation" and of using the UN platform to deflect from its own role in the conflict. With feigned indignation, the UAE insisted it was not involved in the war and was not taking sides, repeating the claim that "lies remain lies, no matter how often they are repeated." The UAE also sought to put the blame back on Sudan, questioning why the Sudanese Armed Forces had not agreed to a ceasefire and suggesting that the real obstacle to peace was Sudan’s refusal to engage in negotiations. It was a predictable attempt to divert attention from the core issue—Abu Dhabi’s direct role in sustaining the war. Al-Harith Idriss Strikes Back: The War Will Not End While the UAE Arms the Militia Unmoved by the UAE’s deflections, Al-Harith Idriss took the floor once again. He reiterated that Sudan was not making baseless allegations but presenting documented evidence that the UAE has fueled the war by equipping and financing the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). He reminded the council that Sudan had submitted a 74-page official complaint detailing the UAE’s role, citing reports from neutral institutions and testimony presented to the U.S. Congress. Idriss made it clear that the war would not stop while the UAE continued to support the militia. The Sudanese Armed Forces were fighting to reclaim the country from an armed group backed by a foreign power, not engaging in a meaningless internal dispute. He called on the UN to stop pretending this was a conflict between internal factions and recognize it for what it truly is: a foreign-backed attempt to destabilize Sudan and seize control of its resources. The UAE’s Last Word: A Desperate Attempt to Save Face Despite the overwhelming evidence against it, the UAE insisted on having the final word. Its representative once again accused Sudan of misrepresenting the situation, claiming that if Sudan’s leadership truly wanted peace, it would agree to a ceasefire and engage in dialogue rather than continuing military operations. The UAE accused Sudan of blocking humanitarian aid and attempting to spread "disinformation" to shift blame. Sudan’s Stand: No Peace While the UAE Fuels War The message from Sudan was clear: this war is not about two generals—it is about a nation resisting a foreign-backed occupation. The UAE has spent billions funding and arming a terrorist militia while pretending to call for peace. But Sudan sees through the deception. Sudan left no room for doubt—the war will only end when the UAE ceases its support for the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). Until then, Sudan will continue to fight, not just for its land, but for its sovereignty, its people, and its future. #Sudan #UAEKillsSudanesePeople
12:55

Sudan Confronts the UAE at the UN: Al-Harith Idriss Exposes Abu Dhabi’s Role in Fueling War At today’s United Nations session, Sudan’s Permanent Representative to the UN, Al-Harith Idriss, delivered a forceful response to the UAE’s attempts to manipulate the narrative surrounding the war in Sudan. The session saw repeated exchanges between the two delegations, with Sudan directly accusing the UAE of fueling the war by funding and arming the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed), while the UAE scrambled to deflect responsibility. The UAE’s Opening Statement: A False Show of Neutrality The UAE representative began by expressing concern over the suffering of the Sudanese people, highlighting the urgent need for humanitarian aid and calling for stronger mechanisms to protect civilians. The speech was carefully crafted to present the UAE as a neutral party, advocating for a ceasefire and negotiations between both sides of the conflict. However, while Abu Dhabi attempted to position itself as a peace broker, the entire world knew that it was a key player in the war, not merely an external observer. Rather than addressing its well-documented role in fueling the war, the UAE attempted to shift the blame entirely onto "two warring generals." The representative condemned the violence, called for unrestricted humanitarian access, and even suggested adding conflict-related sexual violence as an independent criterion in the UN sanctions system. Yet, the very crimes the UAE claimed to denounce were being committed by the militia it continues to support. Al-Harith Idriss Responds: Exposing the UAE’s Criminal Role Al-Harith Idriss, Sudan’s Permanent Representative to the UN, wasted no time in dismantling the UAE’s façade of neutrality. Addressing the council, he delivered an unfiltered truth: the UAE is not a bystander in this war—it is an instigator. He accused Abu Dhabi of igniting and prolonging the war in Sudan, not out of any genuine concern for peace, but to occupy Sudan, seize its resources, and establish control through its proxies. His response was clear and backed by evidence. Idriss pointed to UN reports, congressional testimonies, and investigative findings that confirm the UAE’s support for the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). He detailed how Emirati drones and weapons have been used in at least 188 bombing raids in Darfur, how UAE aircraft have landed on dirt runways in Nyala to supply arms, and how Abu Dhabi has been using Chad as a staging ground for further attacks. He also exposed the fact that while the UAE claimed to be offering humanitarian assistance, its financial support was in fact being funneled into purchasing weapons for the militia. Sudan’s representative did not stop there. He called out the UAE for attempting to whitewash its involvement by referring vaguely to "foreign elements" in Sudan, when the only foreign actor arming and funding the militia is the UAE itself. He challenged the UN Security Council to explicitly name the UAE and hold it accountable for the destruction it has caused. The UAE’s Retaliation: Deflection and Denial In response, the UAE representative took the floor again, this time resorting to outright dismissal of Sudan’s accusations. The UAE accused Sudan of spreading "misinformation" and of using the UN platform to deflect from its own role in the conflict. With feigned indignation, the UAE insisted it was not involved in the war and was not taking sides, repeating the claim that "lies remain lies, no matter how often they are repeated." The UAE also sought to put the blame back on Sudan, questioning why the Sudanese Armed Forces had not agreed to a ceasefire and suggesting that the real obstacle to peace was Sudan’s refusal to engage in negotiations. It was a predictable attempt to divert attention from the core issue—Abu Dhabi’s direct role in sustaining the war. Al-Harith Idriss Strikes Back: The War Will Not End While the UAE Arms the Militia Unmoved by the UAE’s deflections, Al-Harith Idriss took the floor once again. He reiterated that Sudan was not making baseless allegations but presenting documented evidence that the UAE has fueled the war by equipping and financing the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). He reminded the council that Sudan had submitted a 74-page official complaint detailing the UAE’s role, citing reports from neutral institutions and testimony presented to the U.S. Congress. Idriss made it clear that the war would not stop while the UAE continued to support the militia. The Sudanese Armed Forces were fighting to reclaim the country from an armed group backed by a foreign power, not engaging in a meaningless internal dispute. He called on the UN to stop pretending this was a conflict between internal factions and recognize it for what it truly is: a foreign-backed attempt to destabilize Sudan and seize control of its resources. The UAE’s Last Word: A Desperate Attempt to Save Face Despite the overwhelming evidence against it, the UAE insisted on having the final word. Its representative once again accused Sudan of misrepresenting the situation, claiming that if Sudan’s leadership truly wanted peace, it would agree to a ceasefire and engage in dialogue rather than continuing military operations. The UAE accused Sudan of blocking humanitarian aid and attempting to spread "disinformation" to shift blame. Sudan’s Stand: No Peace While the UAE Fuels War The message from Sudan was clear: this war is not about two generals—it is about a nation resisting a foreign-backed occupation. The UAE has spent billions funding and arming a terrorist militia while pretending to call for peace. But Sudan sees through the deception. Sudan left no room for doubt—the war will only end when the UAE ceases its support for the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). Until then, Sudan will continue to fight, not just for its land, but for its sovereignty, its people, and its future. #Sudan #UAEKillsSudanesePeople

Sudanese Echo

20,604 просмотров • 1 год назад

Summer Holiday Photos Place the UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia Leader in the Emirates as Atrocities Continue Across Sudan A series of photographs circulated on Sudanese social media this month that, at first glance, appeared entirely ordinary. A spacious courtyard at dusk, a customised Mercedes parked on a quiet street, and an older man sitting on a pale sofa with a child on his lap. They could easily have been photographs from any family summer holiday, far removed from the war, famine and mass graves that have come to define Sudan’s landscape. The older man in the photographs, however, is Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, better known as Hemedti, commander of the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, the paramilitary force commonly associated with the Janjaweed. In January 2025, the United States sanctioned Hemedti by name as it formally determined that members of the Rapid Support Militia and allied militias had committed genocide in Darfur. The decision came after nearly two years of war in which atrocities attributed to the militia had spread across large parts of Sudan. In El Geneina, Human Rights Watch documented an ethnic cleansing campaign against the Masalit that included mass killings, rape, looting and forced displacement, among the most horrific episodes of violence since the war began. In Khartoum, the militia controlled large areas of the capital for months. Civilian homes and buildings were turned into military positions and detention facilities. As the Sudanese army advanced and retook areas previously held by the militia, detention sites, graves and bodies began to emerge, alongside testimony from survivors describing torture, starvation, humiliation and detention in brutal conditions. The period of militia control over large parts of Khartoum, Omdurman and Bahri was also marked by widespread looting of homes and property, the occupation of civilian residences, and repeated accounts of rape and sexual violence. The same devastation then spread into Gezira State after the militia entered the region in December 2023. Towns and villages were subjected to killings, looting and attacks, forcing hundreds of thousands of people to flee. Many of them had already escaped Khartoum and had gone to Gezira in search of safety. In June 2024, Wad Al-Noura became the site of one of the militia’s most notorious massacres in the state. Months later, a wave of attacks swept through villages in eastern Gezira, with Al-Sireha among the communities subjected to large-scale killings. The violence extended across dozens of villages and towns amid reports of killings, looting, arson, sexual violence and forced displacement. The pattern repeated itself across different parts of Sudan: the militia entered civilian communities, killings and looting followed, homes were occupied, people were detained, sexual violence was reported, and entire populations were forced to abandon their towns and villages. El Fasher became one of the bloodiest chapters in that trajectory. After a prolonged siege, the city fell to the Rapid Support Militia. United Nations investigators documented the killing of more than 6,000 people during the first three days, while the fate of an estimated 150,000 residents remained unknown. The UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan subsequently concluded that the violations committed there bore hallmarks of genocide. As the geographical scale of these atrocities expanded and the war continued year after year, another question became central to international investigations: where was the militia obtaining the weapons, financing and supplies that allowed it to sustain its military capabilities? The Rapid Support Militia continued fighting on multiple fronts, acquiring weapons, ammunition, vehicles and drones while also deploying foreign fighters in a war stretching from Darfur to Khartoum, Gezira, Kordofan and El Fasher. From the early months of the conflict, evidence began accumulating around the UAE’s role in the supply network supporting the militia. In a report dated January 15, 2024, the UN Panel of Experts on Sudan said information it had gathered concerning the transfer of weapons and ammunition to the Rapid Support Militia through Amdjarass airport in eastern Chad was “credible.” In July 2024, The Guardian published an investigation into Emirati passports and documents discovered among equipment linked to the militia in Sudan. In September, The New York Times investigated UAE activity in Amdjarass and allegations that the humanitarian operation there was running alongside a pipeline supplying weapons and other support to the militia. The following month, The Washington Post published an investigation based on weapons captured by the Sudanese army, together with US assessments and reports, linking equipment and ammunition found in the hands of the Rapid Support Militia to the UAE. In November 2024, Amnesty International identified the French-made Galix defence system installed on UAE-manufactured Nimr Ajban armoured vehicles used by the militia. Flight data then revealed another dimension of the supply network. In December 2024, Reuters tracked at least 86 flights from the UAE to Amdjarass since the war began. A significant number were operated by companies previously linked in UN reporting to arms-transfer operations in the region. Researcher Justin Lynch also contributed to tracking and analysing flight and supply networks connecting these routes to the Rapid Support Militia. By early 2025, the issue had reached the level of official scrutiny in Washington. On January 24, Senator Chris Van Hollen and Representative Sara Jacobs said that, based on a briefing from the Biden administration and other reporting, they had confirmed that the UAE was continuing to provide weapons to the militia despite earlier assurances to Washington that it would stop. Over the following months, further evidence emerged from weapons stockpiles and supply convoys themselves. In April 2025, an investigation by France 24’s Observers team traced Bulgarian-made mortar rounds found in Darfur to a transaction involving an Emirati buyer, with the UAE Armed Forces listed in documentation as the end user. On April 29, Reuters, in an investigation involving journalist Reade Levinson, reported that the UN Panel of Experts was examining how Bulgarian ammunition officially exported to the UAE had ended up in a Rapid Support Militia supply convoy in Darfur. Bulgaria said it had never authorised the ammunition to be re-exported to Sudan. In May 2025, Amnesty International identified Chinese-made GB50A guided bombs and AH-4 155mm howitzers in the possession of the Rapid Support Militia. The organisation concluded that the weapons were “almost certainly” re-exported to Sudan by the UAE. As the investigations widened, a broader network emerged involving mercenaries, financing, companies and regional logistics. Beginning in 2024, Colombian investigative outlet La Silla Vacía exposed details of the recruitment of former Colombian soldiers to fight alongside the Rapid Support Militia. Subsequent investigations traced the networks used to recruit and transport these fighters, with UAE-based companies and routes repeatedly appearing in the reporting. Bellingcat has also investigated weapons and supply routes associated with the militia, while a joint investigation by Lighthouse Reports and its partners uncovered training camps, sites used to prepare weapons and vehicles, and supply convoys in eastern Libya connected to the Rapid Support Militia, along with Colombian mercenaries operating within the same network. On the financial side, The Sentry documented networks involving companies, gold trading, financing and property linked to senior Rapid Support Militia figures, including businesses and activities operating from within the UAE. These findings added a financial and commercial dimension to the military and logistical picture. In October 2025, The Wall Street Journal reported that US intelligence agencies had detected an increase in the flow of Emirati weapons to the militia, including drones, light and heavy weapons, vehicles, artillery, mortars and ammunition. The UAE continues to deny providing military support to the Rapid Support Militia. Over the course of the war, however, a substantial body of reporting and investigation has accumulated from the UN Panel of Experts, US assessments and sources, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, The Guardian, Reuters, France 24, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Lighthouse Reports, Bellingcat and The Sentry. These are multiple, independent sources using different investigative methods. Flight records, export documentation, weapons and ammunition analysis, corporate and property records, satellite imagery and testimony from people on the ground have each exposed different parts of a support network that helped sustain the militia’s war. Alongside the evidence concerning weapons, financing and logistics, direct indications of Hemedti’s own presence inside the UAE also emerged during the conflict. In June 2025, The New York Times reported, citing US officials, that Hemedti had stayed at a protected residence in Abu Dhabi, where he recorded video addresses to his supporters in Sudan. The Sentry also documented his personal ownership of three apartments in Dubai, close to Al Minhad military airbase. The photographs that surfaced this month add another dimension to those reports. Hemedti appears once again inside the UAE, this time in quiet family photographs, while the war led by his militia continues in Sudan and the consequences of its atrocities stretch from El Geneina to Khartoum, Gezira and El Fasher. The information is there. The investigations have been published. The evidence continues to accumulate. The question becomes more urgent with every new investigation: how much more evidence does the world need before it acts? #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
4:54

Summer Holiday Photos Place the UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia Leader in the Emirates as Atrocities Continue Across Sudan A series of photographs circulated on Sudanese social media this month that, at first glance, appeared entirely ordinary. A spacious courtyard at dusk, a customised Mercedes parked on a quiet street, and an older man sitting on a pale sofa with a child on his lap. They could easily have been photographs from any family summer holiday, far removed from the war, famine and mass graves that have come to define Sudan’s landscape. The older man in the photographs, however, is Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, better known as Hemedti, commander of the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, the paramilitary force commonly associated with the Janjaweed. In January 2025, the United States sanctioned Hemedti by name as it formally determined that members of the Rapid Support Militia and allied militias had committed genocide in Darfur. The decision came after nearly two years of war in which atrocities attributed to the militia had spread across large parts of Sudan. In El Geneina, Human Rights Watch documented an ethnic cleansing campaign against the Masalit that included mass killings, rape, looting and forced displacement, among the most horrific episodes of violence since the war began. In Khartoum, the militia controlled large areas of the capital for months. Civilian homes and buildings were turned into military positions and detention facilities. As the Sudanese army advanced and retook areas previously held by the militia, detention sites, graves and bodies began to emerge, alongside testimony from survivors describing torture, starvation, humiliation and detention in brutal conditions. The period of militia control over large parts of Khartoum, Omdurman and Bahri was also marked by widespread looting of homes and property, the occupation of civilian residences, and repeated accounts of rape and sexual violence. The same devastation then spread into Gezira State after the militia entered the region in December 2023. Towns and villages were subjected to killings, looting and attacks, forcing hundreds of thousands of people to flee. Many of them had already escaped Khartoum and had gone to Gezira in search of safety. In June 2024, Wad Al-Noura became the site of one of the militia’s most notorious massacres in the state. Months later, a wave of attacks swept through villages in eastern Gezira, with Al-Sireha among the communities subjected to large-scale killings. The violence extended across dozens of villages and towns amid reports of killings, looting, arson, sexual violence and forced displacement. The pattern repeated itself across different parts of Sudan: the militia entered civilian communities, killings and looting followed, homes were occupied, people were detained, sexual violence was reported, and entire populations were forced to abandon their towns and villages. El Fasher became one of the bloodiest chapters in that trajectory. After a prolonged siege, the city fell to the Rapid Support Militia. United Nations investigators documented the killing of more than 6,000 people during the first three days, while the fate of an estimated 150,000 residents remained unknown. The UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan subsequently concluded that the violations committed there bore hallmarks of genocide. As the geographical scale of these atrocities expanded and the war continued year after year, another question became central to international investigations: where was the militia obtaining the weapons, financing and supplies that allowed it to sustain its military capabilities? The Rapid Support Militia continued fighting on multiple fronts, acquiring weapons, ammunition, vehicles and drones while also deploying foreign fighters in a war stretching from Darfur to Khartoum, Gezira, Kordofan and El Fasher. From the early months of the conflict, evidence began accumulating around the UAE’s role in the supply network supporting the militia. In a report dated January 15, 2024, the UN Panel of Experts on Sudan said information it had gathered concerning the transfer of weapons and ammunition to the Rapid Support Militia through Amdjarass airport in eastern Chad was “credible.” In July 2024, The Guardian published an investigation into Emirati passports and documents discovered among equipment linked to the militia in Sudan. In September, The New York Times investigated UAE activity in Amdjarass and allegations that the humanitarian operation there was running alongside a pipeline supplying weapons and other support to the militia. The following month, The Washington Post published an investigation based on weapons captured by the Sudanese army, together with US assessments and reports, linking equipment and ammunition found in the hands of the Rapid Support Militia to the UAE. In November 2024, Amnesty International identified the French-made Galix defence system installed on UAE-manufactured Nimr Ajban armoured vehicles used by the militia. Flight data then revealed another dimension of the supply network. In December 2024, Reuters tracked at least 86 flights from the UAE to Amdjarass since the war began. A significant number were operated by companies previously linked in UN reporting to arms-transfer operations in the region. Researcher Justin Lynch also contributed to tracking and analysing flight and supply networks connecting these routes to the Rapid Support Militia. By early 2025, the issue had reached the level of official scrutiny in Washington. On January 24, Senator Chris Van Hollen and Representative Sara Jacobs said that, based on a briefing from the Biden administration and other reporting, they had confirmed that the UAE was continuing to provide weapons to the militia despite earlier assurances to Washington that it would stop. Over the following months, further evidence emerged from weapons stockpiles and supply convoys themselves. In April 2025, an investigation by France 24’s Observers team traced Bulgarian-made mortar rounds found in Darfur to a transaction involving an Emirati buyer, with the UAE Armed Forces listed in documentation as the end user. On April 29, Reuters, in an investigation involving journalist Reade Levinson, reported that the UN Panel of Experts was examining how Bulgarian ammunition officially exported to the UAE had ended up in a Rapid Support Militia supply convoy in Darfur. Bulgaria said it had never authorised the ammunition to be re-exported to Sudan. In May 2025, Amnesty International identified Chinese-made GB50A guided bombs and AH-4 155mm howitzers in the possession of the Rapid Support Militia. The organisation concluded that the weapons were “almost certainly” re-exported to Sudan by the UAE. As the investigations widened, a broader network emerged involving mercenaries, financing, companies and regional logistics. Beginning in 2024, Colombian investigative outlet La Silla Vacía exposed details of the recruitment of former Colombian soldiers to fight alongside the Rapid Support Militia. Subsequent investigations traced the networks used to recruit and transport these fighters, with UAE-based companies and routes repeatedly appearing in the reporting. Bellingcat has also investigated weapons and supply routes associated with the militia, while a joint investigation by Lighthouse Reports and its partners uncovered training camps, sites used to prepare weapons and vehicles, and supply convoys in eastern Libya connected to the Rapid Support Militia, along with Colombian mercenaries operating within the same network. On the financial side, The Sentry documented networks involving companies, gold trading, financing and property linked to senior Rapid Support Militia figures, including businesses and activities operating from within the UAE. These findings added a financial and commercial dimension to the military and logistical picture. In October 2025, The Wall Street Journal reported that US intelligence agencies had detected an increase in the flow of Emirati weapons to the militia, including drones, light and heavy weapons, vehicles, artillery, mortars and ammunition. The UAE continues to deny providing military support to the Rapid Support Militia. Over the course of the war, however, a substantial body of reporting and investigation has accumulated from the UN Panel of Experts, US assessments and sources, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, The Guardian, Reuters, France 24, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Lighthouse Reports, Bellingcat and The Sentry. These are multiple, independent sources using different investigative methods. Flight records, export documentation, weapons and ammunition analysis, corporate and property records, satellite imagery and testimony from people on the ground have each exposed different parts of a support network that helped sustain the militia’s war. Alongside the evidence concerning weapons, financing and logistics, direct indications of Hemedti’s own presence inside the UAE also emerged during the conflict. In June 2025, The New York Times reported, citing US officials, that Hemedti had stayed at a protected residence in Abu Dhabi, where he recorded video addresses to his supporters in Sudan. The Sentry also documented his personal ownership of three apartments in Dubai, close to Al Minhad military airbase. The photographs that surfaced this month add another dimension to those reports. Hemedti appears once again inside the UAE, this time in quiet family photographs, while the war led by his militia continues in Sudan and the consequences of its atrocities stretch from El Geneina to Khartoum, Gezira and El Fasher. The information is there. The investigations have been published. The evidence continues to accumulate. The question becomes more urgent with every new investigation: how much more evidence does the world need before it acts? #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

131,135 просмотров • 1 месяц назад

In Sudan’s devastating conflict, where the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and Rapid Support Forces (RSF) fuel a brutal cycle of violence, both accused of war crimes and genocide by the US in 2025, the United Arab Emirates stands as a steadfast pillar of hope. While SAF tightens its hold on Port Sudan and RSF besieges El Fasher, displacing 13 million and pushing millions toward famine, the UAE has delivered USD 3.95 billion in aid to Sudan and its neighbors from 2014 to 2025, undeterred by baseless claims from the Muslim Brotherhood and its proxies. With 162 flights and one ship, the UAE has delivered 12,710 tonnes of vital supplies: 6,388 tonnes of food and 280 tonnes of medical aid for Sudan’s conflict-ravaged communities, 5,542 tonnes for Chad’s refugees, 200 tonnes plus a medical center, five wells, and ten health facilities for Uganda, and 300 tonnes for South Sudan’s desperate displaced. This is not posturing; it’s a lifeline for millions caught in the crossfire. To the Brotherhood and its allies, including Turkey, who cast accusations of UAE interference while arming SAF and prolonging Sudan’s chaos: your claims collapse against the UAE’s towering humanitarian record. Since 2023, USD 681.8 million has sustained over 2 million lives, with a bold USD 200 million pledged in Addis Ababa in February 2025. Two field hospitals in Chad have treated 90,889 patients, a new hospital rises in South Sudan’s Madhol, and 127 health facilities across 14 Sudanese states thrive with UAE support. Add USD 70 million to UN agencies, including 25 million to WFP, 20 million to UNHCR, and 8 million to WHO, plus USD 30 million for neighboring countries, USD 10.25 million for Sudanese refugee women, and USD 4 million for education in Chad, and the UAE’s priorities shine through. We condemn SAF’s aid blockades and RSF’s atrocities, advocate for civilian governance, and reject unfounded allegations of arms or gold dealings. While you fuel division, the UAE builds hope with hospitals, not headlines, for Sudan’s people. Humanity is our mission, and we will not falter.
1:06

In Sudan’s devastating conflict, where the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and Rapid Support Forces (RSF) fuel a brutal cycle of violence, both accused of war crimes and genocide by the US in 2025, the United Arab Emirates stands as a steadfast pillar of hope. While SAF tightens its hold on Port Sudan and RSF besieges El Fasher, displacing 13 million and pushing millions toward famine, the UAE has delivered USD 3.95 billion in aid to Sudan and its neighbors from 2014 to 2025, undeterred by baseless claims from the Muslim Brotherhood and its proxies. With 162 flights and one ship, the UAE has delivered 12,710 tonnes of vital supplies: 6,388 tonnes of food and 280 tonnes of medical aid for Sudan’s conflict-ravaged communities, 5,542 tonnes for Chad’s refugees, 200 tonnes plus a medical center, five wells, and ten health facilities for Uganda, and 300 tonnes for South Sudan’s desperate displaced. This is not posturing; it’s a lifeline for millions caught in the crossfire. To the Brotherhood and its allies, including Turkey, who cast accusations of UAE interference while arming SAF and prolonging Sudan’s chaos: your claims collapse against the UAE’s towering humanitarian record. Since 2023, USD 681.8 million has sustained over 2 million lives, with a bold USD 200 million pledged in Addis Ababa in February 2025. Two field hospitals in Chad have treated 90,889 patients, a new hospital rises in South Sudan’s Madhol, and 127 health facilities across 14 Sudanese states thrive with UAE support. Add USD 70 million to UN agencies, including 25 million to WFP, 20 million to UNHCR, and 8 million to WHO, plus USD 30 million for neighboring countries, USD 10.25 million for Sudanese refugee women, and USD 4 million for education in Chad, and the UAE’s priorities shine through. We condemn SAF’s aid blockades and RSF’s atrocities, advocate for civilian governance, and reject unfounded allegations of arms or gold dealings. While you fuel division, the UAE builds hope with hospitals, not headlines, for Sudan’s people. Humanity is our mission, and we will not falter.

Rauda Altenaiji

30,452 просмотров • 11 месяцев назад

Canadian Sniper Rifles Found with UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia as CBC Investigation Highlights UAE Role in Regional Arms Flows A visual investigation by Canada’s CBC News has revealed that Canadian-made sniper rifles have appeared in the hands of fighters from Sudan’s UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, as well as a Libyan militia and Yemeni arms dealers, despite arms embargoes and sanctions linked to these conflict zones. The most disturbing part of the investigation concerns Sudan. CBC documented a video showing a fighter from the Rapid Support Militia abusing detainees on the back of a truck. The fighter is seen slapping one presumed captive and striking another with the stock of a Canadian-made rifle. CBC said it blurred parts of the footage because some of those involved may be underage. According to CBC, the weapon visible in the video is a Sterling Cross XLCR precision rifle, manufactured by Sterling Cross, a small-arms company based in Abbotsford, British Columbia. CBC had previously reported in November that XLCR rifles had been photographed in Sudan and used by the Rapid Support Militia. CBC said the images and videos were first provided by an online user known as streakingdelilah. The Canadian broadcaster then independently sourced and verified the material, sharing it with researchers at Bellingcat and the Centre for Information Resilience, which runs the Sudan Witness project. Sebastian Vandermeersch, a Bellingcat researcher, described the Sudan video as one of the clearest examples of a fighter holding a Canadian weapon while committing obvious abuses against a captive. Although the video was shared recently, CBC reported that it was likely filmed in June 2024, when the Rapid Support Militia captured Jebel Moya, an area south of Khartoum. Bellingcat geolocated the footage to that area and also identified additional videos from Jebel Moya showing detainees subjected to degrading treatment, including being forced to imitate animal sounds or pledge allegiance to the Rapid Support Militia. The investigation places the Sudan case within a wider regional pattern. Similar Canadian-made rifles were also traced to Libya and Yemen. In Yemen, videos led CBC to an illicit arms market in Sanaa, where machine guns, sniper rifles and at least one rocket launcher were displayed. One Yemeni arms dealer confirmed in a voice message that such weapons are smuggled into the country. In Libya, CBC geolocated images of another Sterling Cross rifle and linked them to a social media page connected to the Judicial Security Apparatus, associated with the Special Deterrence Force, known as RADA. Libya researcher Wolfram Lacher said the force had been involved in armed conflicts and also controls Mitiga prison, a facility known for abuse, torture and arbitrary detention. CBC noted that prison conditions were so severe that the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for RADA leaders over crimes against humanity. The UAE emerges in the CBC investigation as the common thread connecting Sudan, Libya and Yemen. Experts interviewed by CBC pointed to the United Arab Emirates as a central player in rerouting weapons to armed groups across the region. “The thread that binds these three cases together is that you have UAE support for clients in these conflicts,” Lacher told CBC, adding that these are three cases in which the UAE is known to have massively supplied weapons. Emadeddin Badi, a senior fellow at the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, said the actors supported by the UAE are generally “non-state armed groups with a track record of brutality and crimes against humanity.” CBC contacted the UAE Embassy for comment but received no response. The investigation also noted that the UAE has previously denied involvement in Sudan and Libya, and said in 2025 that it would withdraw its forces from Yemen. Canadian government export reports show that 113 rifles were shipped from Canada to the UAE in 2019 and 2020. In March 2019, Sterling Cross posted an image on Instagram showing roughly 80 XLCR rifles being inspected before delivery. The findings come amid growing international scrutiny of the UAE’s role in Sudan’s war. The Rapid Support Militia, backed by the UAE, has been accused of widespread atrocities against civilians in Darfur, Khartoum, Gezira, Kordofan and other parts of the country. CBC’s investigation adds a new dimension to the arms file by showing Canadian-made weapons in the hands of the militia, while experts point to the UAE as a central actor in regional weapons diversion networks. After the investigation was published, Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Anita Anand told CBC that she was “very concerned” about where Canadian weapons were ending up. She said it was unacceptable for Canada’s permitting process to allow military material to reach conflict zones, and said possible breaches of the permitting process could require enforcement by Canadian authorities. Kelsey Gallagher of Project Ploughshares, a Canadian peace research institute, said the repeated appearance of Canadian weapons in violation of UN arms embargoes shows a pattern of illicit diversion that requires action from the Canadian government. For Sudanese people, the importance of this investigation is clear. It provides new visual evidence of the type of weaponry reaching the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, and of how these weapons are being used against civilians and detainees. It also increases pressure on Western governments, especially Canada, to review their military exports and end-use controls. Most importantly, the investigation points directly to the UAE. Experts cited by CBC identify the UAE as the common factor in weapons flows to armed groups in Sudan, Libya and Yemen. In Sudan, that means the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, a force using foreign-supplied weapons while committing abuses against Sudanese civilians and captives. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
0:32

Canadian Sniper Rifles Found with UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia as CBC Investigation Highlights UAE Role in Regional Arms Flows A visual investigation by Canada’s CBC News has revealed that Canadian-made sniper rifles have appeared in the hands of fighters from Sudan’s UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, as well as a Libyan militia and Yemeni arms dealers, despite arms embargoes and sanctions linked to these conflict zones. The most disturbing part of the investigation concerns Sudan. CBC documented a video showing a fighter from the Rapid Support Militia abusing detainees on the back of a truck. The fighter is seen slapping one presumed captive and striking another with the stock of a Canadian-made rifle. CBC said it blurred parts of the footage because some of those involved may be underage. According to CBC, the weapon visible in the video is a Sterling Cross XLCR precision rifle, manufactured by Sterling Cross, a small-arms company based in Abbotsford, British Columbia. CBC had previously reported in November that XLCR rifles had been photographed in Sudan and used by the Rapid Support Militia. CBC said the images and videos were first provided by an online user known as streakingdelilah. The Canadian broadcaster then independently sourced and verified the material, sharing it with researchers at Bellingcat and the Centre for Information Resilience, which runs the Sudan Witness project. Sebastian Vandermeersch, a Bellingcat researcher, described the Sudan video as one of the clearest examples of a fighter holding a Canadian weapon while committing obvious abuses against a captive. Although the video was shared recently, CBC reported that it was likely filmed in June 2024, when the Rapid Support Militia captured Jebel Moya, an area south of Khartoum. Bellingcat geolocated the footage to that area and also identified additional videos from Jebel Moya showing detainees subjected to degrading treatment, including being forced to imitate animal sounds or pledge allegiance to the Rapid Support Militia. The investigation places the Sudan case within a wider regional pattern. Similar Canadian-made rifles were also traced to Libya and Yemen. In Yemen, videos led CBC to an illicit arms market in Sanaa, where machine guns, sniper rifles and at least one rocket launcher were displayed. One Yemeni arms dealer confirmed in a voice message that such weapons are smuggled into the country. In Libya, CBC geolocated images of another Sterling Cross rifle and linked them to a social media page connected to the Judicial Security Apparatus, associated with the Special Deterrence Force, known as RADA. Libya researcher Wolfram Lacher said the force had been involved in armed conflicts and also controls Mitiga prison, a facility known for abuse, torture and arbitrary detention. CBC noted that prison conditions were so severe that the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for RADA leaders over crimes against humanity. The UAE emerges in the CBC investigation as the common thread connecting Sudan, Libya and Yemen. Experts interviewed by CBC pointed to the United Arab Emirates as a central player in rerouting weapons to armed groups across the region. “The thread that binds these three cases together is that you have UAE support for clients in these conflicts,” Lacher told CBC, adding that these are three cases in which the UAE is known to have massively supplied weapons. Emadeddin Badi, a senior fellow at the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, said the actors supported by the UAE are generally “non-state armed groups with a track record of brutality and crimes against humanity.” CBC contacted the UAE Embassy for comment but received no response. The investigation also noted that the UAE has previously denied involvement in Sudan and Libya, and said in 2025 that it would withdraw its forces from Yemen. Canadian government export reports show that 113 rifles were shipped from Canada to the UAE in 2019 and 2020. In March 2019, Sterling Cross posted an image on Instagram showing roughly 80 XLCR rifles being inspected before delivery. The findings come amid growing international scrutiny of the UAE’s role in Sudan’s war. The Rapid Support Militia, backed by the UAE, has been accused of widespread atrocities against civilians in Darfur, Khartoum, Gezira, Kordofan and other parts of the country. CBC’s investigation adds a new dimension to the arms file by showing Canadian-made weapons in the hands of the militia, while experts point to the UAE as a central actor in regional weapons diversion networks. After the investigation was published, Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Anita Anand told CBC that she was “very concerned” about where Canadian weapons were ending up. She said it was unacceptable for Canada’s permitting process to allow military material to reach conflict zones, and said possible breaches of the permitting process could require enforcement by Canadian authorities. Kelsey Gallagher of Project Ploughshares, a Canadian peace research institute, said the repeated appearance of Canadian weapons in violation of UN arms embargoes shows a pattern of illicit diversion that requires action from the Canadian government. For Sudanese people, the importance of this investigation is clear. It provides new visual evidence of the type of weaponry reaching the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, and of how these weapons are being used against civilians and detainees. It also increases pressure on Western governments, especially Canada, to review their military exports and end-use controls. Most importantly, the investigation points directly to the UAE. Experts cited by CBC identify the UAE as the common factor in weapons flows to armed groups in Sudan, Libya and Yemen. In Sudan, that means the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia, a force using foreign-supplied weapons while committing abuses against Sudanese civilians and captives. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

52,065 просмотров • 3 месяцев назад

🎥🧵 في هذا الخيط سأشارك مقاطع توثّق الانتهاكات التي ارتكبتها مليشيا الدعم السريع (الجنجويد) المدعومة من الإمارات في السودان، وفي الفاشر بشكل خاص. ✨ دوافع هذا الخيط: 📌 هذه المقاطع مترجمة إلى الإنجليزية، حتى تُستخدم في التوثيق والمناصرة أمام الرأي العام وصنّاع القرار. 📌 هناك محاولات لتصوير ما حدث في الفاشر كتصرفات فردية، وليست جرائم ممنهجة ترتكبها مليشيا منظمة ومدعومة. 📌 تحاول حملات التضليل استخدام صور ومقاطع مزيّفة للترويج لفكرة أن شيئاً لم يحدث في الفاشر، متجاهلةً الأدلة القاطعة التي وثّقتها جامعة ييل عبر صور الأقمار الصناعية. 📌 أي مقاطع إضافية موثوقة سيتم ترجمتها وإضافتها إلى هذا الخيط لاحقاً. 🔹 معظم هذه المقاطع مأخوذة من صفحة Sudanese Echo، يُرجى متابعتهم للمزيد من التوثيقات والمحتوى المترجم. 🔁 الرجاء اقتباس هذا المنشور وحفظه في العلامات المرجعية لمتابعة التحديثات. ⚠️ هذا خيط مستمر، يرجى القراءة وإعادة النشر والمشاركة بدلاً من الرد حتى يبقى واضحاً. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 🎥🧵 In this thread, I will share videos documenting violations committed by the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) in Sudan, especially in El Fasher. ✨ Why this thread matters: 📌 These clips are translated into English so they can be used for documentation and advocacy with the international public and decision makers. 📌 There are ongoing attempts to frame what happened in El Fasher as isolated acts by individuals, rather than systematic crimes by an organized, supported militia. 📌Disinformation campaigns use fake visuals to claim nothing happened in El Fasher, ignoring the conclusive satellite imagery verified by Yale University. (not the fake version that was circulated) 📌 Any additional verified videos will be translated and added to this thread. 🔹 Most of these videos are taken from Sudanese Echo — please follow the account for more documented and translated content. 🔁 Please quote this post and bookmark it to follow future updates. ⚠️ This is a continuous thread, please read, repost, and share rather than reply so it stays clear. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ فيديو يكشف أوامر مليشيا الدعم السريع (الجنجويد) المدعومة من الإمارات: عبد الرحيم دقلو يأمر جنوده بقتل الجميع "لا أريد أسيراً حياً في الفاشر" في الأيام الأخيرة، ظهرت مئات المقاطع التي توثّق الفظائع التي ارتكبتها مليشيا الدعم السريع (الجنجويد) المدعومة من الإمارات بعد دخولها مدينة الفاشر. وتشير التقديرات إلى مقتل آلاف المدنيين، حتى أن صور الأقمار الصناعية أظهرت بقع دماء داكنة يمكن رؤيتها من الفضاء. عدة مقاطع أظهرت قائداً في المليشيا يُعرف باسم أبو لولو وهو ينفّذ إعدامات ميدانية بحق العشرات من المدنيين بدم بارد. وبعد تصاعد الغضب الدولي، حاولت المليشيا الإيحاء بأن أبا لولو تصرّف بمفرده، لكن عشرات المقاطع الأخرى أظهرت مئات من عناصر المليشيا وهم يرتكبون الجرائم ذاتها وأفظع منها، مما يؤكد أن ما جرى ليس تجاوزات فردية، بل نمط ممنهج من الإبادة. ظهر في الأيام الأخيرة مقطع جديد لـ عبد الرحيم حمدان دقلو، النائب لقائد مليشيا الدعم السريع وشقيق قائدها محمد حمدان دقلو (حميدتي)، وهو يخاطب جنوده قبل دخول الفاشر، موجهاً إليهم أمراً واضحاً بعدم أخذ أي أسير حي، أي بقتل كل من يعترض طريقهم. وفي مقطع آخر منفصل، يظهر جنود المليشيا وهم يردّدون كلماته حرفياً: "بعد 72 ساعة سندخل الفاشر، لا نريد أسيراً حياً." هذه المقاطع تترك الحقيقة عارية أمام الجميع: الجرائم في الفاشر لم تكن تصرّفات فردية ولا أخطاء عشوائية، بل أوامر صريحة من أعلى القيادات. فمليشيا الدعم السريع (الجنجويد) تعمل بعقلية الإبادة ذاتها التي وسمت جرائمها في دارفور مطلع الألفية. الفارق الوحيد هذه المرة أنها عادت بأسلحة ومعدّات وتمويل متطور قدّمته دولة الإمارات العربية المتحدة، مما جعل جرائمها تتسع وتزداد بشاعة، لتشمل معظم مناطق السودان وتزرع الموت والرعب في كل مدينة وقرية. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Recent Video Exposes UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia Orders: Abdelrahim Dagalo Commands His Fighters to Kill Everyone, “No Prisoners Alive in El Fasher” In recent days, hundreds of videos have surfaced documenting the atrocities committed by the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) after entering the city of El Fasher. Estimates indicate that thousands of civilians have been killed, with satellite images showing dark pools of blood visible even from space. Several videos showed a militia commander known as Abu Lulu carrying out field executions of dozens of civilians in cold blood. Following the international backlash, the militia attempted to portray Abu Lulu as a rogue element acting on his own. However, dozens of other videos have shown hundreds of militia members committing the same crimes and even worse, proving that these were not isolated acts but part of a systematic campaign of extermination. A recent video has also surfaced showing Abdelrahim Hamdan Dagalo, the deputy commander of the Rapid Support Militia and brother of its leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hemedti), addressing his fighters before the assault on El Fasher. In the video, Dagalo clearly instructs his troops not to take any prisoners alive, effectively ordering them to kill everyone in their path. In another separate clip, fighters from the same militia can be heard echoing his words: "72 hours to El Fasher, no prisoners alive." These videos strip away any pretense or denial. The crimes in El Fasher were not random excesses or individual mistakes but direct orders from the top leadership. The Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) continues to operate with the same genocidal mindset that defined its atrocities in Darfur in the early 2000s. The only difference this time is that it returned with advanced weapons, equipment, and funding provided by the United Arab Emirates, making its crimes even more horrifying and widespread, engulfing nearly all parts of Sudan with death and terror.
0:46

🎥🧵 في هذا الخيط سأشارك مقاطع توثّق الانتهاكات التي ارتكبتها مليشيا الدعم السريع (الجنجويد) المدعومة من الإمارات في السودان، وفي الفاشر بشكل خاص. ✨ دوافع هذا الخيط: 📌 هذه المقاطع مترجمة إلى الإنجليزية، حتى تُستخدم في التوثيق والمناصرة أمام الرأي العام وصنّاع القرار. 📌 هناك محاولات لتصوير ما حدث في الفاشر كتصرفات فردية، وليست جرائم ممنهجة ترتكبها مليشيا منظمة ومدعومة. 📌 تحاول حملات التضليل استخدام صور ومقاطع مزيّفة للترويج لفكرة أن شيئاً لم يحدث في الفاشر، متجاهلةً الأدلة القاطعة التي وثّقتها جامعة ييل عبر صور الأقمار الصناعية. 📌 أي مقاطع إضافية موثوقة سيتم ترجمتها وإضافتها إلى هذا الخيط لاحقاً. 🔹 معظم هذه المقاطع مأخوذة من صفحة Sudanese Echo، يُرجى متابعتهم للمزيد من التوثيقات والمحتوى المترجم. 🔁 الرجاء اقتباس هذا المنشور وحفظه في العلامات المرجعية لمتابعة التحديثات. ⚠️ هذا خيط مستمر، يرجى القراءة وإعادة النشر والمشاركة بدلاً من الرد حتى يبقى واضحاً. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 🎥🧵 In this thread, I will share videos documenting violations committed by the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) in Sudan, especially in El Fasher. ✨ Why this thread matters: 📌 These clips are translated into English so they can be used for documentation and advocacy with the international public and decision makers. 📌 There are ongoing attempts to frame what happened in El Fasher as isolated acts by individuals, rather than systematic crimes by an organized, supported militia. 📌Disinformation campaigns use fake visuals to claim nothing happened in El Fasher, ignoring the conclusive satellite imagery verified by Yale University. (not the fake version that was circulated) 📌 Any additional verified videos will be translated and added to this thread. 🔹 Most of these videos are taken from Sudanese Echo — please follow the account for more documented and translated content. 🔁 Please quote this post and bookmark it to follow future updates. ⚠️ This is a continuous thread, please read, repost, and share rather than reply so it stays clear. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ فيديو يكشف أوامر مليشيا الدعم السريع (الجنجويد) المدعومة من الإمارات: عبد الرحيم دقلو يأمر جنوده بقتل الجميع "لا أريد أسيراً حياً في الفاشر" في الأيام الأخيرة، ظهرت مئات المقاطع التي توثّق الفظائع التي ارتكبتها مليشيا الدعم السريع (الجنجويد) المدعومة من الإمارات بعد دخولها مدينة الفاشر. وتشير التقديرات إلى مقتل آلاف المدنيين، حتى أن صور الأقمار الصناعية أظهرت بقع دماء داكنة يمكن رؤيتها من الفضاء. عدة مقاطع أظهرت قائداً في المليشيا يُعرف باسم أبو لولو وهو ينفّذ إعدامات ميدانية بحق العشرات من المدنيين بدم بارد. وبعد تصاعد الغضب الدولي، حاولت المليشيا الإيحاء بأن أبا لولو تصرّف بمفرده، لكن عشرات المقاطع الأخرى أظهرت مئات من عناصر المليشيا وهم يرتكبون الجرائم ذاتها وأفظع منها، مما يؤكد أن ما جرى ليس تجاوزات فردية، بل نمط ممنهج من الإبادة. ظهر في الأيام الأخيرة مقطع جديد لـ عبد الرحيم حمدان دقلو، النائب لقائد مليشيا الدعم السريع وشقيق قائدها محمد حمدان دقلو (حميدتي)، وهو يخاطب جنوده قبل دخول الفاشر، موجهاً إليهم أمراً واضحاً بعدم أخذ أي أسير حي، أي بقتل كل من يعترض طريقهم. وفي مقطع آخر منفصل، يظهر جنود المليشيا وهم يردّدون كلماته حرفياً: "بعد 72 ساعة سندخل الفاشر، لا نريد أسيراً حياً." هذه المقاطع تترك الحقيقة عارية أمام الجميع: الجرائم في الفاشر لم تكن تصرّفات فردية ولا أخطاء عشوائية، بل أوامر صريحة من أعلى القيادات. فمليشيا الدعم السريع (الجنجويد) تعمل بعقلية الإبادة ذاتها التي وسمت جرائمها في دارفور مطلع الألفية. الفارق الوحيد هذه المرة أنها عادت بأسلحة ومعدّات وتمويل متطور قدّمته دولة الإمارات العربية المتحدة، مما جعل جرائمها تتسع وتزداد بشاعة، لتشمل معظم مناطق السودان وتزرع الموت والرعب في كل مدينة وقرية. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Recent Video Exposes UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia Orders: Abdelrahim Dagalo Commands His Fighters to Kill Everyone, “No Prisoners Alive in El Fasher” In recent days, hundreds of videos have surfaced documenting the atrocities committed by the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) after entering the city of El Fasher. Estimates indicate that thousands of civilians have been killed, with satellite images showing dark pools of blood visible even from space. Several videos showed a militia commander known as Abu Lulu carrying out field executions of dozens of civilians in cold blood. Following the international backlash, the militia attempted to portray Abu Lulu as a rogue element acting on his own. However, dozens of other videos have shown hundreds of militia members committing the same crimes and even worse, proving that these were not isolated acts but part of a systematic campaign of extermination. A recent video has also surfaced showing Abdelrahim Hamdan Dagalo, the deputy commander of the Rapid Support Militia and brother of its leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hemedti), addressing his fighters before the assault on El Fasher. In the video, Dagalo clearly instructs his troops not to take any prisoners alive, effectively ordering them to kill everyone in their path. In another separate clip, fighters from the same militia can be heard echoing his words: "72 hours to El Fasher, no prisoners alive." These videos strip away any pretense or denial. The crimes in El Fasher were not random excesses or individual mistakes but direct orders from the top leadership. The Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) continues to operate with the same genocidal mindset that defined its atrocities in Darfur in the early 2000s. The only difference this time is that it returned with advanced weapons, equipment, and funding provided by the United Arab Emirates, making its crimes even more horrifying and widespread, engulfing nearly all parts of Sudan with death and terror.

Yousif

28,578 просмотров • 10 месяцев назад

🔴 فضيحة مدويه.. غسلهم على الهواء الكندي!😂 في مقابلة نارية مع قناة CBC، فضح الدبلوماسي الكندي السابق نيكولاس كوغلان تورّط الإمارات في تمويل وتسليح مليشيا الدعم السريع المسؤولة عن الإبادة الجماعية في دارفور. كوغلان قالها بوضوح: "الصور لا تكذب… جثث محترقة، مقابر جماعية، وجرائم تُرتكب بسلاحٍ إماراتي!" وأضاف أن الغرب يتعمّد التزام الصمت لأن الجاني "حليفٌ غنيّ ومؤثر". كما كشف عن شركتين كنديتين تُهرّب أسلحة عبر الإمارات إلى المليشيا، وطالب بتحقيقٍ فوري ومحاسبة المتورطين. وختم قائلاً: "اسأل أي ذكاءٍ اصطناعي عمّن يُمكّن الإبادة في دارفور… سيجيبك فوراً: الإمارات." 🔴 A shocking scandal on Canadian television! In a fiery interview with CBC News, former Canadian diplomat Nicholas Coghlan exposed the UAE’s involvement in funding and arming the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) responsible for the genocide in Darfur. Coghlan stated bluntly: “The images don’t lie… burned bodies, mass graves, and crimes committed with Emirati weapons!” He added that the West is deliberately staying silent because the perpetrator is “a wealthy and influential ally.” Coghlan also revealed the role of two Canadian companies that smuggle weapons through the UAE to the militia and called for an immediate investigation and accountability. He concluded: “Ask any AI today who is enabling genocide in Darfur… it will answer immediately: the UAE.” #السودان #دارفور #السيتي #الإمارات_تقتل_السودانيين #الإمارات_ترعى_الإرهاب #الدعم_السريع_منظمة_إرهابية #جرايم_الدعم_السريع_الارهابيه #UAE_supports_rapid_support #PremierLeague #Football #mancity #mcfc #manchestercityfc #manchestercityfans #cityzens
11:17

🔴 فضيحة مدويه.. غسلهم على الهواء الكندي!😂 في مقابلة نارية مع قناة CBC، فضح الدبلوماسي الكندي السابق نيكولاس كوغلان تورّط الإمارات في تمويل وتسليح مليشيا الدعم السريع المسؤولة عن الإبادة الجماعية في دارفور. كوغلان قالها بوضوح: "الصور لا تكذب… جثث محترقة، مقابر جماعية، وجرائم تُرتكب بسلاحٍ إماراتي!" وأضاف أن الغرب يتعمّد التزام الصمت لأن الجاني "حليفٌ غنيّ ومؤثر". كما كشف عن شركتين كنديتين تُهرّب أسلحة عبر الإمارات إلى المليشيا، وطالب بتحقيقٍ فوري ومحاسبة المتورطين. وختم قائلاً: "اسأل أي ذكاءٍ اصطناعي عمّن يُمكّن الإبادة في دارفور… سيجيبك فوراً: الإمارات." 🔴 A shocking scandal on Canadian television! In a fiery interview with CBC News, former Canadian diplomat Nicholas Coghlan exposed the UAE’s involvement in funding and arming the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) responsible for the genocide in Darfur. Coghlan stated bluntly: “The images don’t lie… burned bodies, mass graves, and crimes committed with Emirati weapons!” He added that the West is deliberately staying silent because the perpetrator is “a wealthy and influential ally.” Coghlan also revealed the role of two Canadian companies that smuggle weapons through the UAE to the militia and called for an immediate investigation and accountability. He concluded: “Ask any AI today who is enabling genocide in Darfur… it will answer immediately: the UAE.” #السودان #دارفور #السيتي #الإمارات_تقتل_السودانيين #الإمارات_ترعى_الإرهاب #الدعم_السريع_منظمة_إرهابية #جرايم_الدعم_السريع_الارهابيه #UAE_supports_rapid_support #PremierLeague #Football #mancity #mcfc #manchestercityfc #manchestercityfans #cityzens

الضغط العالي⚡️

105,327 просмотров • 10 месяцев назад

UAE’s Shadow War: How Bosaso Became the Hidden Nerve Center Supplying Sudan’s Rapid Support Militia In its investigative report titled “Exclusive: Inside the UAE’s secret Sudan war operation at Somalia’s Bosaso,” published by Middle East Eye and authored by Bashir Mohamed Caato, shocking evidence is presented of how the United Arab Emirates has turned the Somali port city of Bosaso into a covert logistics hub for its secret war in Sudan. The report exposes an extensive network of cargo flights, armed mercenaries, and military facilities that together sustain the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed), accused of mass atrocities in Darfur and particularly in the city of El-Fasher. The investigation reveals that heavy transport aircraft, mainly of the Russian-made IL-76 model, have been landing regularly at Bosaso Airport carrying large shipments labeled as “hazardous.” These cargos originate from the UAE and are immediately transferred onto other planes bound for Sudan through neighboring states. According to local military officials, the size and volume of these shipments far exceed any regional requirements, confirming that Bosaso serves as a key transit point for arming the Janjaweed. Over the past two years, more than 500,000 containers marked as dangerous have passed through Bosaso Port under Emirati supervision. The report cites local sources describing how these operations are conducted under extreme secrecy, with the Puntland Maritime Police Force deployed to seal off the area and prevent any photography. The contents of these shipments are never documented, and their destination remains undisclosed, indicating a deliberate effort to conceal the flow of weapons. The report also uncovers the presence of Colombian mercenaries operating from a fortified camp north of the airport. Exclusive photographs obtained by Middle East Eye show dozens of them arriving at Bosaso, carrying backpacks and heading directly to the camp. Witnesses confirm that these mercenaries travel through Bosaso almost daily en route to Sudan, where they fight alongside the Rapid Support Militia. Within their compound, they have built a private hospital used to treat wounded Janjaweed fighters before flying them to other destinations for further care. Adding to the militarization of the area, the UAE has installed a French-made radar system near Bosaso Airport to secure its operations against potential threats. This base forms part of a broader network of Emirati military outposts stretching across the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea, including the islands of Mayun, Abd al-Kuri, and Samhah, as well as the ports of Berbera in Somaliland and Mocha in Yemen—all strategically positioned under nominal local control but effectively serving Abu Dhabi’s regional agenda. The investigation highlights the political dimension of these operations. Although Somalia’s federal government in Mogadishu maintains nominal control over Somali airspace, it has no authority over Bosaso’s port or airport. The Puntland administration, led by Said Abdullahi Deni, is portrayed as a close ally of the UAE, benefiting from its financial and military assistance while acting independently of the central government. Analysts warn that this relationship undermines Somali sovereignty and risks entangling the country in regional conflicts driven by Emirati ambitions. Experts interviewed by Middle East Eye suggest that the UAE’s involvement in Sudan is motivated by its desire to control gold resources and expand its geopolitical influence across the Horn of Africa. Academic Martin Plaut described Puntland as “one of the least monitored regions in the world,” making it a convenient location for clandestine Emirati activity. The report concludes with grave implications: by using Bosaso as a covert supply hub, the UAE is enabling a militia accused of genocide and crimes against humanity in Sudan. The International Criminal Court has already stated that it has reasonable grounds to believe such crimes are being committed, and legal experts warn that Puntland’s authorities could face accountability for complicity. Middle East Eye’s investigation thus unveils the dark architecture of Abu Dhabi’s hidden war—a network of secret flights, mercenaries, and smuggled weapons linking the sands of Puntland to the blood-soaked streets of Darfur. To read the full article: #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
0:48

UAE’s Shadow War: How Bosaso Became the Hidden Nerve Center Supplying Sudan’s Rapid Support Militia In its investigative report titled “Exclusive: Inside the UAE’s secret Sudan war operation at Somalia’s Bosaso,” published by Middle East Eye and authored by Bashir Mohamed Caato, shocking evidence is presented of how the United Arab Emirates has turned the Somali port city of Bosaso into a covert logistics hub for its secret war in Sudan. The report exposes an extensive network of cargo flights, armed mercenaries, and military facilities that together sustain the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed), accused of mass atrocities in Darfur and particularly in the city of El-Fasher. The investigation reveals that heavy transport aircraft, mainly of the Russian-made IL-76 model, have been landing regularly at Bosaso Airport carrying large shipments labeled as “hazardous.” These cargos originate from the UAE and are immediately transferred onto other planes bound for Sudan through neighboring states. According to local military officials, the size and volume of these shipments far exceed any regional requirements, confirming that Bosaso serves as a key transit point for arming the Janjaweed. Over the past two years, more than 500,000 containers marked as dangerous have passed through Bosaso Port under Emirati supervision. The report cites local sources describing how these operations are conducted under extreme secrecy, with the Puntland Maritime Police Force deployed to seal off the area and prevent any photography. The contents of these shipments are never documented, and their destination remains undisclosed, indicating a deliberate effort to conceal the flow of weapons. The report also uncovers the presence of Colombian mercenaries operating from a fortified camp north of the airport. Exclusive photographs obtained by Middle East Eye show dozens of them arriving at Bosaso, carrying backpacks and heading directly to the camp. Witnesses confirm that these mercenaries travel through Bosaso almost daily en route to Sudan, where they fight alongside the Rapid Support Militia. Within their compound, they have built a private hospital used to treat wounded Janjaweed fighters before flying them to other destinations for further care. Adding to the militarization of the area, the UAE has installed a French-made radar system near Bosaso Airport to secure its operations against potential threats. This base forms part of a broader network of Emirati military outposts stretching across the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea, including the islands of Mayun, Abd al-Kuri, and Samhah, as well as the ports of Berbera in Somaliland and Mocha in Yemen—all strategically positioned under nominal local control but effectively serving Abu Dhabi’s regional agenda. The investigation highlights the political dimension of these operations. Although Somalia’s federal government in Mogadishu maintains nominal control over Somali airspace, it has no authority over Bosaso’s port or airport. The Puntland administration, led by Said Abdullahi Deni, is portrayed as a close ally of the UAE, benefiting from its financial and military assistance while acting independently of the central government. Analysts warn that this relationship undermines Somali sovereignty and risks entangling the country in regional conflicts driven by Emirati ambitions. Experts interviewed by Middle East Eye suggest that the UAE’s involvement in Sudan is motivated by its desire to control gold resources and expand its geopolitical influence across the Horn of Africa. Academic Martin Plaut described Puntland as “one of the least monitored regions in the world,” making it a convenient location for clandestine Emirati activity. The report concludes with grave implications: by using Bosaso as a covert supply hub, the UAE is enabling a militia accused of genocide and crimes against humanity in Sudan. The International Criminal Court has already stated that it has reasonable grounds to believe such crimes are being committed, and legal experts warn that Puntland’s authorities could face accountability for complicity. Middle East Eye’s investigation thus unveils the dark architecture of Abu Dhabi’s hidden war—a network of secret flights, mercenaries, and smuggled weapons linking the sands of Puntland to the blood-soaked streets of Darfur. To read the full article: #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

24,267 просмотров • 10 месяцев назад

Is Ethiopia a UAE Colony? Former Ethiopian Diplomat Says Abu Dhabi Controls Addis Ababa and Uses Ethiopian Territory to Supply the Rapid Support Militia Former Ethiopian diplomat Mohamed Hassan has described Ethiopia as a de facto colony of the United Arab Emirates, alleging that Abu Dhabi has captured the country’s political decision-making through financial influence, gold smuggling and proxy warfare. “In fact, the United Arab Emirates is the decision-maker in Addis Ababa,” Hassan said in an exclusive interview with Sovereign Media’s Ahmed Kaballo. The veteran Marxist thinker argued that the UAE has used its vast financial resources to buy the loyalty of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, turning him into what Hassan called a “puppet” who advances Emirati interests across the region. Hassan said this relationship serves two principal Emirati strategies. The first centres on extracting Sudan’s resources and expanding Abu Dhabi’s control over strategic ports, a policy he described as “port imperialism”. According to Hassan, the UAE oversees large-scale operations to smuggle gold from Sudan’s extensive reserves, routing the stolen wealth through states under its influence, including Ethiopia and Chad, before it reaches Abu Dhabi. The second strategy, he said, involves using Ethiopian territory to sustain the war against Sudan. Hassan alleged that Abiy Ahmed’s government trains fighters from the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia inside Ethiopia and facilitates the movement of weapons and mercenaries across the border to support the militia’s war against Sudan and its people. Hassan’s allegations come amid growing evidence of Ethiopian involvement in supporting the militia. In February 2026, Reuters revealed a covert training camp in Ethiopia’s Benishangul-Gumuz region, about 32 kilometres from the Sudanese border. An Ethiopian security document reviewed by the agency said 4,300 fighters were training there and receiving logistical and military supplies from the UAE, while a diplomatic cable put the camp’s capacity at up to 10,000. Eight sources said Abu Dhabi financed the facility and provided trainers and logistical support, although Reuters could not independently verify the Emirati financing. In April, Middle East Eye reported that satellite imagery showed an Ethiopian army base in Asosa connected to UAE supply lines and facilitating support for the militia. Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab subsequently documented continued activity consistent with military assistance at the base. Its latest alert, published on 28 August 2026, identified about 100 newly arrived light technical vehicles, 15 vehicles consistent with armoured personnel carriers, cargo containers and transport trucks. Yale assessed that the assembled vehicles could transport between 750 and 1,000 personnel and warned that the buildup increased the threat of a significant and imminent militia attack on Ad-Damazin, the capital of Sudan’s Blue Nile State. Sudan has also accused Ethiopia of allowing long-range drones to operate from its territory. In May, the Sudanese Armed Forces said evidence recovered from a downed drone linked attacks on Khartoum and other Sudanese cities to Ethiopia’s Bahir Dar airport and the UAE. Reuters could not independently verify the allegation. Ethiopia dismissed it as baseless, while the UAE has denied supporting the militia or participating in Sudan’s war. Hassan linked this foreign domination to Ethiopia’s deepening domestic crisis, arguing that Abiy Ahmed is steadily losing control of the country. “Of course, Abiy Ahmed is losing most parts of the country. The whole northern Ethiopia is out of his hand. Probably he might even collapse very soon,” Hassan told Kaballo. He also blamed Abiy Ahmed, along with previous governments, for the systematic deterioration of Ethiopia’s state institutions and education system. Hassan cited a World Bank report which, he said, places Ethiopia’s human capital among the worst in Africa. He also referred to figures he attributed to Ethiopia’s Ministry of Education indicating that 42 per cent of graduates are unable to find employment. Hassan’s remarks present a stark Ethiopian critique of Abu Dhabi’s growing regional power. His account describes an arrangement built on financial capture, resource extraction, strategic ports and the use of Ethiopian territory to channel weapons and mercenaries to the Rapid Support Militia, leaving the Sudanese and Ethiopian people to bear the consequences. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
3:19

Is Ethiopia a UAE Colony? Former Ethiopian Diplomat Says Abu Dhabi Controls Addis Ababa and Uses Ethiopian Territory to Supply the Rapid Support Militia Former Ethiopian diplomat Mohamed Hassan has described Ethiopia as a de facto colony of the United Arab Emirates, alleging that Abu Dhabi has captured the country’s political decision-making through financial influence, gold smuggling and proxy warfare. “In fact, the United Arab Emirates is the decision-maker in Addis Ababa,” Hassan said in an exclusive interview with Sovereign Media’s Ahmed Kaballo. The veteran Marxist thinker argued that the UAE has used its vast financial resources to buy the loyalty of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, turning him into what Hassan called a “puppet” who advances Emirati interests across the region. Hassan said this relationship serves two principal Emirati strategies. The first centres on extracting Sudan’s resources and expanding Abu Dhabi’s control over strategic ports, a policy he described as “port imperialism”. According to Hassan, the UAE oversees large-scale operations to smuggle gold from Sudan’s extensive reserves, routing the stolen wealth through states under its influence, including Ethiopia and Chad, before it reaches Abu Dhabi. The second strategy, he said, involves using Ethiopian territory to sustain the war against Sudan. Hassan alleged that Abiy Ahmed’s government trains fighters from the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia inside Ethiopia and facilitates the movement of weapons and mercenaries across the border to support the militia’s war against Sudan and its people. Hassan’s allegations come amid growing evidence of Ethiopian involvement in supporting the militia. In February 2026, Reuters revealed a covert training camp in Ethiopia’s Benishangul-Gumuz region, about 32 kilometres from the Sudanese border. An Ethiopian security document reviewed by the agency said 4,300 fighters were training there and receiving logistical and military supplies from the UAE, while a diplomatic cable put the camp’s capacity at up to 10,000. Eight sources said Abu Dhabi financed the facility and provided trainers and logistical support, although Reuters could not independently verify the Emirati financing. In April, Middle East Eye reported that satellite imagery showed an Ethiopian army base in Asosa connected to UAE supply lines and facilitating support for the militia. Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab subsequently documented continued activity consistent with military assistance at the base. Its latest alert, published on 28 August 2026, identified about 100 newly arrived light technical vehicles, 15 vehicles consistent with armoured personnel carriers, cargo containers and transport trucks. Yale assessed that the assembled vehicles could transport between 750 and 1,000 personnel and warned that the buildup increased the threat of a significant and imminent militia attack on Ad-Damazin, the capital of Sudan’s Blue Nile State. Sudan has also accused Ethiopia of allowing long-range drones to operate from its territory. In May, the Sudanese Armed Forces said evidence recovered from a downed drone linked attacks on Khartoum and other Sudanese cities to Ethiopia’s Bahir Dar airport and the UAE. Reuters could not independently verify the allegation. Ethiopia dismissed it as baseless, while the UAE has denied supporting the militia or participating in Sudan’s war. Hassan linked this foreign domination to Ethiopia’s deepening domestic crisis, arguing that Abiy Ahmed is steadily losing control of the country. “Of course, Abiy Ahmed is losing most parts of the country. The whole northern Ethiopia is out of his hand. Probably he might even collapse very soon,” Hassan told Kaballo. He also blamed Abiy Ahmed, along with previous governments, for the systematic deterioration of Ethiopia’s state institutions and education system. Hassan cited a World Bank report which, he said, places Ethiopia’s human capital among the worst in Africa. He also referred to figures he attributed to Ethiopia’s Ministry of Education indicating that 42 per cent of graduates are unable to find employment. Hassan’s remarks present a stark Ethiopian critique of Abu Dhabi’s growing regional power. His account describes an arrangement built on financial capture, resource extraction, strategic ports and the use of Ethiopian territory to channel weapons and mercenaries to the Rapid Support Militia, leaving the Sudanese and Ethiopian people to bear the consequences. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

13,452 просмотров • 20 дней назад

The UAE was one of only two countries (along with Turkey) that called yesterday's deadly terror attack in Sydney what it was, Anti-Semitism. No other country mentioned that Jews were the targets and were murdered simply for being Jews. But the UAE's clear-eyed condemnation didn't end with the Foreign Ministry. Numerous Emirati commentators and influencers took to social media, voicing warm support for the Jewish community and stating what should be obvious to everyone: These Anti-Semitic attacks are not random or isolated incidents. They are part of a wider global pattern driven by radical political Islamism pushed by the Muslim Brotherhood, and must be condemned by all. These are their words. As a Jewish Israeli, it is encouraging to see one of our not-so-distant neighbors voice such unwavering support, especially when almost everyone else remains silent, ignores, and even hides the true nature and cause of the increasingly deadly attacks against Jews. In these trying times, I was genuinely moved by this wave of Emirati support for the Jewish community during one of its darkest moments in recent memory. Below, I will post the full clips of five Emirati commentators who posted such videos shortly after the terror attack. There were others who posted too. Mariam Almazrouie AQ Almenhali Majed أحمد شريف العامري Rauda Altenaiji
1:23

The UAE was one of only two countries (along with Turkey) that called yesterday's deadly terror attack in Sydney what it was, Anti-Semitism. No other country mentioned that Jews were the targets and were murdered simply for being Jews. But the UAE's clear-eyed condemnation didn't end with the Foreign Ministry. Numerous Emirati commentators and influencers took to social media, voicing warm support for the Jewish community and stating what should be obvious to everyone: These Anti-Semitic attacks are not random or isolated incidents. They are part of a wider global pattern driven by radical political Islamism pushed by the Muslim Brotherhood, and must be condemned by all. These are their words. As a Jewish Israeli, it is encouraging to see one of our not-so-distant neighbors voice such unwavering support, especially when almost everyone else remains silent, ignores, and even hides the true nature and cause of the increasingly deadly attacks against Jews. In these trying times, I was genuinely moved by this wave of Emirati support for the Jewish community during one of its darkest moments in recent memory. Below, I will post the full clips of five Emirati commentators who posted such videos shortly after the terror attack. There were others who posted too. Mariam Almazrouie AQ Almenhali Majed أحمد شريف العامري Rauda Altenaiji

Ariel Oseran أريئل أوسيران

90,142 просмотров • 9 месяцев назад

Al-Rahad Abu Dakkana: Another Chapter in the Rapid Support Forces Terrorist Militia’s Crimes Against Civilians Using UAE-Supplied Death Drones Eight civilians were killed and 27 others injured, including women, after the Rapid Support Forces terrorist militia launched a drone attack on the city of Al-Rahad Abu Dakkana in North Kordofan on Monday morning. The strikes also targeted several essential service facilities, while footage documented a direct hit on a civilian vehicle. The attack reflects the daily reality facing Sudanese communities, as militia drones pursue civilians across towns and villages and strike vehicles, water facilities, power infrastructure and medical services. The assault adds another chapter to the militia’s long record of atrocities against civilians. In El Geneina, it carried out large-scale ethnically targeted massacres and buried victims in mass graves. In Khartoum, it turned residential neighbourhoods into scenes of killing, rape, abduction and looting, leaving behind destroyed homes and mass graves. The militia also overran villages across Al Jazirah State, killing residents, burning homes and looting property, before besieging El Fasher and attacking markets, hospitals and displacement camps through bombardment and starvation. The United Nations Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan concluded that the militia’s crimes in El Fasher bore the “hallmarks of genocide” and that genocidal intent was the only reasonable inference from its systematic targeting of the Fur and Zaghawa communities. The United Nations has warned that the expanding use of drones is causing rising civilian casualties and spreading the war into new areas. According to the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, drone strikes killed at least 880 civilians between January and April 2026, accounting for more than 80 percent of the civilian deaths documented by its office during that period. The UN also described attacks on markets, schools, hospitals and essential infrastructure as a recurring pattern, and warned that increasingly powerful drones were being used to deliver wide-area explosive weapons into populated areas. These aerial capabilities were not developed by the militia inside Sudan. They reached it through external supply networks, amid mounting international evidence and investigations documenting the UAE’s continued arming of the militia and provision of capabilities used to kill and terrorise Sudanese civilians. The continuation of these crimes exposes a profound international moral failure, in which economic and security interests tied to the UAE are given greater weight than Sudanese lives. This reality was reinforced by Nathaniel Raymond, Executive Director of the Humanitarian Research Lab at the Yale School of Public Health and a specialist in documenting mass atrocities and abuses against civilians. In testimony before the UK House of Commons International Development Committee, Raymond described the British government’s approach to Sudan as a case of “policy capture”, driven by fears of damaging relations with Abu Dhabi. He also spoke of Emirati pressure and threats directed at London when the issue of the UAE’s support for the militia was raised. Asked whether the British government had used all the tools available to prevent atrocities, he replied unequivocally: “No, absolutely not.” His testimony exposes the widening gap between international rhetoric on civilian protection and actual policy, as political and economic interests continue to obstruct accountability, enable the flow of weapons, and prolong the catastrophe endured by the Sudanese people. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
0:33

Al-Rahad Abu Dakkana: Another Chapter in the Rapid Support Forces Terrorist Militia’s Crimes Against Civilians Using UAE-Supplied Death Drones Eight civilians were killed and 27 others injured, including women, after the Rapid Support Forces terrorist militia launched a drone attack on the city of Al-Rahad Abu Dakkana in North Kordofan on Monday morning. The strikes also targeted several essential service facilities, while footage documented a direct hit on a civilian vehicle. The attack reflects the daily reality facing Sudanese communities, as militia drones pursue civilians across towns and villages and strike vehicles, water facilities, power infrastructure and medical services. The assault adds another chapter to the militia’s long record of atrocities against civilians. In El Geneina, it carried out large-scale ethnically targeted massacres and buried victims in mass graves. In Khartoum, it turned residential neighbourhoods into scenes of killing, rape, abduction and looting, leaving behind destroyed homes and mass graves. The militia also overran villages across Al Jazirah State, killing residents, burning homes and looting property, before besieging El Fasher and attacking markets, hospitals and displacement camps through bombardment and starvation. The United Nations Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan concluded that the militia’s crimes in El Fasher bore the “hallmarks of genocide” and that genocidal intent was the only reasonable inference from its systematic targeting of the Fur and Zaghawa communities. The United Nations has warned that the expanding use of drones is causing rising civilian casualties and spreading the war into new areas. According to the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, drone strikes killed at least 880 civilians between January and April 2026, accounting for more than 80 percent of the civilian deaths documented by its office during that period. The UN also described attacks on markets, schools, hospitals and essential infrastructure as a recurring pattern, and warned that increasingly powerful drones were being used to deliver wide-area explosive weapons into populated areas. These aerial capabilities were not developed by the militia inside Sudan. They reached it through external supply networks, amid mounting international evidence and investigations documenting the UAE’s continued arming of the militia and provision of capabilities used to kill and terrorise Sudanese civilians. The continuation of these crimes exposes a profound international moral failure, in which economic and security interests tied to the UAE are given greater weight than Sudanese lives. This reality was reinforced by Nathaniel Raymond, Executive Director of the Humanitarian Research Lab at the Yale School of Public Health and a specialist in documenting mass atrocities and abuses against civilians. In testimony before the UK House of Commons International Development Committee, Raymond described the British government’s approach to Sudan as a case of “policy capture”, driven by fears of damaging relations with Abu Dhabi. He also spoke of Emirati pressure and threats directed at London when the issue of the UAE’s support for the militia was raised. Asked whether the British government had used all the tools available to prevent atrocities, he replied unequivocally: “No, absolutely not.” His testimony exposes the widening gap between international rhetoric on civilian protection and actual policy, as political and economic interests continue to obstruct accountability, enable the flow of weapons, and prolong the catastrophe endured by the Sudanese people. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

15,768 просмотров • 2 месяцев назад

⭕️ Rubio Says RSF Atrocities Have Reached “Horrifying” Levels, Warns US Will Pressure States Arming the Militia US Secretary of State Marco Rubio delivered one of the Trump administration’s strongest public condemnations of Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), accusing the militia of systematically violating ceasefires, carrying out large-scale atrocities, and relying on foreign states to sustain its advance. Rubio said the central obstacle is simple: “The RSF agrees to things and then never follows through with it.” He stressed that the group has repeatedly announced humanitarian ceasefires “they don’t intend to comply with,” even as conditions on the ground collapse. He said Washington believes the RSF’s battlefield momentum is being fueled by outside funding and weapons. “Something needs to be done to cut off the weapons and the support the RSF is getting,” Rubio said, adding that “someone is giving them the money — we know who they are, and we’re going to talk to them about it.” He did not name specific countries, but said the US will not allow the four-nation “Quad” framework — the US, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE — to be used as “a shield that people hide behind and say, ‘Well, we’re involved with the Quad, we’re trying to solve it.’” Extensive reporting has documented the UAE’s ongoing role in channeling weapons and financing to the RSF. Rubio also signaled that the administration is open to new punitive steps. Asked about a bipartisan Senate push to designate the RSF a foreign terrorist organization, he said the US would support anything that helps halt the violence. Rubio described the humanitarian situation as far worse than publicly known. He said aid groups reported “unprecedented” levels of starvation and sexual violence, and noted that expected refugee flows never materialized — a sign many may be dead or too malnourished to move. “What’s happening there is horrifying,” he said. The war between the RSF and Sudan’s army began in 2023 after a power struggle inside Sudan’s failed transition. It has killed tens of thousands and displaced millions, with aid agencies warning the true toll is far higher than official figures.
4:37

⭕️ Rubio Says RSF Atrocities Have Reached “Horrifying” Levels, Warns US Will Pressure States Arming the Militia US Secretary of State Marco Rubio delivered one of the Trump administration’s strongest public condemnations of Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), accusing the militia of systematically violating ceasefires, carrying out large-scale atrocities, and relying on foreign states to sustain its advance. Rubio said the central obstacle is simple: “The RSF agrees to things and then never follows through with it.” He stressed that the group has repeatedly announced humanitarian ceasefires “they don’t intend to comply with,” even as conditions on the ground collapse. He said Washington believes the RSF’s battlefield momentum is being fueled by outside funding and weapons. “Something needs to be done to cut off the weapons and the support the RSF is getting,” Rubio said, adding that “someone is giving them the money — we know who they are, and we’re going to talk to them about it.” He did not name specific countries, but said the US will not allow the four-nation “Quad” framework — the US, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE — to be used as “a shield that people hide behind and say, ‘Well, we’re involved with the Quad, we’re trying to solve it.’” Extensive reporting has documented the UAE’s ongoing role in channeling weapons and financing to the RSF. Rubio also signaled that the administration is open to new punitive steps. Asked about a bipartisan Senate push to designate the RSF a foreign terrorist organization, he said the US would support anything that helps halt the violence. Rubio described the humanitarian situation as far worse than publicly known. He said aid groups reported “unprecedented” levels of starvation and sexual violence, and noted that expected refugee flows never materialized — a sign many may be dead or too malnourished to move. “What’s happening there is horrifying,” he said. The war between the RSF and Sudan’s army began in 2023 after a power struggle inside Sudan’s failed transition. It has killed tens of thousands and displaced millions, with aid agencies warning the true toll is far higher than official figures.

Drop Site

66,814 просмотров • 10 месяцев назад

Al-Harith Idriss Exposes UAE’s Role in Fueling War and Atrocities in Sudan Before the UN Security Council In a powerful and unprecedented right of reply before the United Nations Security Council, Sudan’s Permanent Representative, Ambassador Al-Harith Idriss, directly accused the United Arab Emirates of waging a proxy war against Sudan through its sponsorship of the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). His address came as a firm rebuttal to the statement made earlier by the UAE’s representative and laid bare the full extent of Abu Dhabi’s involvement in arming, funding, and coordinating attacks that have led to mass killings across Sudan, particularly in El Fasher. Al-Harith Idriss began his reply with a sharp assertion: “There is no civil war in Sudan. It is a war and aggression waged by the UAE through its regional proxy, the Rapid Support Militia.” He emphasized that attempts to frame the conflict as an internal power struggle between two sides are a deliberate distortion meant to conceal external aggression. The ambassador expressed astonishment that “a representative of a state whose hands are stained with the blood of innocents in Sudan” could address the Security Council as if speaking on behalf of peace and stability. “Hearing that representative talk about Sudan as though it were under Abu Dhabi’s guardianship is an insult to this Council and a mockery of the blood of the children, women, and orphans killed daily with Emirati money and weapons,” he said. Citing investigative reports by The Wall Street Journal, The Guardian, and Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab, Idriss detailed the UAE’s direct coordination with the militia. He described a sophisticated network linking military experts in eastern Libya with a satellite command center in Abu Dhabi, responsible for directing operations on Sudanese soil. According to these reports, shipments of weapons, armored vehicle engines, and advanced targeting systems—some manufactured in member states of the Security Council—have been transferred to the militia. Idriss noted that “Libyan television channels confirmed the presence of more than ten military aircraft flying daily between the UAE and eastern Libya between October 25 and 26, just before the militia’s latest assault on El Fasher.” The ambassador also referenced Yale’s Humanitarian Research Lab, which confirmed, through satellite imagery, that mass executions took place between October 26 and 28 at El Fasher’s Saudi Hospital. “All patients and staff were executed in horrific ways by the militia, and doctors and medical workers were abducted,” he said. Al-Harith Idriss condemned the UAE’s actions as “a blatant violation of the UN Charter, the Charter of the Arab League, and this Council’s resolutions, which prohibit support for terrorist and unlawful armed groups.” He questioned the hypocrisy of a state that “speaks of peace in this chamber while filling Sudan’s skies with planes and ammunition sent to those who kill women and children, loot cities, and rape girls.” The ambassador went further, accusing the UAE of attempting to fragment Sudan and control parts of its territory to plunder its resources and gold, warning that such ambitions would fail. “Sudan, which stood by the Emirati people since the founding of their state, will never forget that Abu Dhabi was among the first to betray that goodwill and conspire against Sudan’s unity and stability,” he declared. Defending the honor of the Sudanese Armed Forces, Idriss reminded the Council that Sudanese soldiers fought alongside the Allies and Britain in the battles of Eritrea, Ethiopia, and North Africa during both World Wars. “Is this proud institution now to be replaced by barbaric militias you have condemned this evening?” he asked. He concluded by warning that the UAE will be remembered in Sudan’s collective memory as a symbol of political treachery and moral decay. “The UAE’s representative should have been seated not under this dome, but among the ranks of the criminal militia his country has financed,” he said. Despite the devastation, Idriss reaffirmed the resilience of the Sudanese people, asserting that no money, weapons, or political complicity can break their will. “Sudan has faced colonialism, tyranny, and oppression—and triumphed over them all. Today, it will defeat the Emirati aggression just as it defeated every invader before,” he vowed. Al-Harith Idriss closed with words that echoed across the chamber: “Before this Emirati aggression, Sudan stands with one motto left — the honor of the rifle.” His statement was a reminder that Sudan’s struggle is one of sovereignty, dignity, and survival. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism
5:52

Al-Harith Idriss Exposes UAE’s Role in Fueling War and Atrocities in Sudan Before the UN Security Council In a powerful and unprecedented right of reply before the United Nations Security Council, Sudan’s Permanent Representative, Ambassador Al-Harith Idriss, directly accused the United Arab Emirates of waging a proxy war against Sudan through its sponsorship of the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed). His address came as a firm rebuttal to the statement made earlier by the UAE’s representative and laid bare the full extent of Abu Dhabi’s involvement in arming, funding, and coordinating attacks that have led to mass killings across Sudan, particularly in El Fasher. Al-Harith Idriss began his reply with a sharp assertion: “There is no civil war in Sudan. It is a war and aggression waged by the UAE through its regional proxy, the Rapid Support Militia.” He emphasized that attempts to frame the conflict as an internal power struggle between two sides are a deliberate distortion meant to conceal external aggression. The ambassador expressed astonishment that “a representative of a state whose hands are stained with the blood of innocents in Sudan” could address the Security Council as if speaking on behalf of peace and stability. “Hearing that representative talk about Sudan as though it were under Abu Dhabi’s guardianship is an insult to this Council and a mockery of the blood of the children, women, and orphans killed daily with Emirati money and weapons,” he said. Citing investigative reports by The Wall Street Journal, The Guardian, and Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab, Idriss detailed the UAE’s direct coordination with the militia. He described a sophisticated network linking military experts in eastern Libya with a satellite command center in Abu Dhabi, responsible for directing operations on Sudanese soil. According to these reports, shipments of weapons, armored vehicle engines, and advanced targeting systems—some manufactured in member states of the Security Council—have been transferred to the militia. Idriss noted that “Libyan television channels confirmed the presence of more than ten military aircraft flying daily between the UAE and eastern Libya between October 25 and 26, just before the militia’s latest assault on El Fasher.” The ambassador also referenced Yale’s Humanitarian Research Lab, which confirmed, through satellite imagery, that mass executions took place between October 26 and 28 at El Fasher’s Saudi Hospital. “All patients and staff were executed in horrific ways by the militia, and doctors and medical workers were abducted,” he said. Al-Harith Idriss condemned the UAE’s actions as “a blatant violation of the UN Charter, the Charter of the Arab League, and this Council’s resolutions, which prohibit support for terrorist and unlawful armed groups.” He questioned the hypocrisy of a state that “speaks of peace in this chamber while filling Sudan’s skies with planes and ammunition sent to those who kill women and children, loot cities, and rape girls.” The ambassador went further, accusing the UAE of attempting to fragment Sudan and control parts of its territory to plunder its resources and gold, warning that such ambitions would fail. “Sudan, which stood by the Emirati people since the founding of their state, will never forget that Abu Dhabi was among the first to betray that goodwill and conspire against Sudan’s unity and stability,” he declared. Defending the honor of the Sudanese Armed Forces, Idriss reminded the Council that Sudanese soldiers fought alongside the Allies and Britain in the battles of Eritrea, Ethiopia, and North Africa during both World Wars. “Is this proud institution now to be replaced by barbaric militias you have condemned this evening?” he asked. He concluded by warning that the UAE will be remembered in Sudan’s collective memory as a symbol of political treachery and moral decay. “The UAE’s representative should have been seated not under this dome, but among the ranks of the criminal militia his country has financed,” he said. Despite the devastation, Idriss reaffirmed the resilience of the Sudanese people, asserting that no money, weapons, or political complicity can break their will. “Sudan has faced colonialism, tyranny, and oppression—and triumphed over them all. Today, it will defeat the Emirati aggression just as it defeated every invader before,” he vowed. Al-Harith Idriss closed with words that echoed across the chamber: “Before this Emirati aggression, Sudan stands with one motto left — the honor of the rifle.” His statement was a reminder that Sudan’s struggle is one of sovereignty, dignity, and survival. #Sudan #RSFisTerroristOrganization #UAEKillsSudanesePeople #UAESponsorsTerrorism

Sudanese Echo

28,412 просмотров • 10 месяцев назад

🇸🇩🧵We’re kicking off a detailed thread to help you catch up on the catastrophic violence and humanitarian crisis unfolding in Sudan. If you haven’t been following closely, this will give you the essential context. ➤ Up to 400,000 people have been killed since the civil war broke out in April 2023, including an estimated 60,000 in El Fasher in the Darfur region, in just three weeks after its fall in late October 2025. (Yale Humanitarian Research Lab) ➤ Right now, about 21 million people in Sudan face acute hunger, with roughly 375,000 at famine levels, with some 13 million people displaced. (IPC) ➤ The United States plays a key role. It has enormous leverage over the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which is the chief external backer of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF)—one of the two main warring parties in Sudan. ➤ But experts and rights groups note the Trump administration is not using that leverage at all. In recent State Department briefings, Sec. Rubio and senior Africa officials have refused to even utter the name of the country. By not pressuring the UAE to halt its support, the U.S. is allowing the mass slaughter – “very likely genocide” according to HRW – to continue unabated. Follow along as we break down the key aspects of the crisis and what’s driving the violence. 👇 —— 🔴 Video Clip: Nicole Widdersheim of Human Rights Watch, her voice audibly breaking, describes atrocities against civilians in Sudan that are now “on par, if possibly not worse,” than those during the Darfur genocide two decades ago. (U.S. House Committee on December 11, 2025)
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🇸🇩🧵We’re kicking off a detailed thread to help you catch up on the catastrophic violence and humanitarian crisis unfolding in Sudan. If you haven’t been following closely, this will give you the essential context. ➤ Up to 400,000 people have been killed since the civil war broke out in April 2023, including an estimated 60,000 in El Fasher in the Darfur region, in just three weeks after its fall in late October 2025. (Yale Humanitarian Research Lab) ➤ Right now, about 21 million people in Sudan face acute hunger, with roughly 375,000 at famine levels, with some 13 million people displaced. (IPC) ➤ The United States plays a key role. It has enormous leverage over the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which is the chief external backer of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF)—one of the two main warring parties in Sudan. ➤ But experts and rights groups note the Trump administration is not using that leverage at all. In recent State Department briefings, Sec. Rubio and senior Africa officials have refused to even utter the name of the country. By not pressuring the UAE to halt its support, the U.S. is allowing the mass slaughter – “very likely genocide” according to HRW – to continue unabated. Follow along as we break down the key aspects of the crisis and what’s driving the violence. 👇 —— 🔴 Video Clip: Nicole Widdersheim of Human Rights Watch, her voice audibly breaking, describes atrocities against civilians in Sudan that are now “on par, if possibly not worse,” than those during the Darfur genocide two decades ago. (U.S. House Committee on December 11, 2025)

Drop Site

96,177 просмотров • 9 месяцев назад

من واشنطن: السودان | استخدام الجيش السوداني لأسلحة كيميائية ضد الدعم السريع تتوالى الفضائح…هذه المرة فضيحة مدوية نشطاء سعوديون يحاولوا توريط قطر في حين يرد القطريون الصفعة صفعتين بينما الإماراتيون ينئون بأنفسهم عن التراشق ويكتفون ب "حنا لحمتنا مرة" كشف تحقيق صحفي بارز نشرته صحيفتا "نيويورك تايمز" و"واشنطن بوست" عن قيام القوات المسلحة السودانية بنشر مخزون يضم ٢٩٠ قنبلة من العوامل الكيميائية المقيدة القائمة على الكلور، واستخدامها في هجوم ضد قوات الدعم السريع.وتخوض القوات المسلحة السودانية، المعروفة بعلاقاتها القوية مع جماعة الإخوان المسلمين—المصنفة كمنظمة إرهابية من قبل إدارة ترامب—حربا أهلية طويلة ضد غريمتها قوات الدعم السريع المدعومة من دولة الإمارات. ويسلط التقرير الضوء على شبكة واسعة من الوثائق التي تفصل التدخل المتصارع للقوى الإقليمية. وفي أعقاب هذه الفضيحة المدوية، اندلعت حرب اتهامات دبلوماسية؛ حيث وجه المدافعون عن السعودية أصابع الاتهام إلى قطر، زاعمين وجود دافع لديها لدعم الإخوان المسلمين، في حين رد المدافعون عن قطر باتهام السعودية، معتبرين أن الرياض تملك الدافع المباشر نظرا لدعمها العلني للجيش السوداني وتحالفها السري المزعوم مع الإخوان ضد مصالح الإمارات.وبغض النظر عن هذا التراشق الإقليمي، فإن الاستخبارات الأمريكية تمتلك أدلة قاطعة وتفصيلية تكشف كامل مخططات التمويل والخدمات اللوجستية، بما في ذلك تسجيلات فيديو وصوت، ومكالمات هاتفية مسجلة، ورسائل نصية، ووثائق، ومخططات بيانية، وأدلة مالية. وتؤكد هذه الأدلة استخدام هذا المخزون الكيميائي في مصفاة الجيلي للنفط، وهو هجوم وثقته رسالة نصية تم اعتراضها جاء فيها: "لقد شربوا الغاز"، وأرفق بها مقطع فيديو يوثق تداعيات الهجوم على مقاتلي الدعم السريع.وقد حاول قائد القوات المسلحة السودانية، الفريق أول عبد الفتاح البرهان، خداع المحققين عند مواجهته بتحقيق رسمي أمريكي. ورغم ذلك، تؤكد المصادر أن الاستخبارات الأمريكية قد تحققت بالفعل من الأطراف المتورطة والدوافع الكامنة وراء دعمهم الخارجي. ونتيجة لذلك، تدرس واشنطن والأمم المتحدة فرض عقوبات مستهدفة ليس فقط على القوات المسلحة السودانية، بل وأيضا على الدولة التي تمول هذه العمليات. ويشكل استخدام هذه العوامل الكيميائية انتهاكا مباشرا لاتفاقية حظر الأسلحة الكيميائية لعام ١٩٩٧ التي وقع عليها السودان، مما يعرض الأطراف المسؤولة للملاحقة بتهم ارتكاب جرائم حرب بموجب نظام روما الأساسي للمحكمة الجنائية الدولية. A major breaking investigation first published by The New York Times and The Washington Post has revealed that the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) deployed a stockpile of 290 restricted, chlorine-based chemical agents in an attack against the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF).The SAF, known for its strong ties to the Muslim Brotherhood—an organization designated as a terrorist group by the Trump administration—is locked in a long civil war against its rival, the UAE-backed RSF. The report highlights an extensive trail of documentation detailing the opposing involvement of regional powers. In the wake of this massive scandal, a diplomatic blame game has erupted: defenders of Saudi Arabia point fingers at Qatar, citing its alleged motive to support the Muslim Brotherhood. Conversely, defenders of Qatar point back at Saudi Arabia, arguing Riyadh has the direct motive due to its overt backing of the Sudanese army and an alleged covert alliance with the Brotherhood against UAE interests.Regardless of the regional fallout, U.S. intelligence possesses indisputable, detailed visibility over the entire financing and logistics scheme. This includes video and audio recordings, intercepted phone calls, text messages, documents, charts, and financial evidence. The intelligence confirms that this chemical stockpile was used at the Al-Jaili Oil Refinery, a strike documented in an intercepted text message stating, "They drank the gas," which accompanied a video of an RSF fighter with severely charred skin.When confronted during a formal U.S. inquiry, SAF Chief General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan attempted to deceive investigators. However, sources confirm that U.S. intelligence has successfully verified the implicated parties and the underlying motives of their foreign supporters. Consequently, Washington and the United Nations are weighing targeted sanctions not only against the Sudanese Armed Forces, but also against the specific country financing the operation. The deployment of these agents directly violates the 1997 Chemical Weapons Convention signed by Sudan, subjecting the responsible parties to war crimes charges under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. #Sudan #SodomyArabia #AbductedAgain #UAE Basha باشا Middle East Eye OPCW UK Delegation to the OPCW
2:12

من واشنطن: السودان | استخدام الجيش السوداني لأسلحة كيميائية ضد الدعم السريع تتوالى الفضائح…هذه المرة فضيحة مدوية نشطاء سعوديون يحاولوا توريط قطر في حين يرد القطريون الصفعة صفعتين بينما الإماراتيون ينئون بأنفسهم عن التراشق ويكتفون ب "حنا لحمتنا مرة" كشف تحقيق صحفي بارز نشرته صحيفتا "نيويورك تايمز" و"واشنطن بوست" عن قيام القوات المسلحة السودانية بنشر مخزون يضم ٢٩٠ قنبلة من العوامل الكيميائية المقيدة القائمة على الكلور، واستخدامها في هجوم ضد قوات الدعم السريع.وتخوض القوات المسلحة السودانية، المعروفة بعلاقاتها القوية مع جماعة الإخوان المسلمين—المصنفة كمنظمة إرهابية من قبل إدارة ترامب—حربا أهلية طويلة ضد غريمتها قوات الدعم السريع المدعومة من دولة الإمارات. ويسلط التقرير الضوء على شبكة واسعة من الوثائق التي تفصل التدخل المتصارع للقوى الإقليمية. وفي أعقاب هذه الفضيحة المدوية، اندلعت حرب اتهامات دبلوماسية؛ حيث وجه المدافعون عن السعودية أصابع الاتهام إلى قطر، زاعمين وجود دافع لديها لدعم الإخوان المسلمين، في حين رد المدافعون عن قطر باتهام السعودية، معتبرين أن الرياض تملك الدافع المباشر نظرا لدعمها العلني للجيش السوداني وتحالفها السري المزعوم مع الإخوان ضد مصالح الإمارات.وبغض النظر عن هذا التراشق الإقليمي، فإن الاستخبارات الأمريكية تمتلك أدلة قاطعة وتفصيلية تكشف كامل مخططات التمويل والخدمات اللوجستية، بما في ذلك تسجيلات فيديو وصوت، ومكالمات هاتفية مسجلة، ورسائل نصية، ووثائق، ومخططات بيانية، وأدلة مالية. وتؤكد هذه الأدلة استخدام هذا المخزون الكيميائي في مصفاة الجيلي للنفط، وهو هجوم وثقته رسالة نصية تم اعتراضها جاء فيها: "لقد شربوا الغاز"، وأرفق بها مقطع فيديو يوثق تداعيات الهجوم على مقاتلي الدعم السريع.وقد حاول قائد القوات المسلحة السودانية، الفريق أول عبد الفتاح البرهان، خداع المحققين عند مواجهته بتحقيق رسمي أمريكي. ورغم ذلك، تؤكد المصادر أن الاستخبارات الأمريكية قد تحققت بالفعل من الأطراف المتورطة والدوافع الكامنة وراء دعمهم الخارجي. ونتيجة لذلك، تدرس واشنطن والأمم المتحدة فرض عقوبات مستهدفة ليس فقط على القوات المسلحة السودانية، بل وأيضا على الدولة التي تمول هذه العمليات. ويشكل استخدام هذه العوامل الكيميائية انتهاكا مباشرا لاتفاقية حظر الأسلحة الكيميائية لعام ١٩٩٧ التي وقع عليها السودان، مما يعرض الأطراف المسؤولة للملاحقة بتهم ارتكاب جرائم حرب بموجب نظام روما الأساسي للمحكمة الجنائية الدولية. A major breaking investigation first published by The New York Times and The Washington Post has revealed that the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) deployed a stockpile of 290 restricted, chlorine-based chemical agents in an attack against the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF).The SAF, known for its strong ties to the Muslim Brotherhood—an organization designated as a terrorist group by the Trump administration—is locked in a long civil war against its rival, the UAE-backed RSF. The report highlights an extensive trail of documentation detailing the opposing involvement of regional powers. In the wake of this massive scandal, a diplomatic blame game has erupted: defenders of Saudi Arabia point fingers at Qatar, citing its alleged motive to support the Muslim Brotherhood. Conversely, defenders of Qatar point back at Saudi Arabia, arguing Riyadh has the direct motive due to its overt backing of the Sudanese army and an alleged covert alliance with the Brotherhood against UAE interests.Regardless of the regional fallout, U.S. intelligence possesses indisputable, detailed visibility over the entire financing and logistics scheme. This includes video and audio recordings, intercepted phone calls, text messages, documents, charts, and financial evidence. The intelligence confirms that this chemical stockpile was used at the Al-Jaili Oil Refinery, a strike documented in an intercepted text message stating, "They drank the gas," which accompanied a video of an RSF fighter with severely charred skin.When confronted during a formal U.S. inquiry, SAF Chief General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan attempted to deceive investigators. However, sources confirm that U.S. intelligence has successfully verified the implicated parties and the underlying motives of their foreign supporters. Consequently, Washington and the United Nations are weighing targeted sanctions not only against the Sudanese Armed Forces, but also against the specific country financing the operation. The deployment of these agents directly violates the 1997 Chemical Weapons Convention signed by Sudan, subjecting the responsible parties to war crimes charges under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. #Sudan #SodomyArabia #AbductedAgain #UAE Basha باشا Middle East Eye OPCW UK Delegation to the OPCW

Max Morgan

33,318 просмотров • 10 дней назад

BREAKING: The Muslim Brotherhood–led army in Sudan (SAF) claims it’s building drones and rockets to strike Israel and destroy Tel Aviv. See.. yes don’t fall for their propaganda against the UAE. They target the UAE because it banned the Muslim Brotherhood the same network behind Hamas in Gaza and Africa -Sudan. Let it be clear: The UAE never supports militias or proxies. It fought the Houthis in Yemen, crushed Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan alongside the U.S., and helped destroy ISIS in Iraq and Syria through global alliances for peace and stability. The UAE condemned the October 7 terrorist attacks on Israel and sent humanitarian aid to Gaza. Hamas’s Western propaganda machine instantly attacked the UAE. In Sudan, the UAE condemned both the RSF and the Sudan Islamist forces (SAF), sent aid to women and children, and with the USA worked day and night to stop the war. That angered China, Iran, Turkey, and Russia, who all sponsor Sudan’s jihadist army. So they activated their Western puppets Rashida Tlaib, Ilhan Omar, and their “OnlyFans” crowd to spread lies again. They even used old photos of African massacres to blame the UAE, the only nation that seeks peace and doesn’t host Hamas of Gaza or Africa, instead of the real killers: Turkey, which gave Sudan’s jihadists drones, and Iran, which helped the SAF destroy churches in Khartoum and move various Hamas fighters to Port Sudan since 2008. Together they empowered the Sudanese Islamist army that killed over 80,000 people since April 2023. The same Sudan that hosted Bin Laden and knew about 9/11 before he left for Afghanistan. And now the same people make you idolize him on TikTok, make Bin Laden’s letter trend, and turn Sinwar into a hero. They run this game, always have. Ask yourself: Where do SAF’s weapons come from? Turkey? Iran? How did RSF get Turkish weapons too? The truth: the Muslim Brotherhood is evil in uniform. In Gaza, last night you saw them fake “hostage dead bodies” they had kept for months, staged as if they had just found them, raped women, denied killing babies, and even blamed the U.S. for it. In Al-Fasher, Sudan, a city untouched by war until June 2024, long controlled by the army, they dragged the war into it, broke the Juba Treaty, used civilians as shields, and turned their people into hostages for propaganda. When activists exposed them, the Islamist army expelled every NGO and journalist except Al Jazeera, the only one allowed to stay. And then comes “But The Guardian said…” Yes, the same Guardian that called Hamas “resistance” and once sold the Iraq WMD fairy tale. And how about that Wall Street article? Let’s just say the writer works for Al Jazeera in Qatar, an “expert” on Turkey who suddenly forgot how to write about Turkey’s involvement in Sudan. So yes, your streets are infested by Hamas-linked networks and will be occupied for a long time. The Muslim Brotherhood took over, and you allowed it. Now they lead your ignorance. Yes, your streets are occupied by Hamas terrorist networks, and this will take a long time; you will remain their hostage for as long as they want you to stand against civilization. They want you to stand against civilization and with Sudan’s Islamist jihadist army. They want you to stand against the UAE, a nation that reached Mars, hosts over 200,000 Sudanese, and unites 200 nationalities living side by side while building sports cities in your land, as they destroy every synagogue in that same land. They want you to hate builders and love destroyers, and now you elect them into your parliaments. As an Emirati, I’ve spoken, but most stayed silent, too busy defending terrorists. If you want real HD proof of Sudanese army (SAF) forces executing women and children, DM me. The same goes for RSF violations, all documented. They recorded them to terrorize their own people. You won’t find them on X, too graphic, and you’ll never see them on BBC or The Guardian, because it shatters their Muslim Brotherhood fantasy.
0:31

BREAKING: The Muslim Brotherhood–led army in Sudan (SAF) claims it’s building drones and rockets to strike Israel and destroy Tel Aviv. See.. yes don’t fall for their propaganda against the UAE. They target the UAE because it banned the Muslim Brotherhood the same network behind Hamas in Gaza and Africa -Sudan. Let it be clear: The UAE never supports militias or proxies. It fought the Houthis in Yemen, crushed Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan alongside the U.S., and helped destroy ISIS in Iraq and Syria through global alliances for peace and stability. The UAE condemned the October 7 terrorist attacks on Israel and sent humanitarian aid to Gaza. Hamas’s Western propaganda machine instantly attacked the UAE. In Sudan, the UAE condemned both the RSF and the Sudan Islamist forces (SAF), sent aid to women and children, and with the USA worked day and night to stop the war. That angered China, Iran, Turkey, and Russia, who all sponsor Sudan’s jihadist army. So they activated their Western puppets Rashida Tlaib, Ilhan Omar, and their “OnlyFans” crowd to spread lies again. They even used old photos of African massacres to blame the UAE, the only nation that seeks peace and doesn’t host Hamas of Gaza or Africa, instead of the real killers: Turkey, which gave Sudan’s jihadists drones, and Iran, which helped the SAF destroy churches in Khartoum and move various Hamas fighters to Port Sudan since 2008. Together they empowered the Sudanese Islamist army that killed over 80,000 people since April 2023. The same Sudan that hosted Bin Laden and knew about 9/11 before he left for Afghanistan. And now the same people make you idolize him on TikTok, make Bin Laden’s letter trend, and turn Sinwar into a hero. They run this game, always have. Ask yourself: Where do SAF’s weapons come from? Turkey? Iran? How did RSF get Turkish weapons too? The truth: the Muslim Brotherhood is evil in uniform. In Gaza, last night you saw them fake “hostage dead bodies” they had kept for months, staged as if they had just found them, raped women, denied killing babies, and even blamed the U.S. for it. In Al-Fasher, Sudan, a city untouched by war until June 2024, long controlled by the army, they dragged the war into it, broke the Juba Treaty, used civilians as shields, and turned their people into hostages for propaganda. When activists exposed them, the Islamist army expelled every NGO and journalist except Al Jazeera, the only one allowed to stay. And then comes “But The Guardian said…” Yes, the same Guardian that called Hamas “resistance” and once sold the Iraq WMD fairy tale. And how about that Wall Street article? Let’s just say the writer works for Al Jazeera in Qatar, an “expert” on Turkey who suddenly forgot how to write about Turkey’s involvement in Sudan. So yes, your streets are infested by Hamas-linked networks and will be occupied for a long time. The Muslim Brotherhood took over, and you allowed it. Now they lead your ignorance. Yes, your streets are occupied by Hamas terrorist networks, and this will take a long time; you will remain their hostage for as long as they want you to stand against civilization. They want you to stand against civilization and with Sudan’s Islamist jihadist army. They want you to stand against the UAE, a nation that reached Mars, hosts over 200,000 Sudanese, and unites 200 nationalities living side by side while building sports cities in your land, as they destroy every synagogue in that same land. They want you to hate builders and love destroyers, and now you elect them into your parliaments. As an Emirati, I’ve spoken, but most stayed silent, too busy defending terrorists. If you want real HD proof of Sudanese army (SAF) forces executing women and children, DM me. The same goes for RSF violations, all documented. They recorded them to terrorize their own people. You won’t find them on X, too graphic, and you’ll never see them on BBC or The Guardian, because it shatters their Muslim Brotherhood fantasy.

Amjad Taha أمجد طه

393,856 просмотров • 10 месяцев назад

KASHMIR BLACK DAY 1. First of all, thank you very much for inviting me to share some thoughts on this solemn occasion – in commemorating the Kashmir Black Day which essentially marks the beginning of the occupation of the State of Jammu and Kashmir by India since 1947. 2. It has indeed been a very long time since the occupation started and recent treatments of India on the occupied territories do not reflect that it plans to reconsider its occupation let alone end it anytime soon. 3. In fact, India is forcefully bullying any opposition to its occupation while at the same time tightening its grip on these territories. 4. And woe upon us that while the border politics are being played out, atrocities committed on the Jammu and Kashmiri populace persists and we and all those who are concerned, watch helplessly on the side lines. 5. I do not like to draw parallels to acts of injustice and crimes against humanity as the sufferings of the victims cannot be equated from one to another. 6. And we can never really fathom the depths of these sufferings, the pain and scars that remain etched on the victims and their kin for as long as they live. 7. But parallels in the hypocrisy, the double-standards, deceptions and lies committed by perpetrators of these atrocities are similar. It is only the scale that may differ at times – as each tries to outdo the other when they terrorise their victims relentlessly and with impunity. 8. What are their hypocrisy, lies, deceptions and double-standards? 9. On the one hand, these ruthless regimes proclaim to be advocates of democracy while they commit apartheid. They express anger and disgust when their victims retaliate and hit back at them, usually on minute scale, disproportionately compared with their vicious attacks. 10. They label freedom fighters as terrorists, hiding the fact that their apartheid policies, genocide and ethnic cleansing activities for decades cannot, but spawn aggressive retaliation from those occupied. 11. And why do these occupied people resort to militancy and aggression? 12. Isn’t that to be expected from a people who had been bullied, stripped of their dignity and witness to the murders of their loved ones while the rest of the civilised world turn a blind eye. 13. Don’t all these narratives sound the same – be it in Palestine, in Jammu/Kashmir, South Africa or even Ireland in the not too distant past? 14. For that matter, most of these problems are inherited from the colonial past as they divide and carve up their former colonies and distributed them at their whims without considering the interest of the populace. 15. Unluckily today, despite contributing to the crises, the former colonialists and their allies chose to support the new occupiers and the results as we witness today are the massacres and genocide of the occupied. 16. Right now, the world watches in horror as Israel unleashes its military might on helpless Palestinians, justifying it as retaliations to terror acts committed by Hamas. 17. Israel intends to choke Palestinians in Gaza out of existence by cutting off all basic and essential supplies and at the same time suggesting that civilians in Gaza move out of the occupied territories so that it can then hit only at Hamas target and not the civilians. 18. While Israel blames Hamas for its attacks on Gaza, it does not explain why the murderous Tel Aviv regime attacks West Bank which is devoid of Hamas. 19. In fact, for the past seven decades, of which almost half of that period was without Hamas, Israel had been attacking and killing Palestinian civilians including babies with impunity. 20. Hamas and other Palestinians who decide to take up arms and fight against Israel are children and grandchildren of Palestinian civilians the Israeli regime had murdered in the past. 21. Using the same playbook, India is justifying its invasion and occupation of Jammu and Kashmir as part of an effort to eradicate militants and terrorists and to protect its border. 22. India’s revocation of Jammu/Kashmir’s autonomy unilaterally four years ago saw the deployment of hundreds of thousands of soldiers into the illegally occupied territories of Jammu and Kashmir. Along with that atrocities were committed, while placing the whole population under siege. 23. International bodies had reported that an atmosphere of fear and reprisal had ensured silence. 24. We have also heard reports of how India is attempting to change the demographic composition of Jammu and Kashmir by settling non-Muslim outsiders in the Muslim majority areas. 25. In many ways, it is not different than the Israeli settlers who forcefully evict Palestinians from their homes in land grab activities sanctioned by the Tel Aviv regime. And to ensure that the process is successful, it deploys the IDF to accompany the settlers. 26. Resistance were met with such viciousness that some helpless Palestinians just submit themselves to the mercy of the occupying forces. 27. But there are Palestinians, as in the case of the citizens of Jammu and Kashmir who would not leave their fate in the hands of providence. 28. They retaliate and fight for their freedom and liberation by any means available to them, most times unconventional. 29. The minute they retaliate and any casualties are inflicted on the occupying forces, a prepared narrative emerges almost immediately – militants from these occupied territories had committed acts of terror on the occupiers. 30. With that the Western powers which had decades of opportunities to put a stop to the occupations and assist in the liberation of the occupied peoples, side with the occupiers and regurgitate the convenient labelling of terrorists and terrorism at the freedom fighters. 31. It is indeed baffling that these leaders of the so-called civilised West cannot even understand the meaning of the term occupied territories. And they do not seem to be able to comprehend a simple concept that those standing up against the occupation are the heroes and that the occupiers are the villains. 32. What can we do against the oppressive occupiers and the powerful backers? 33. Not much actually other than continue voicing our anger and disgust to what is happening in these occupied territories. 34. We must persist in exposing the cruelties, the atrocities and the hypocrisy of the self-anointed guardian of global morality when they are actually the perpetrator of evil and backers of greater evil. 35. It seems their hypocrisy and cruelties are bottomless as when we think we had witnessed the worst there is in mankind, they come up with atrocities we can never imagine before. 36. To the people of Jammu and Kashmir. We remember you and we feel for you. We pray for your deliverance and may Allah liberate you from the tyranny. Wassalamualaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh. Thank you.
10:40

KASHMIR BLACK DAY 1. First of all, thank you very much for inviting me to share some thoughts on this solemn occasion – in commemorating the Kashmir Black Day which essentially marks the beginning of the occupation of the State of Jammu and Kashmir by India since 1947. 2. It has indeed been a very long time since the occupation started and recent treatments of India on the occupied territories do not reflect that it plans to reconsider its occupation let alone end it anytime soon. 3. In fact, India is forcefully bullying any opposition to its occupation while at the same time tightening its grip on these territories. 4. And woe upon us that while the border politics are being played out, atrocities committed on the Jammu and Kashmiri populace persists and we and all those who are concerned, watch helplessly on the side lines. 5. I do not like to draw parallels to acts of injustice and crimes against humanity as the sufferings of the victims cannot be equated from one to another. 6. And we can never really fathom the depths of these sufferings, the pain and scars that remain etched on the victims and their kin for as long as they live. 7. But parallels in the hypocrisy, the double-standards, deceptions and lies committed by perpetrators of these atrocities are similar. It is only the scale that may differ at times – as each tries to outdo the other when they terrorise their victims relentlessly and with impunity. 8. What are their hypocrisy, lies, deceptions and double-standards? 9. On the one hand, these ruthless regimes proclaim to be advocates of democracy while they commit apartheid. They express anger and disgust when their victims retaliate and hit back at them, usually on minute scale, disproportionately compared with their vicious attacks. 10. They label freedom fighters as terrorists, hiding the fact that their apartheid policies, genocide and ethnic cleansing activities for decades cannot, but spawn aggressive retaliation from those occupied. 11. And why do these occupied people resort to militancy and aggression? 12. Isn’t that to be expected from a people who had been bullied, stripped of their dignity and witness to the murders of their loved ones while the rest of the civilised world turn a blind eye. 13. Don’t all these narratives sound the same – be it in Palestine, in Jammu/Kashmir, South Africa or even Ireland in the not too distant past? 14. For that matter, most of these problems are inherited from the colonial past as they divide and carve up their former colonies and distributed them at their whims without considering the interest of the populace. 15. Unluckily today, despite contributing to the crises, the former colonialists and their allies chose to support the new occupiers and the results as we witness today are the massacres and genocide of the occupied. 16. Right now, the world watches in horror as Israel unleashes its military might on helpless Palestinians, justifying it as retaliations to terror acts committed by Hamas. 17. Israel intends to choke Palestinians in Gaza out of existence by cutting off all basic and essential supplies and at the same time suggesting that civilians in Gaza move out of the occupied territories so that it can then hit only at Hamas target and not the civilians. 18. While Israel blames Hamas for its attacks on Gaza, it does not explain why the murderous Tel Aviv regime attacks West Bank which is devoid of Hamas. 19. In fact, for the past seven decades, of which almost half of that period was without Hamas, Israel had been attacking and killing Palestinian civilians including babies with impunity. 20. Hamas and other Palestinians who decide to take up arms and fight against Israel are children and grandchildren of Palestinian civilians the Israeli regime had murdered in the past. 21. Using the same playbook, India is justifying its invasion and occupation of Jammu and Kashmir as part of an effort to eradicate militants and terrorists and to protect its border. 22. India’s revocation of Jammu/Kashmir’s autonomy unilaterally four years ago saw the deployment of hundreds of thousands of soldiers into the illegally occupied territories of Jammu and Kashmir. Along with that atrocities were committed, while placing the whole population under siege. 23. International bodies had reported that an atmosphere of fear and reprisal had ensured silence. 24. We have also heard reports of how India is attempting to change the demographic composition of Jammu and Kashmir by settling non-Muslim outsiders in the Muslim majority areas. 25. In many ways, it is not different than the Israeli settlers who forcefully evict Palestinians from their homes in land grab activities sanctioned by the Tel Aviv regime. And to ensure that the process is successful, it deploys the IDF to accompany the settlers. 26. Resistance were met with such viciousness that some helpless Palestinians just submit themselves to the mercy of the occupying forces. 27. But there are Palestinians, as in the case of the citizens of Jammu and Kashmir who would not leave their fate in the hands of providence. 28. They retaliate and fight for their freedom and liberation by any means available to them, most times unconventional. 29. The minute they retaliate and any casualties are inflicted on the occupying forces, a prepared narrative emerges almost immediately – militants from these occupied territories had committed acts of terror on the occupiers. 30. With that the Western powers which had decades of opportunities to put a stop to the occupations and assist in the liberation of the occupied peoples, side with the occupiers and regurgitate the convenient labelling of terrorists and terrorism at the freedom fighters. 31. It is indeed baffling that these leaders of the so-called civilised West cannot even understand the meaning of the term occupied territories. And they do not seem to be able to comprehend a simple concept that those standing up against the occupation are the heroes and that the occupiers are the villains. 32. What can we do against the oppressive occupiers and the powerful backers? 33. Not much actually other than continue voicing our anger and disgust to what is happening in these occupied territories. 34. We must persist in exposing the cruelties, the atrocities and the hypocrisy of the self-anointed guardian of global morality when they are actually the perpetrator of evil and backers of greater evil. 35. It seems their hypocrisy and cruelties are bottomless as when we think we had witnessed the worst there is in mankind, they come up with atrocities we can never imagine before. 36. To the people of Jammu and Kashmir. We remember you and we feel for you. We pray for your deliverance and may Allah liberate you from the tyranny. Wassalamualaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh. Thank you.

Dr Mahathir Mohamad

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