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่ง†้ข‘ๅŠ ่ฝฝๅคฑ่ดฅ

๐๐ž๐ก๐ข๐ง๐ ๐‚๐ฅ๐จ๐ฌ๐ž๐ ๐ƒ๐จ๐จ๐ซ๐ฌ: ๐“๐ก๐ž ๐€๐ฎ๐๐ข๐จ ๐’๐š๐ ๐š ๐‹๐ข๐ง๐ค๐ข๐ง๐  ๐๐ž๐ฅ๐ฌ๐จ๐ง ๐‚๐ก๐š๐ฆ๐ข๐ฌ๐š ๐ญ๐จ ๐…๐ข๐ซ๐ฌ๐ญ ๐‹๐š๐๐ฒ ๐€๐ฎ๐ฑ๐ข๐ฅ๐ฅ๐ข๐š ๐Œ๐ง๐š๐ง๐ ๐š๐ ๐ฐ๐š The audio saga linking Zimbabwe's main opposition leader Nelson Chamisa to First Lady Auxillia Mnangagwa through her aide Ben Muneri - which has been verified by The NewsHawks beyond reasonable doubt - has further shown...

52,487 ๆฌก่ง‚็œ‹ โ€ข 4 ไธชๆœˆๅ‰ โ€ขvia X (Twitter)

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These are the remarks by Nelson Chamisa which have sparked a sharp conflict with his former opposition colleagues after he claimed that Zimbabwe has "no constitution to defend" because it has been "shredded" by the ruling Zanu PF. Chamisa dismissed the current national debate over President Emmerson Mnangagwaโ€™s plan to to extend his rule to 2030 as a "sideshow", saying the constitutional order has already collapsed. Former opposition allies in the Defend the Constitution Platform (DCP), including Jameson Timba, Tendai Biti, Jacob Ngarivhume and Munyaradzi Gwisayi, have described this as misleading amd reckless. They argue it undermines their legal and political efforts to block constitutional amendments to extend Mnangagwaโ€™s rule. Upon his return to active politics, Chamisa launched "Agenda 2026," a movement he claims requires "new wine skins" and will not include old structures or figures from his former party, CCC. Colleagues view this as a move to disrupt existing opposition unity and "gaslight" the public. Chamisa continues to defend his "strategic ambiguity" model โ€”operating without defined leadership structures โ€” which former colleagues blame for the "hijacking" of the CCC by rivals like Sengezo Tshabangu. Some critics within the opposition have accused Chamisa of having a "secret deal" with Mnangagwa and the government to divide the opposition in exchange for his own personal safety, material benefits and money, allegations that he has vehemently denied.

TheNewsHawks

31,863 ๆฌก่ง‚็œ‹ โ€ข 5 ไธชๆœˆๅ‰

#OppositionDividedWeakParalysed While main opposition leader Nelson Chamisa has relatively been quiet - conspicuous by his absence from action and loud silence, except for his occasional political posturing and symbolic resistance with a religious-style approach under his Agenda 2026 in a bid to reboot his sluggish career, his former ally in the opposition trenches Tendai Biti has taken a more vocal, confrontational, high-profile legal and public-outreach role opposing the government on its constitutional amendments to facilitate President Emmerson Mnangagwa's term extension and a raft of reforms changing the political, electoral and governance systems. Upon his return to active politics in January after a controversial two-year hiatus following the capture by Zanu PF of his CCC opposition party, Chamisa focused on "Agenda 2026" as a movement intended to rebuild Zimbabwe through a citizen-driven dialogue rather than traditional party politics. While he has launched this initiative and occasionally commented on social media to oppose Zanu PF's "2050 agenda" - incomprehensibly referring to the 2030 agenda - his public engagement has been characterised more by statements of intent, use of symbols and preaching "change" rather than organising grassroots resistance given his huge popular support base. He has defended his strange "No to 2050" social media post and castigated violence against citizens opposing constitutional changes, maintaining a symbolic rather than confrontational role. In the process, Chamisa has now become the weak link within the opposition movement. By constrast, Biti, who has no popular social base, has been highly vocal, acting as the convener of the Constitution Defenders Forum. Others who have been vocal include Jameson Timba as Convenor of Constitutional Defence Forum, Job Sikhala who leads National Democratic Working Group, Lovemore Madhuku and his National Constitutional Assembly, and strong-willed opposition figure Jacob Ngarivhume, among others. Biti has launched a vigorous campaign against Constitution Amendment No. 3, which aims to extend presidential terms beyond 2028 and change the political system. He has referred to the proposed changes as "legal lunacy" and a "quiet constitutional coup". Furthermore, Biti has taken the fight directly to the people, conducting door-to-door mobilisation drives and street campaigns in areas like Chitungwiza and Mutare to educate citizens on the implications of the reforms. Alongside other activists, he has filed urgent court bids to stop police from disrupting their private meetings regarding the constitutional reforms. As a result, Biti was yesterday arrested while organising a rally against the amendments in Mutare. Biti has invited Chamisa to work with him and others in fighting the current constitutional changes. However, Chamisa, despite his massive support, has distanced himself from Biti, Timba and others. He has been pussyfooting and claiming there is no constitution to defend, alarming his opposition allies. Despite pressure to take a form a party and adopt more aggressive approach, Chamisa maintains a propositional posture, making his politics and pronouncements merely symbolic opposition, not serious resistance anymore. This comes as the opposition is divided, weak and paralysed. The absence of a strong opposition and check on power has allowed for the proposal of constitutional amendments that extend the presidential terms from five to seven years and Mnangagwa's term extension, accompanied by raft of contentious changes in the political system. As formal opposition parties have fragmented and weakened, civil society groups and grassroots movements have increasingly taken centre stage in protesting government policies, human rights issues and the current constitutional amendments.

TheNewsHawks

11,987 ๆฌก่ง‚็œ‹ โ€ข 4 ไธชๆœˆๅ‰

#IronyWritLargeAndLies Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa's former adviser Trevor Ncube, a local media publisher who owns Alpha Media Holdings (AMH) with the President's son-in-law Gerald Mlotshwa, has raised new controversy with fresh attacks on main opposition CCC leader Nelson Chamisa whom he says does not listen to anybody. Ncube has been consistently lambasting Chamisa calling him all sorts of names, going as far as insinuating he is a tribalist and dictator, but the CCC leader typically does not reply. Ncube owns AMH, publishers of NewsDay, Zimbabwe Independent, The Standard and online broadcasting platform Heart & Soul. NewsDay and Heart & Soul are names of Ncube's media platforms derived from BBC programmes. Although he postures as a neutral political observer who only wants to fix Zimbabwe's problems, Ncube - who behaves as if he has a God-ordained mission to do that - is actually a partisan political player operating in the dark shadows and an opportunist who hops from one party to another. He has been all over the place politically - from Zapu to MDC, then Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn, Alliance for People's Agenda (APA) and most recently Zanu PF by association. He is also a longtime Mnangagwa ally. Ncube's politics is not based on discernible ideological and policy ideation, values and principles, but opportunism and self-interest. He is also not principled. For instance, Ncube just went AWOL (Absent Without Official Leave) in 2017 when he was APA chair only to emerge as Mnangagwaโ€™s adviser after the November 2017 coup without even officially resigning from his party. Ncube joined Mnangagwaโ€™s coup project and became its media mouthpiece in a bid to revive his faltering publishing business interests after losing control of the Mail & Guardin in South Africa. He wanted radio and television licences to expand his media interests, while repaying a US$2 million debt to the Media Development Investment Fund, an American fund which provides debt and equity finance for independent media in countries where access to reliable news and information is under threat. APA had been formed in June 2017, with prominent business executive and academic Nkosana Moyo as the leader. Ncube's jumping ship and joining the coup gravy train led to Moyo to reflect and tellingly say that he had sadly come to realise that some Zimbabweans are not fighting to change the system, but to be part of it. Ncube went on to become a vocal and enthusiastic member of Mnangagwaโ€™s Presidential Advisory Council (PAC) in his ill-fated political adventure. Ironically, Ncube keeps on complaining about Chamisa not taking his advice when he was Mnangagwaโ€™s adviser. Ncube says Chamisa does not listen and repeatedly keeps on referring to a photo he took with him seven years ago as evidence of their meetings to discuss local political issues, justifying his conclusion and attacks on the CCC leader on the basis of one interaction seven years ago. However, The NewsHawks has checked the facts and found out that Ncube is conveniently manipulating one meeting he had with Chamisa in 2016 to make it appear as if they have been meeting when Chamisa was already a party political leader in the context of what is currently happening in Zimbabwe. A Chamisa adviser told The NewsHawks: "We have seen the video and remarks by Mr Trevor Ncube in which he attacks our leader Nelson Chamisa and says all sorts of things about him. We have no problem with Ncube or anyone for that matter legitimately criticising Chamisa as a leader, a hugely popular one at that. Ncube has a constitutional and legitimate right to criticise him and other political leaders. That's what should happen in a democracy. "However, Ncube must stop crudely misrepresenting and manipulating one meeting he had with Chamisa seven years ago for cheap political capital, publicity and relevance. In fact, he must stop lying about it. We have kept quiet throughout his lies and drama for far too long. I think we now need to set the record straight in the public interest and stop this charade. "The facts are very clear on this issue. Ncube invited Chamisa to his office in Graniteside, Harare, where AMH operates from on 5 August 2016 to discuss local political issues, including the formation of APA. Ncube wanted Chamisa to be part of that process led by Nkosana Moyo. At that meeting Ncube told Chamisa that he had held many consultative meetings in Zimbabwe and South Africa on the APA project, which he claimed was supported by telecoms mogul Strive Masiyiwa and many other prominent business people, some of whom ended up with him as Mnangagwa's advisers. "At the time, Chamisa had just been appointed one of the three vice-presidents of the MDC-T by the late Morgan Tsvangirai the month before, that is in July 2016. So he was not the leader of the MDC-T at that time and didn't even know one day he will lead the party. In that meeting, Chamisa told Ncube upfront that while he appreciated the invitation to join APA he was not able to do so because he wanted to help Tsvangirai rejuvenate the MDC-T post the 2013 elections and prepare for the 2018 elections. So Chamisa politely declined Ncube's offer to join APA. The idea was to use Chamisa's growing social base to back Moyo as APA leader in his presidential election bid in 2018. "The meeting, which ran for close to two hours from around 9am to just before 11am (that photo was taken at that time), ended on a somewhat sour note with fake smiles because Chamisa had rejected the APA invitation, saying he is a loyal MDC-T member and one of the leaders. Interestingly, it ended with a prayer. "Ncube gave Chamisa a book by Harvard Business School professor Bill George with Peter Sims titled True North, which is about leadership. Since then, Ncube has not spoken to Chamisa, not even once, except on 14 July 2021 when he sent a condolence message to him after a family bereavement. So Ncube is lying that he has engaged Chamisa on political issues and he doesn't listen. There is no such thing; it's just a needless malicious campaign and posturing. Chamisa talks to many people and takes ideas and proposals from them. He implements what is strategic and practical for the CCC given political conditions and circumstances. The claim that Chamisa doesn't listen, does not have structures, works alone and is a dictator is nonsense. He is a democratic leader who believes change can only be secured through democratic elections. Some may not like his style, but that is normal in politics. There is a difference between style, strategy and substance. In any case, why should Chamisa listen to advice coming from his rival's advisers? Ncube is a known Mnangagwa ally and now he works with his son-in-law at his media business. So why on earth would Chamisa listen to advice from that sort of a dishonest person who even lies about a meeting held seven years ago in a totally different setting, time and space? That's ridiculous. Let's must learn to discuss ideas, not people and events; this noisy mediocrity which pervades our polity masquerading as insightful leading lights of our politics is now part of the problem rather than the solution. He has his own system and team that he works with. It's ridiculous to suggest that Chamisa won 44% of the vote going by official results, which we reject as a fraud, and all those seats in parliament alone. How is that possible really? Is he superhuman? He works with others, but it is also true that other people are not happy. That's what happens in politics. He is also fully aware of critical issues that he needs to address urgently, that is the limitations and weaknesses from a political, structural, organisational and strategic point of view. Chamisa welcomes ideas and criticism from well-meaning people, not some malicious malcontents and bullies. He is a bona fide opposition leader who genuinely wants a solution to the country's problems and he is open to working with other people who seriously want to resolve national issues, not noise-makers and impostors. It's time we challenge these false and negative narratives by people who are more opposed to the opposition than the ruling party. Chamisa is an opposition leader trying to help a find a solution to our country's problems, he is not the leader of the country and the problem. He is the alternative to a failed leadership and its policies that have ruined the country with devastation consequences for all, especially the poor and vulnerable. He may have his own weaknesses like all of us, but he is the best alternative at the moment. Anything else is just mere wishful thinking and drama."

TheNewsHawks

153,304 ๆฌก่ง‚็œ‹ โ€ข 2 ๅนดๅ‰

I have read your very long and meaningless response Mr Mutebuka. I always wanted to engage, especially on political debates that foreground national questions, but I have discovered, in my research on what you do and how you conduct yourself, even in the courts where you work, that you have a propensity for substituting clarity and structured thought with unnuanced rumblings to waste time. I have also discovered that you mistake length for substance in most of your engagements. That is the reason why I had blocked you. I simply wanted to save my time after realising that most of your submissions are usually very verbose high-sounding nonsense. At least I am not the only one who discovered such shortcomings in your discursive engagements. Judge Lucy Shepherd, someone you know very well, also registered disquiet over your penchant for making lengthy, irrelevant speeches just to waste time. She wrote, in one of her judgements, โ€œThe parties had been ordered to agree and provide a strict timetable for the second part of the hearingโ€ฆ..When the Employment Judge attempted to move matters forward, assist with appropriate questions, and manage the hearing Mr Mutebuka made lengthy speeches about bias, bullying and diversity which were not relevant and caused further delay.โ€ It is in your nature, Mr Mutebuka, to make lengthy meaningless rumbles whenever you have nothing substantial to say. I was tempted to say you are a bat of esoteric erudition; but realised you are just a distracted preacher of political hogwash ministering to the vanity of an equally vacuous waning politician. That is the reason I didnโ€™t want to engage you. But seeing that you want to be an undertaker to the democratic efforts being put in place to resist Constitutional Amendment Bill 3 through your unwarranted attacks on people like TENDAI BITI and others, I have chosen to engage you with the hope you will see the folly of what you are doing. I want you to see, Mr Mutebuka, that in supporting a regime enabler in nelson chamisa, you are aiding Emmerson Mnangagwa to achieve a term extension from whence Chamisa would benefit the post of Prime Minister in 2030. The truth, Mr Mutebuka, is that nelson chamisa initiated talks with Mnangagwa, seeking to become Prime Minister without MPs after Douglas Mwonzora had taken control of the MDC-A party. He was afraid of being seen at State House, so he asked Hopewell Chinโ€™ono Hopewell Chinโ€™ono to act as his emissary. Chamisa and the First Ladyโ€™s aide, Benson Muneri, met to kick-start the negotiations at Chinโ€™onoโ€™s house in Chisipite Harare. These meetings were once written about here on X by George Charamba Jamwanda, and people rubbished him because they could not believe that Chamisa could be selfish to an extent of seeking to initiate talks with Mnangagwaโ€™s regime, not for national good, but for personal benefit. I have attached herein, an audio recording in which you can hear Chamisa telling the First Ladyโ€™s emissary that he no-longer wanted a go-between in his negotiations. This is when he decided to drop Hopewell Chinโ€™ono from the negotiations because Hopwell, unbeknown to Chamisa, had engaged the late Dr Alex Magaisa to draft a proper framework for negotiations for a government of national unity, not just a personal deal for Chamisa. Those are the papers he says he didnโ€™t want. In the audio I have attached here, you can hear him saying โ€œNyaya yandisingadi ndeye matsamba nechii chii, zvinhu zvinozokonzera manewspapers.โ€ Clearly, Chamisa wanted some secret deal that wasnโ€™t supposed to come out in the public through newspapers. He didnโ€™t want a paper trail. He didnโ€™t want accountability. The question is why? Some of us have been knowing about this since 2021, but we chose to keep quiet hoping your guy would repent. It was not until you started publishing your treacherous fiction, which I am well aware, came from Chamisa, in an attempt to taint people like Biti, Hopewell and others, that I decided to clarify issues and to expose your guy for who he is-a Mnangagwa project. There is a wealth of evidence, not the fictional stories you are peddling, to prove that Chamisa approached the regime for a personal deal and that he engaged Hopewell to be his go-between. Hopewell even asked Chamisa if he could do this with someone from the CCC party, since he was not a member. Chamisa refused and said he did not want anyone else to know. However, Hopewell informed Dr Alex Magaisa, and they agreed that he should not tell Chamisa that he had shared this, since Chamisa insisted on absolute secrecy. The first meeting took place in November 2021 at State House. Before going there, Hopewell informed his lawyer, a prominent businessman, an economist, and a bank CEO to cover his back, after he had been warned that Chamisa was treacherous. He was driven to meet Ben Muneri at his offices by the well-known economist. Hopewell presented Nelsonโ€™s position to the First Lady, who was acting as a go-between between Nelson and the President. Chamisa wanted to be Prime Minister, a position not provided for in the constitution. You can see why he has no problem with the illegal changes to the constitution that Mnangagwa is pushing? It is because they see things the same way. Their personal interests take precedence over constitutional provisions. The second meeting took place in February 2022, just after Chamisaโ€™s CCC large rally at Zimbabwe Grounds. This time, Chamisa had also told Dr Magaisa but misled him by claiming he was the only one aware of the talks. He also misrepresented, to Magaisa, the purpose of the talks. For the second meeting, Hopewell asked Dr Magaisa to draft a proposal, since Chamisa had provided none. Dr Magaisa produced what he termed a pre- and post-election pact, which rejected Chamisaโ€™s desire to become Prime Minister before the 2023 elections. It called for an agreement on non-violence and proposed that any Government of National Unity could only be based on the outcome of the 2023 elections. When Chamisa discovered that his ambition to become Prime Minister had been blocked by the position paper that Dr Magaisa had given Hopewell, on the basis that a GNU could not be formed while Mwonzora controlled Parliament, he then dropped Hopewell. He instructed the First Ladyโ€™s emissary to cut Hopewell out and said he no longer wanted him involved. The evidence is contained in the audio below. The opposition and Zimbabwe were saved by Dr Magaisa, who wrote the paper that Hopewell presented, blocking Chamisaโ€™s Prime Ministerial deal with Mnangagwa. It was a personal deal, that is why he wanted to go it alone in the negotiations. Today, he is silent on 2030 because he has been promised the same position of Prime Minister if 2030 goes through. He is currently in America, but he will be back for Easter Holidays to cause more confusion. As long as you continue publishing your fiction and trying to sow confusion among those fighting Constitutional Amendment Bill3, I will come here with more damning audios about Chamisa and how he wants to derail the peopleโ€™s fight against 2030, the same way he did to Gezaโ€™s calls to fight ED. Watch this space! #2027EDAnengeAsipo #Ngazvitenderere

mawarire mbizvo jealousy

225,648 ๆฌก่ง‚็œ‹ โ€ข 4 ไธชๆœˆๅ‰

#ZimOppositionDeadAmidCapture In a political development which further confirms that Zimbabwe's opposition movement is now all but dead due to a combination of factors, including vote-buying by the ruling party, internal divisions and lack of leadership, Zanu PF candidate Freedom Murechu yesterday won the Nkulumane constituency by-election in Bulawayo with 3 416 votes. The by-election was conducted to fill the seat left vacant following the death of Nkulumane Member of Parliament Desire Moyo in a road accident on October 10. Independent candidate Rodney Jele came second with 745 votes, while Auxikia Zitha got 325. Mothusi "Madlela" Ndlovu of CCC got 320 votes, Fuzwayo Mbuso (independent) 121; Alson Moyo (EFF) 65, Nompilo Malaba Ncube (ZANC) 18, Ethel Sibanda (MDC-T) 23, Vivian Siziba (Zapu) 110 and Ester Zitha (independent) 325. The main opposition CCC now lies in ruins due to authoritarian political repression by the state, internal divisions, infiltration and its leader Nelson Chamisa's dramatic surrender to capture by the ruling party following the hijacking of the movement by his rivals from within and external forces, among other things. The current opposition situation is more complex and involves a mix of severe internal challenges and sustained repression by the ruling Zanu PF. The opposition in Zimbabwe is best described as fragmented, embattled, and captured. This is not new. The opposition has historically struggled with internal divisions, factionalism, and a lack of unified strategy, which critics argue has made it vulnerable to Zanu PF's systemic authoritarian tactics. The CCC experienced significant internal turmoil after Chamisa abruptly resigned in January 2024, claiming the party was "infiltrated" and "hijacked" by Zanu PF elements, which is part of politics in authoritarian political environments, leaving the party in disarray with no clear leader and direction. This followed a pattern of dubious court rulings and a wave of recalls of elected officials triggered by Sengezo Tshabangu's actions that critics say were orchestrated by the ruling party to weaken the opposition. Analysts say Zanu PF has now successfully co-opted the CCC, creating a "loyal opposition" through repression, judicial endorsements and patronage that give its captured members access to material privileges, resources and money. The internal wrangling and ineffectiveness within the opposition have led to a further dip in public trust, with some former supporters feeling their decades of hope and sacrifice have been betrayed. This will have a telling impact in the next elections, particularly as Zanu PF is changing the political system to consolidate hegemony. Besides repression, the ongoing protracted economic crisis has further undermined opposition political mobilisation and exposed its leaders and members to co-option through monetary rewards, patronage and trinkets. Having resigned from the CCC in early 2024 to distance himself from its "hijacked" structures, Chamisa has spent the year vaguely signalling a "reset". Recently, he hinted at a new "citizen-centric" movement to be unveiled soon, although he has been insinuating this for almost two years now without action amid growing disillusionment at the opposition support base. Despite these challenges, the remnants of opposition and civil society continue to condemn Zanu PF rule. Zanu PF itself is also divided and is currently reeling from a new bout of internal strife, fuelled by renewed succession infighting. Furthermore, efforts by some within Zanu PF to amend the constitution to extend President Mnangagwa's term beyond 2028 have widened internal divisions and renewed political tensions over succession, which analysts see as a potential area of vulnerability for the ruling party. However, Zanu PF political hegemony remains unchallenged by a weak and divided opposition which has collapsed and fragmented into rival factions as shown by yesterday's Nkulumane by-election.

TheNewsHawks

11,465 ๆฌก่ง‚็œ‹ โ€ข 7 ไธชๆœˆๅ‰

Katie Telford, Katie Telford as Chief of Staff to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, has been a central figure in a series of controversies that paint a troubling picture of governance under her watch. Her role in several high-profile controversies reveals significant issues of incompetence, lack of transparency, and questionable ethics within the Trudeau administration. One of the most glaring issues involving Telford is the WE Charity scandal. This scandal centers on the Canadian government awarding a $912 million student grant program to WE Charity, an organization with close ties to the Trudeau family. While Telford was not the central figure in this scandal, her position within the Prime Ministerโ€™s Office (PMO) during this period made her complicit in the fallout. Both Telford and Trudeau faced intense scrutiny for failing to recuse themselves from the decision-making process, despite these connections. The scandal raised serious questions about conflicts of interest and the overall decision-making process within the PMO, revealing a troubling lack of ethical governance and transparency. Additionally, Telford's role came under scrutiny during allegations of foreign election interference, particularly concerning attempts by the Chinese government to influence Canadian elections. Her responsibilities included managing sensitive political information related to these allegations. The Liberal governmentโ€™s handling of these serious issues, under her watch, has been criticized for a lack of decisive action and transparency. This failure to address the allegations adequately highlights broader concerns about the integrity of the political process and the administration's commitment to safeguarding democratic principles. The controversy surrounding moving expenses further complicates Telfordโ€™s record. She, along with her colleague Gerald Butts, was required to repay moving expenses deemed "unreasonable" by the government. While this may seem like an administrative issue, it contributes to a broader narrative of potential misuse of public funds by high-ranking officials. Such incidents, though perhaps not directly involving personal misconduct, reflect poorly on the fiscal responsibility and ethical standards within the PMO, adding to the accumulation of criticisms against Telford. Telfordโ€™s tenure as Trudeauโ€™s Chief of Staff has also been marked by general political criticism. Opposition parties and critics frequently target her influence and decisions within the PMO. These criticisms, while sometimes broad or speculative, suggest a pattern of political maneuvering and possibly unethical behavior. Her long tenure in this position has made her a focal point for criticism regarding the broader issues of political dysfunction and the erosion of public trust in the administration. Social media platforms and public discourse often blur the lines between fact and speculation, and while they may contain mixed information about Telfordโ€™s involvement in political decisions or her personal life, the persistent themes of lack of transparency and ethical concerns are significant. Public figures in high-stakes roles are often subject to intense scrutiny, and Telfordโ€™s involvement in these controversies reflects broader problems within the Trudeau administration. In conclusion, while there may not be direct personal scandals involving Katie Telford, her role in significant political controversies and administrative missteps paints a picture of a troubled administration characterized by mismanagement and ethical lapses. The accumulation of controversies associated with her role reveals systemic issues within the Trudeau government, contributing to an environment of diminished trust and accountability in Canadian politics.

Vote Canada

73,438 ๆฌก่ง‚็œ‹ โ€ข 1 ๅนดๅ‰

In evaluating Nigeriaโ€™s contemporary political landscape, it becomes increasingly important to distinguish between rhetoric and demonstrable political conduct. Among the nationโ€™s leading figures, Atiku Abubakar stands out as one of the few politicians whose record consistently reflects engagement across Nigeriaโ€™s geopolitical divides. From his long history in coalition politics to his continuous consultations with leaders across the North, South, East, and West, Atiku has demonstrated a rare capacity to function as a bridge within Nigeriaโ€™s complex federal structure. His political trajectory shows a deep familiarity with the workings of the system and a consistent commitment to negotiation, inclusion, and alliance-building. Notably, accounts from political stakeholders, including Southeast leaders such as Senator Ben Obi, have referenced periods of sustained engagement and dialogue in which the aspiration of regional equity including the Southeastโ€™s longstanding presidential ambition was openly discussed within broader national conversations. Within those discussions, Atiku has often been portrayed as receptive to the principle of fairness and zoning within party structures, and not antagonistic to regional aspirations. Based on these patterns, it is reasonable to argue that Atiku Abubakar remains one of the few national politicians whose political conduct suggests openness to supporting inclusive arrangements that could, under the right political consensus, create pathways for a Southeast presidency in the future. Ultimately, his strength lies not in regional isolation, but in his ability to connect Nigeriaโ€™s diverse political forces. He understands the structure, the negotiations, and the compromises that define national politics. Whether one agrees with him or not, it is difficult to deny that he remains one of the most strategically positioned figures capable of influencing how Nigeriaโ€™s political transitions are shaped. In that sense, his continued relevance keeps alive the broader idea of rotational inclusivity and national balance within Nigeriaโ€™s democratic evolution.

Sardauna

25,957 ๆฌก่ง‚็œ‹ โ€ข 3 ไธชๆœˆๅ‰

The speaker argues that the current student protests over exam paper leaks should not be limited to demanding the resignation of the Education Minister. Instead, he claims the root cause lies with the central government, alleging that institutions such as the Election Commission and the electoral system have been compromised. Key themes include: Criticism of the Prime Minister, the BJP, RSS, and the Union government. Allegations that repeated exam paper leaks reflect systemic governance failures. Calls for a broader political movement rather than a single-issue protest. Strong criticism of EVMs and advocacy for a return to paper ballots. Claims that democratic institutions have been weakened. Criticism of India's foreign policy, particularly regarding the US, Israel, Iran, China, and oil imports. Appeals for youth and citizens to participate in peaceful, sustained democratic movements. The video primarily expresses political opinions and allegations, many of which are disputed or not established as fact. For example: Claims that elections cannot be won unless permitted by the Prime Minister are political assertions, not proven facts. Statements about the Election Commission being completely controlled or elections being predetermined remain matters of political debate rather than judicially established conclusions. References to exam paper leaks are grounded in real incidents, but the attribution of responsibility to specific political actors is the speaker's interpretation. This video is less a news report and more a political speech. It mixes genuine public concernsโ€”such as exam paper leaks, unemployment, and institutional accountabilityโ€”with strong political accusations and personal opinions. Some criticisms are based on real events, while many broader conclusions are contested and should not be accepted as established facts without independent evidence. A healthy democracy allows criticism of governments, but it also requires citizens to distinguish between verified facts, political opinion, and rhetorical claims.

Ashok Dadhwal

14,831 ๆฌก่ง‚็œ‹ โ€ข 24 ๅคฉๅ‰

The DA's Dangerous Political Conditioning Strategy is in play | A Caution to Our Black Leaders and the Black Population in South Africa as Coalition Discussions are in full swing to form our new government The Black population must recognize this strategy for what it isโ€”a dangerous political conditioning aimed at destroying the unity of Ubuntu among the Black majority. Be cautious of narratives that seek to undermine our collective power and unity. The ANC, MK, and EFF collectively have 10.4 million votes, 65%, representing the black majority population in the 2024 election giving them a combined 256 of the 400 seats in the National Assembly. If every vote counts, how can the 10.4 million votes of Black voters who chose Black-led parties to govern South Africa, be overlooked in the selection of our government and president? Why is the DA, with only 3.5 million votes, 21.8% largely from the white minority, given so much power by business and media to dictate the terms, conditions, and structure of our government? When did the 10.4 million Black voters, who chose the ANC, MK, and EFF, grant permission to outsource their votes to the DA or amongst political parties they did not vote for, allowing them to dictate how our government is formed and who should be our next President? The DA's dangerous political conditioning strategy to keep the ANC, MK and EFF out of "power" is currently in play for coalitions. Social conditioning is the process by which people in a society are trained to think, believe, feel, want, and react in a way approved by influential groups within that society. The "Doomsday Coalition" is one of the DAโ€™s political strategies for this election, aimed at convincing the Black population that only the DA, a white-led minority political party, is capable of governing South Africa. Their primary goal has been to entice the Black majority to vote for the DA or one of its MPC partners, such as ActionSA and the IFP, along with allies like BOSA and Rise Mzansi. Failing that, if the ANC, MK, and EFF do achieve a majority in the elections to create a new government at the exclusion of the DA, the DA's "Doomsday Coalition" campaign was crafted to condition black voters for the DA to take control of the coalition discussions and dictate the terms for the formation of our new government. This is done through persistent political framing, suggesting that any Black-led dominant political party that threatens DA leadership is led by thieves who have destroyed South Africa. The more powerful a black leader is the greater the threat to the white-led DA and the more intense the political strategy to portray him as corrupt and dangerous to South Africa. This "Doomsday Coalition" strategy was strategically crafted and deployed through media, social media releases and mentioned in public speeches, creating a social phenomenon that implies only a white-led party can prevent the so-called "doomsday coalition" of the ANC, MK, and the violent EFF which aims to position the DA as the sole capable guardian of South Africa's future and destroy the credibility of the ANC, MK and EFF to make it impossible for these three parties to form one government. An example of how the DA used Political Framing is evident in Helen Zille's Statement Listen carefully to the political framing used by Helen Zille during her appearance on Newsroom Afrika on 30 May 2024 before the votes were counted, she said: 1. "The DA's job is to keep out the doomsday coalition of the ANC, MK, and EFF. 2. The DA will put South Africa's interest first 3. and it is in South Africa's interest that the DA grows and thrives to eventually become the biggest party in South Africa 4. because that is the only way to defend the constitution, defend the rule of law, and grow the economy. 5. So it is in South Africa's interest for the DA to flourish and prevent South Africa from falling into the hands of the people who are going to destroy it." Let's unpack the Key Elements of the DA's Political Framing: 1. Defining the Opposition: "The DA's job is to keep out the doomsday coalition of the ANC, MK, and EFF." Zille frames the ANC, MK, and EFF as a "doomsday coalition," implying that their governance would lead to catastrophic outcomes for South Africa. This negative framing between the DA and these Black-led parties,portrays the latter as a threat to the nation's well-being. 2. Positioning the DA as the Savior: "The DA will put South Africa's interest first." By claiming that the DA prioritizes South Africa's interests, Zille positions her party as the selfless protector of the nation. This positive framing seeks to build trust and credibility among voters, particularly within the Black population, to whom the DA's appeal has traditionally been limited. 3. Future Vision and Urgency: "It is in South Africa's interest that the DA grows and thrives to eventually become the biggest party in South Africa." This statement emphasizes the need for the DA's expansion and success as crucial for the country's future. It suggests that only a strong DA can ensure the protection of national interests. 4. Guardianship of Key Values: "Because that is the only way to defend the constitution, defend the rule of law, and grow the economy." Zille invokes core democratic values and economic growth, implying that these can only be safeguarded under DA leadership. This framing appeals to voters' concerns about stability, justice, and prosperity, painting the DA as the guardian of these essential elements. 5. Fear Appeal: "Prevent South Africa from falling into the hands of the people who are going to destroy it." The use of fear is evident in this statement. By suggesting that the ANC, MK, and EFF would "destroy" South Africa, Zille aims to instill a sense of urgency and danger, motivating and preparing the public to support the DA as a defensive measure against perceived threats. What is the the Impact of the Political Framing used by the DA: 6. Psychological Influence: This framing leverages psychological tactics such as fear, hope, and the appeal to higher values to sway voter opinion. By repeatedly associating the DA with positive outcomes and the ANC, MK and EFF with dire negative consequences, the DA hopes to condition voters to perceive them as the only viable option. 7. Social Conditioning: Zille's framing attempts to reshape societal perceptions and beliefs. It aims to create a social consensus that only the DA can save South Africa, thereby undermining the unity and influence of Black-led parties. 8. Reinforcement of Narrative: The framing reinforces the narrative that Black-led parties are incapable of effective governance and are a danger to the nation. This aims to weaken the unity of the Black majority and their confidence in their chosen leaders, aligning with the DA's broader strategy to disrupt the unity of Ubuntu among the Black population. In conclusion, Helen Zille's statement is a clear example of the DA's political framing strategy, designed to manipulate public perception and consolidate power by leveraging fear, positioning the DA as the protector of national interests, and discrediting Black-led opposition parties. This framing serves the broader objective of weakening the unity and influence of the Black majority in South Africa's political landscape. Warning: The Black population must recognize this strategy for what it isโ€”a dangerous political conditioning aimed at destroying the unity of Ubuntu among the Black majority. Be cautious of narratives that seek to undermine our collective power and unity.

Vimlesh Rajbansi

246,029 ๆฌก่ง‚็œ‹ โ€ข 2 ๅนดๅ‰

Mary Simon's Governor General of Canada appointment as Canada's Governor General has turned into a saga of controversy, excessive spending, and perceived political bias, casting a long shadow over what should have been a historic moment of representation for Indigenous peoples. From the moment she took office, her actions and expenditures have been scrutinized, revealing a pattern of what critics label as gross mismanagement and personal aggrandizement at the expense of public funds. The financial indiscretions are staggering. Simon's office has been accused of squandering taxpayer money on lavish in-flight meals costing $93,000 for trips to the Middle East, a sum that could have been better utilized for public welfare or critical infrastructure. Furthermore, the decision to spend $700,000 on a Book Fair and $71,000 on limousines paints a picture of an administration more concerned with pomp and circumstance than with fiscal responsibility. These expenses, rather than being justified, have become emblematic of a disconnect between the Governor General's office and the everyday struggles of Canadians, especially in times of economic hardship. The issue of language has also been weaponized against her. Simon's lack of proficiency in French, one of Canada's two official languages, has been seen not just as a cultural faux pas but as an affront to the linguistic heritage of a significant portion of the population. This has not only undermined her ability to connect with French-speaking Canadians but has also fueled perceptions of her as culturally insensitive and inadequately prepared for the role. Politically, her appointment by Justin Trudeau has been criticized as a move to cement Liberal influence within what should be an apolitical office. Her silence on crucial political matters, like the request from Pierre Poilievre to recall parliament for a confidence vote, suggests either a deliberate alignment with the Liberal agenda or a lack of understanding of her constitutional duties. This has led to accusations that she's merely a puppet for Trudeau's government, further eroding public trust in the office she holds. The accountability, or rather the stark lack thereof, from Simon's office has been a sore point. There's been no convincing response to the myriad criticisms, no transparency in how public funds are managed, and no public acknowledgment of the concerns raised by parliamentarians or the general populace. This opacity has fostered an environment where allegations of corruption, though not legally substantiated, thrive because of the absence of counter-narratives or explanations from her office. Her time is marked not by leadership but by controversy, with her every move scrutinized for signs of extravagance, political favoritism, and cultural insensitivity. Her silence on these issues does not exonerate her; it amplifies the narrative of a Governor General who is aloof, out of touch, and possibly corrupt in her handling of both public funds and her constitutional obligations. This has left a bitter taste, transforming what could have been a beacon of diversity and inclusion into a point of national contention and disappointment.

Vote Canada

55,976 ๆฌก่ง‚็œ‹ โ€ข 1 ๅนดๅ‰

Sri Amit Shah Ji Having worked with you for sometime in Central Govt, I can vouchsafe that out of all the top leaders in the Central Govt you are the most Hindu-minded. I have publicly congratulated you for your bold actions on Article 370 & CAA. Yet, in the last 9+ years of BJP rule in the Centre, public celebration of Hindu festivals are being banned and criminalised directly or by resorting to various subterfuges including through court orders. What kind of #Hindutva is this Sir, that your Governments at Centre and in States violate with impunity Article 25 of Constitution which gives fundamental right of freedom to profess and practice religion by public celebration of Hindu festivals by banning them on the specious ground of public order? Is that action of denial of fundamental right of Hindus on that spurious ground, not an admission of the utter failure and incompetence of your BJP Central and State Governments to maintain public order? By continuous denial of rights of Hindus for years to publicly celebrate their festivals, are your Central and State Governments not normalising their criminal negligence and utter incompetence in not upholding the Constitution? If this is not breakdown of constitutional governance, then what else could it be? On the contrary, your BJP Central and State Governments facilitate blocking of even public roads, highways, railway tracks etc for public celebration of Muslim festivals. What kind of secularism is this that the Central and State Governments deny majority Hindus the right to publicly celebrate their festivals while providing all sorts of facilities to so called minority Muslims to even block roads and public places to celebrate their festivals? It is time for the RSS and BJP to introspect about their virulently anti-Hindu stances and actions which have surpassed the actions of all other parties in the past 9+ years.

M. Nageswara Rao IPS (Retired)

16,989 ๆฌก่ง‚็œ‹ โ€ข 2 ๅนดๅ‰

"IT WAS PRESIDENT CHAMISA WHO ASKED ME TO TAKE UP THIS ROLE", CONFIRMS DAVID COLTART AFTER BECOMING BULAWAYO MAYOR " My first vote of thanks needs to go to President Nelson Chamisa, the leader of Triple C, and to the leadership of Triple C. As you may have heard, I didn't ask for this position. I thought at the age of 65 that I was nearing retirement. But it was President Chamisa who listened to the citizens of Bulawayo, not just within the Triple C, but from leadership from other political parties, civic leaders and church leaders. And it was President Nelson Chamisa who asked me to take up this role. And so, I need to thank him for the confidence that he has placed in me to perform this role; and to the leadership of my party". - David Coltart speaking after he was made Balawayo Mayor on 11 September 2023 COMMENT: There it is. Chamisa had pledged that he and his CCC would let communities choose their own representative for Parliament and for local authorities. David Coltart's confirmation that he was imposed by Chamisa is important as it exposes the Triple C leader in three ways: Firstly, Chamisa is contemptuous of local communities like Ward 4 residents in Bulawayo to whom he made a false commitment that they would be free to choose their council candidates only for him to ignore all their preferences, as he did after the Ward 4 CCC community caucus rejected Coltart. Secondly, Chamisa imposed Coltart as the winner of the CCC Ward 4 candidate-selection community caucus when Coltart had not only lost the community selection contest, but also when he had come number last in the contest. Thirdly, Chamisa's contempt for the right of the community in Ward 4 to choose its council candidate, and his imposition of Coltart who was rejected by the Ward 4 community, demonstrates that in fact Chamisa does not believe in free, fair and credible elections; instead, he believes in imposing his handpicked candidates; just like he imposed Coltart!

Prof Jonathan Moyo

117,450 ๆฌก่ง‚็œ‹ โ€ข 2 ๅนดๅ‰