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๐— ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐˜‚๐—ณ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐˜๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ฃ๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ป๐˜ ๐—–๐—น๐—ผ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐˜€ After being in operation since 1947, ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—š๐—ผ๐—ผ๐—ฑ๐˜†๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ ๐—ณ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐˜๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜† ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐—ž๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฒ๐—ด๐—ฎ ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜€ ๐—ฐ๐—น๐—ผ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐—ถ๐˜๐˜€ ๐—ฑ๐—ผ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜€, leaving around 900 people without jobs. โ€”โ€”โ€”โ€”โ€” ๐—”๐—ฑ๐—ฑ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—™๐˜‚๐—ฒ๐—น ๐˜๐—ผ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—™๐—ถ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ The US-South Africa trade relations has placed further uncertainty around the automotive industry. It is expected that the ๐—ฎ๐˜‚๐˜๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ผ๐˜๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ...

14,404 views โ€ข 11 months ago โ€ขvia X (Twitter)

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South Africa operates a floating exchange rate. That simply means the Rand's value is determined by supply and demand in global markets. ๐——๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ฑ๐˜€ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐˜€๐—ต๐—ผ๐—ฐ๐—ธ, ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฅ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐˜๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐˜€ ๐—ฎ "๐˜€๐—ต๐—ผ๐—ฐ๐—ธ ๐—ฎ๐—ฏ๐˜€๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ". What Lesetja Kganyago is really telling you is how you can trade it. The journalists asked about the risk, but the governor is telling you how to make money based on how the Monetary Regime works. ๐—›๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ต๐—ผ๐˜„: When the ZAR depreciates, it acts as a natural stabilizer, ๐˜„๐—ต๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ต ๐˜€๐—น๐—ผ๐˜„๐˜€ ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ๐—ฝ๐—ถ๐˜๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ณ๐—น๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ต๐˜ ๐—ฏ๐˜† ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—ธ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ฒ๐˜…๐—ถ๐˜๐˜€ ๐—บ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—ฒ๐˜…๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜€๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ. (i.e. you taking money out at the wrong time). ๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฝ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ถ๐—ฐ ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—น๐—น๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ฐ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐˜† ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜๐˜€. The depreciation itself becomes an inevitable brake on the panic, which slows the exit, and then allows for the buffer to work. ๐—ฆ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐˜๐—ต ๐—”๐—ณ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ'๐˜€ ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐˜ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜ ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐˜€๐—ถ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐—ณ๐—ณ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ, ๐—ถ๐˜ ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—น๐—ผ๐˜„๐˜€ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜€ ๐—ผ๐—ณ๐—ณ๐˜€๐—ต๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฝ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ ๐—ณ๐˜‚๐—ป๐—ฑ๐˜€ ๐—ฏ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐—ธ ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ผ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐˜†, to capitalize on those entry points that were created by the panic (Shock). He is telling you that the Rand, in other words, has a built-in stabilizing mechanism that kicks in precisely when things look the worst, ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜'๐˜€ ๐˜„๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—บ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐˜† ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ. This man is 100% following David (TalkingCents), because this is exactly how I trade to make money, and he told everyone how to do it live on air. Legend!

David (TalkingCents)

139,307 views โ€ข 3 months ago

๐ŸŒ๐—”๐—ณ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ ๐—œ๐˜€ ๐—ก๐—ผ๐˜ ๐—ช๐—ฎ๐—ถ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด โ€” ๐—œ๐˜โ€™๐˜€ ๐—ฆ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ฝ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—™๐˜‚๐˜๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฒ! Speaking at the Georgia State University Andrew Young School in the United States, during the MandelaWshFellowship, I carried with me the weight of responsibility and generational urgency for Africaโ€™s future โ€” ๐—ฎ ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ป๐—ผ๐˜ ๐˜„๐—ฎ๐—ถ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜ƒ๐—ถ๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜๐—ผ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ณ๐˜‚๐˜๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐˜ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐˜๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—น๐˜† ๐˜€๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ฝ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ถ๐˜. โ—ผ๏ธ๐—ง๐—ผ ๐—ด๐—น๐—ผ๐—ฏ๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ป๐—ผ๐˜ƒ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜€: The real ROI lies in co-creation. Africa is not just the next frontier โ€” ๐—ถ๐˜ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐˜†๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ฟ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ถ๐˜€๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜€๐—ฎ๐—ฏ๐—น๐—ฒ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ-๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฐ๐—ต๐—ถ๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐˜ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿญ๐˜€๐˜ ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐˜†. From market stalls transforming into data hubs to farms evolving into predictive engines, young African pioneers are not only reimagining AIโ€™s potential โ€” they are engineering blueprints the world will follow. Partner with us. Invest in our talent pipelines. Scale our homegrown breakthroughs. ๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ด๐—ถ๐—ฐ ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ต๐˜. โ—ผ๏ธ๐—ง๐—ผ ๐—”๐—ณ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฎโ€™๐˜€ ๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐—ถ๐—น๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜€: Your canvas is the world. Code with purpose. Build with vision. Lead with audacity. Scale your vision globally. The world isnโ€™t waiting ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐˜†๐—ผ๐˜‚ โ€”itโ€™s waiting ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐˜†๐—ผ๐˜‚. Donโ€™t catch upโ€”leap ahead. Define whatโ€™s next. This is the future we are building at Otic Group. Our ๐—ฒ๐˜๐—ต๐—ผ๐˜€ is simple: ๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—บ๐—ผ๐˜€๐˜ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฒ๐—น๐—น๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜, ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐˜„๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ณ๐˜‚๐—น ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฒ๐—น๐—น๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ฑ๐˜† ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐˜‚๐˜€. Our work isn't about importing solutions; it's about unlocking that innate brilliance. Do that, and you don't just change a marketโ€”you change the century!

Nesta Paul Katende

167,541 views โ€ข 11 months ago

I would like to congratulate my dear friend and fellow at the African Leadership Institute, Lerato Mataboge, for being elected to lead the infrastructure and energy portfolio at the African Union. As the new Commissioner for Infrastructure and Energy of the African Union Commission, Lerato will be responsible for one of the most important talking points in Africa that will help propel the continent towards closing the wide gap between itself and other continents. Lerato is a highly intelligent individual who has served as the Deputy Director of Trade for the South African government. South Africaโ€™s loss is truly Africaโ€™s gain, as the continent needs experienced yet youthful bureaucrats chosen for their competence, not through political deals. Africaโ€™s transportation infrastructure is underdeveloped, with only about 53% of roads paved, compared to higher percentages in other developing regions. This inadequacy increases intra-African trade costs by approximately 30โ€“40% making goods more expensive. Africa is struggling with digital infrastructure, with only 0.6 fixed broadband subscriptions per 100 people, compared to 2.1 in South Asia and 10.6 in the Middle East and North Africa. Electing a South African to this important position makes a lot of sense because it is the continental leader in this area and Leratoโ€™s wide network in the areas of economics, trade, banking and other related financial institutions will certainly come in hand. Congratulations to her and thank you to the South African government and its people for sending such a highly qualified leader to the African Union, and congratulations to Africa as a continent!

Hopewell Chinโ€™ono

24,646 views โ€ข 1 year ago

For opposing the inclusion of men who claim transgender status in women's sports, and for calling men, men, Kirralie Smith has been ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ฝ๐—ฎ๐˜† $๐Ÿต๐Ÿฑ,๐Ÿฌ๐Ÿฌ๐Ÿฌ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐˜๐˜„๐—ผ ๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐˜€-๐—ถ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐—ถ๐—ณ๐—ถ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐˜„๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ป'๐˜€ ๐˜€๐—ผ๐—ฐ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ - in addition to their court fees. One of the men, Justin "Riley" Dennis, has ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ท๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐—ณ๐—ฒ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ฒ ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ต๐—น๐—ฒ๐˜๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ฑ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฐ๐—ต๐—ฒ๐˜€. Despite this, the team he plays on, ๐˜„๐—ต๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ต ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜€ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—น๐˜‚๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ฟ ๐—ผ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐˜€-๐—ถ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐—ถ๐—ณ๐—ถ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ฒ๐˜€, was presented with a Fair Play Award. But in addition to the egregious payout, Kirralie has also been ordered, by the Supreme Court of New South Wales, ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐˜€๐˜ ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐˜€๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—น ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐˜€๐—ผ๐—ฐ๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ๐—ถ๐—ฎ, ๐—ฎ๐˜€ ๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—ฝ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—บ๐—ผ๐˜€๐˜ ๐˜ƒ๐—ถ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ฏ๐—น๐—ฒ ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐˜€๐˜, ๐—ฎ ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜ ๐˜„๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐˜๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐—ฏ๐˜† ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐˜ ๐—ฎ๐—ฑ๐—บ๐—ถ๐˜๐˜๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—ด๐˜‚๐—ถ๐—น๐˜ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—น๐˜† ๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ๐—น๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—น๐—ณ ๐—ฎ ๐—ฏ๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ผ๐˜. The court ordered the text must remain prominently visible for three months. An attorney for one of the men, Nicholas "Stephanie" Blanch, had demanded the posts remain visible for up to TWO YEARS across all of her social media. The text of the court-ordered announcement, known as Annexure A, and intended to teach a lesson to anyone who reads her content, is as follows: --------------- "ANNEXURE A PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE LOCAL COURT OF NSW AS VARIED BY THE SUPREME COURT OF NSW Following proceedings in the Local Court of NSW (2024/78280) the Local Court of NSW has declared that Kirralie Smith and Binary Australia contravened section 38S of the Anti-Discrimination Act 1997 (NSW) by making and publishing various social media posts between 19 January 2023 and 27 March 2023 and a newsletter dated 19 January 2023 that incited hatred towards, serious contempt for, or severe ridicule of a soccer player on the ground that she is a transgender person. Public acts that incite hatred towards, serious contempt for, or severe ridicule of, a person or group of persons on the ground that the person or group are transgender are unlawful under the Anti-Discrimination Act 1977 (NSW). The Local Court of NSW has ordered Kirralie Smith and Binary Australia to pay damages to the soccer player, and to remove the offending posts and to not repeat or continue the offending behaviour."

Genevieve Gluck

20,915 views โ€ข 15 hours ago

Recently, pictures of Jyothi Yarraji receiving her gold medal went viral. Not because of the race. Not because she became Indiaโ€™s fastest woman in the 100m hurdles. But because of ๐˜„๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜ ๐˜€๐˜๐—ผ๐—ผ๐—ฑ ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ๐—ต๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฟ. An almost empty stadium. No roaring crowd. No packed stands. No national celebration. Just silence. And that silence says far more about us than it does about her. ๐—•๐˜‚๐˜ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—น๐˜† ๐˜€๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฝ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด? Weโ€™ve seen this pattern again and again. In India, sports ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐˜๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ ๐—ฐ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ธ๐—ฒ๐˜ ๐—ผ๐—ณ๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฟ๐˜‚๐—ด๐—ด๐—น๐—ฒ ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐˜ƒ๐—ถ๐—ฒ๐˜„๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜€๐—ต๐—ถ๐—ฝ, even when Indian athletes perform at the highest level. That is why, just days earlier, massive crowds had gathered simply to catch a ๐—ด๐—น๐—ถ๐—บ๐—ฝ๐˜€๐—ฒ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—Ÿ๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—น ๐— ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜€๐—ถ. But ask those same people about the state of Indian football, or ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—ฒ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐—ฎ ๐—ณ๐—ฒ๐˜„ ๐—ฐ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜ ๐—œ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐—ป ๐—ฝ๐—น๐—ฎ๐˜†๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜€, and most would have no idea. The same holds true for hockey, archery, athletics, and dozens of other sports in India. ------------------------ This is what ๐—”๐—ฐ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐˜†๐—ฎ ๐—ฃ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐˜€๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ป๐˜ often points out: everything ultimately ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ฑ๐—ผ๐˜„๐—ป ๐˜๐—ผ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ถ๐—ฑ๐˜‚๐—ฎ๐—น. As individuals, we donโ€™t know where to put our money, ๐˜„๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜ ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ฟ ๐—ฎ๐˜๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป,or what is truly worth celebrating. And this ๐˜€๐—ต๐—ผ๐˜„๐˜€ ๐˜‚๐—ฝ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—น๐—น๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐˜๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—น๐˜† ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ฟ ๐˜€๐—ผ๐—ฐ๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ฝ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ฒ๐˜€, our systems, our leaders, and even our stadiums. Our politicians, too, are merely a reflection of who we are. That is why change has to begin with the ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ฝ๐˜‚๐—น๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ณ๐—ถ๐—ฟ๐˜€๐˜. Change is always inside-out. Outside-in never works, ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ๐˜‚๐˜€๐—ฒ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐˜๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐˜„๐—ถ๐˜๐—ต๐—ถ๐—ป. Real change will always originate from within.

PrashantAdvait Foundation

19,262 views โ€ข 7 months ago

Ignorance is indeed very expensive. This guy who is celebrating Donald Trump clearly does not understand what Donald Trump has done to South Africa, which the guy claims to love. Here are a few things that Donald Trump, whom he is celebrating, has done to South Africa. Donald Trump has threatened South Africaโ€™s trade relationship with the United States and imposed punitive tariff measures on South African exports. He has also publicly and falsely accused South Africa of discriminating against white Afrikaners, falsely promoted damaging claims of a so-called โ€œwhite genocideโ€, and runs a racist refugee programme for white South Africans. He portrays South Africa as a country persecuting minorities and has used the White House and international platforms to amplify narratives that South Africa itself says are factually inaccurate. He has linked aid and diplomatic relations to South Africaโ€™s imagined land reform expropriation and attacked South Africa over its case against Israel at the International Court of Justice. His actions have damaged investor confidence through hostile rhetoric, increased diplomatic tensions between Washington and Pretoria, and contributed to the portrayal of South Africa as a country in crisis despite repeated objections from the South African government. The cumulative effect of these actions has been diplomatic strain, economic uncertainty, reputational damage, pressure on trade relations, and the reinforcement of international narratives that sane South Africans know are misleading, politically motivated, and harmful to South Africaโ€™s interests. South Africa has already lost about US$439 million, around R8.5 billion due to Trumpโ€™s actions against it. The people who will suffer the most are not politicians or wealthy business owners, but ordinary South Africans. When exports decline and investment falls, companies hire fewer workers, expand less, and cut jobs. The greatest burden will fall on the poor, the unemployed, and young people trying to enter the labour market. The real victims of Donald Trumpโ€™s policies towards South Africa are ordinary South Africans. When trade is disrupted, exports fall, investment slows, and businesses become reluctant to expand, it is poor South Africans who suffer the most. The result is fewer jobs, lower economic growth, and less tax revenue to fund public services. In a country already battling high unemployment and poverty, economic punishment ultimately falls hardest on those who can least afford it. At best, this guy speaking is a useful idiot advancing someone elseโ€™s agenda without understanding the consequences. At worst, he is politically naive, economically illiterate, and acting against both his own interests and those of his fellow South Africans. Either way, he is cheering a guy harming the very country he claims to love. As I said yesterday, these groups are advancing an agenda that belongs elsewhere and is being funded from somewhere, riding on genuine concerns that have now been hijacked by South Africaโ€™s enemies. Sadly, one cannot understand this in the absence of critical thinking. I never thought that I would live to see the day when a black South African would bootlick an American president who has done so much to harm his country. Ignorance is indeed very expensive. To understand the level of ignorance we are dealing with, this gentleman confidently informed us that the United States has more than 700 million people while arguing about immigration. The actual population of the United States is about 340 million. He overestimated it by more than 360 million people, an error greater than the population of America The irony is that he was trying to lecture others about immigration and population issues while not knowing the population of the very country he was using as an example. If you cannot get a basic demographic fact right, it becomes difficult to take seriously your analysis of immigration, labour markets, economic policy, or population dynamics. This is not a small mistake. Population size is one of the most fundamental facts in any discussion about immigration because it provides the context for understanding the scale of migration and its impact. When someone is wrong by more than 360 million people, they are not simply getting a number wrong. They are demonstrating that they do not understand the subject they are trying to explain, they are just a hammer for someone else. That is why confidence should never be mistaken for knowledge. What he did praising Trump is like a Mozambican, Angolan, Zimbabwean, or Namibian enthusiastically praising the apartheid state for one policy while ignoring that apartheid South Africa spent decades undermining the liberation and development of African countries throughout the region and killing black South Africans. At some point, admiration for a single policy has to be weighed against the totality of the damage caused. The level of ignorance is trying astounding!!

Hopewell Chinโ€™ono

43,401 views โ€ข 1 month ago

RETWEET Watching Dimakatso Makoena saying that โ€œI Hate Foreignersโ€ with such raw emotion and painfully crying in this attached BBC documentary film makes you realise how evil and manipulative failed politicians can be towards unsuspecting citizens who are victims of their failures. South Africa has an immigration crisis that canโ€™t be wished away, but it is also a complex problem that canโ€™t be explained in simplistic terms as many try to do, especially the authors of the crisis, politicians. South Africans were not born hating foreign nationals, like racism, they were taught to hate and to believe that all their problems were authored by African foreign nationals, both legal and illegal immigrants. The explanation for every political and economic failure in South Africa is now on foreigners, even someone who canโ€™t get an erection at home will soon probably blame foreigners too. It is true that South Africa has attracted more foreigners than any other country on the continent because of its historic successful and big economy, and how the apartheid economic architecture attracted cheap migrant labour from surrounding countries to maximise on its profits. Apartheid was a racist business model run by politicians and businesspeople, todayโ€™s South Africa is also run by one of the richest businesspeople in Africa, Cyril Ramaphosa, whose many businesses have benefited from migrant labour. Unlike in the past where mass immigration was triggered mainly by weak economies coming out of colonial rule that surrounded the apartheid regime, the bulk of illegal immigration today is now triggered by failed economies around South Africa particularly Zimbabwe, which has failed due to grand incompetence and political repressive corrupt rule. Why is it like this, and who is responsible for this immigration crisis, and how can this be changed to bring a healthy balance of immigration/migration which is not only one way? This has been caused by a dead economy in Zimbabwe which was killed by corrupt rule and the plunder of that countryโ€™s natural resources. Zimbabweans used to find work in Zimbabwe and had working public services like hospitals after that country's independence in 1980, and only went to South Africa to buy things to come and sell back home, it was business from top to bottom. Of course, as I said earlier, there was an earlier flow of migrants from Zimbabwe and other African countries during the colonial days of the famed WNLA which stood for Witwatersrand Native Labour Association (WNLA), more popularly known as WENELA. It was set up by the gold mines in South Africa as a recruiting agency for migrant workers. Before that people were always moving around the region looking for better pastures and a better standard of living, Africa was a village. That is how you ended up with the Ray Phiris, Hugh Masekelas (whose real surname was Munyepawu from Zimbabwe) and Herman Mashabas of this world. Their parents, grandparents and great grand parents came to South Africa to seek better lives and also to seek work mostly in mines after the nineteenth century, they were born in South Africa to migrant workers or children of migrant workers. Todayโ€™s illegal immigration crisis is driven by old factors of cheap labour on the part of South African businesses, and it is accentuated by new political players, the failed regional ruling parties like ZANUPF. In normal countries this is easily resolved by an election where the citizens can choose a different government and remove the crooks and incompetent parties from power. But Zimbabwe is not normal, it has a ruling party which came into power with its own military wings, ZANLA/ZIPRA which became the national army. Elections are routinely rigged, and citizens beaten to pulp or killed for resisting the failed political and economic status quo which is anchored by corruption and incompetence. The only organization that can stop this is SADC, which is a regional grouping of 16 countries with election protocols that all member states must follow and adhere to. However, ZANUPF has been able to repeatedly violate these protocols for 23 years with the support of South Africaโ€™s ruling party, the African National Congress. ANC is powerful because it runs the most diverse and sophisticated economy on the African continent, so what it says in SADC matters, and what it doesnโ€™t say matters too. Recently the ANC endorsed the shambolic Zimbabwean elections as democratic, ignoring the mountain of evidence to the contrary. It called the Zimbabwean opposition leader a puppet of the West, and it said it will support ZANUPF regardless. Indirectly it called the millions that voted for the opposition puppets of the West too, what motivates the ANC to say such scurrilous stuff if not bungs? So, the ANC literally endorses the causes and drivers of illegal immigration in South Africa, possibly for corrupt reasons, yet when back home it insults Zimbabweans asking them to leave South Africa and go back to Zimbabwe. The ANC is also riding on the xenophobic/anti-foreign nationalsโ€™ campaign as seen recently when South Africa's Minister for Police, Bheki Cele took to the highways to personally inspect public transport and remove Zimbabweans without proof on residence on them. This of course is done for politicking reasons, it is an empty explanation to why the economy in South Africa has terribly tanked. ZANUPF blames sanctions for all its failures with the help of Ramaphosa who trumpets the sanctions propaganda everywhere he goes, yet he knows that Zimbabwe has failed due to corrupt rule, incompetence and economic mismanagement. The ANC has now joined the scapegoating bandwagon of blaming foreigners for its failures to govern. It surreptitiously supports Dudula, which is a vigilante group agitating for foreign nationals to leave South Africa regardless of whether they are legal or illegal using the lie that South Africa has collapsed economically due to foreign nationals. Citizens are easy to deceive especially in poor townships, but why are they easily deceived. It is however true that illegal foreign nationals access social and health delivery services in South Africa, creating flash points with locals who complain that they are squeezed out because of the competitive unbudgeted use of public services by illegal foreign nationals. Seventy-five percent of women who give birth at Musina hospital in South Africaโ€™s Limpopo province are Zimbabwean according to the South African Minister of Home Affairs, Dr Aaron Motsoaledi. This is because Zimbabweโ€™s biggest hospital only has one working maternity theatre built in 1977 by Ian Smithโ€™s colonial government. 2500 Zimbabwean woman die every year giving birth and as a result, many run away to South Africa to avoid dying when giving birth. This could be easily fixed because a maternity theatre costs only US$37,000 (R666,000) to build, but the Zimbabwean government has failed to do this for its citizens. In a normal society, and in normal times, you simply vote out such an uncaring government, but Zimbabweans have repeatedly tried to do so, but failed due to repression and the failure by SADC to force Zimbabwe to adhere to its constitutional commitments and regional election protocols. The ZANUPF regime has also been repeatdly supported by the ANC and the South African Government on many times to evade this SADC scrutiny as has happened in the recently held shambolic and rigged election, where citizens spent more than 12 hours waiting for ballot papers in opposition strongholds which were 5 minutes away from the election commission offices. It means that South Africa will receive more undocumented Zimbabweans looking for health and social services, and more importantly looking for jobs. South African ANC elites donโ€™t care about this because they donโ€™t use public hospitals, and they donโ€™t live in the townships where there is a shortage of public service amenities. They only care when it is election time, they only care for votes. As South Africa heads towards the 2024 general election, spare a thought for immigrants regardless of whether they are legal or not, particularly African foreign nationals because they will be scapegoated by both the ruling ANC party, and the many fringe one-issue parties that have all congregated around the immigration issue for easy pickings of votes. Immigration is a real crisis in South Africa that has ceased to be a foreign policy issue anymore, it is now a domestic policy issue because it now has the real potential of stopping the ANC from crossing the fifty percent mark in the 2024 elections, forcing the possibility of a coalition government of sorts not out of choice, but out of necessity, a first since 1994. I said the immigration crisis is complex, it has created social pressures in poor communities, but it is not the reason why the South African economy has tanked. Illegal immigration can be fixed by allowing citizens to have free, fair and credible elections particularly in Zimbabwe so that they donโ€™t flock into South Africa, but how can this be possible when the ANC sanitises stolen and shambolic elections? Nobody wants to leave their own home to go to a place where they are not wanted, but they do it because at times it is the difference between living and death. Both South Africa and Zimbabwe require leadership scrutiny, the leaders on both sides of Limpopo are responsible for the immigration crisis, yet it is the poor people that batter each other whilst the politicians are locked away in their mansions. Something must give, the citizens must wake up to the realities of corrupt and incompetent rule and not allow scapegoating to be used as a deceptive tool to explain failed governance. Sadly, it might be too late for 2024, but perhaps the 2024 election result might force the ANC to have a change of heart and for once do the right thing on the Zimbabwe political crisis that has staggered on since 2023.

Hopewell Chinโ€™ono

179,271 views โ€ข 2 years ago

๐—œ๐˜€ ๐—ฆ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐˜๐—ต ๐—”๐—ณ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—น๐—น๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐—ฏ๐˜† ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—–๐—œ๐—”? ๐—œ๐—ณ ๐—ถ๐˜ ๐—ถ๐˜€; ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜ ๐˜„๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—น๐—ฑ ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜† ๐——๐—”๐—ก๐—š๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—ข๐—จ๐—ฆ. | ๐Ÿ•ต๐Ÿฝโ€โ™‚๏ธ๐Ÿ‘จ๐Ÿฝโ€๐Ÿ’ป๐Ÿ‘จ๐Ÿปโ€๐Ÿ’ป ๐ŸŽฌ This newly released documentary details how the CIA and FBI targeted and attacked people for using social media, and other information/media platforms. For many years, South African mainstream media/journalists have been accused of being paid and controlled by the CIA. In September 2022, there was an international investigation publication that named five [5] South African media outlets that are linked to the CIA. These media houses never refuted the allegations. They just didn't respond confirming the article was true. In July 2021, the South African dictatorship Government failed (deliberately) to contain riots which were spreading throughout the country and then decided to randomly attack social media, specific accounts they wanted to use as scapegoats because they didn't want to take accountability for what had happened, ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ๐˜€๐—ฒ ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ป๐˜๐˜€ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ๐˜† ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ฑ ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐˜‚๐—ป๐—น๐—ฎ๐˜„๐—ณ๐˜‚๐—น๐—น๐˜† ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ ๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿฌ๐Ÿญ๐Ÿต. People's homes were raided, abused, harassed and unlawfully arrested. These cases were thrown out of court due to a lack of evidence. The Magistrates came hard on the State saying their actions were wrong and abusive towards citizens. There are also NGOs like CABC which is based in Cape Town that published about social media influence based on bogus data, not facts. These are accounts that were also targeted by the corrupt South African law enforcement. Coincidence? No! They collude and cooperate to attack citizens. ๐Ÿ“บ | In 2022, South Africa [Dstv/Multichoice] shutdown Russia Today, which came as a shock to many people, especially considering the relations between both countries, Russia and South Africa [BRICS]. The government of South Africa didn't fight this move, until today ล”T is blocked in South Africa. In 2019 the same (Multichoice) shutdown ANN7 news channel which was an alternative/dissenting voice. Subscribers were never consulted in all of these decisions, yet pay high fees monthly for services. ๐‘ฐ๐’‡ ๐’•๐’‰๐’†๐’š ๐’…๐’๐’'๐’• ๐’‚๐’ˆ๐’“๐’†๐’† ๐’˜๐’Š๐’•๐’‰ ๐’š๐’๐’–, they silence you. There have been many state security threats incidents that have happened many times in the past 7 years, ๐˜„๐—ต๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ต ๐˜€๐˜‚๐—ด๐—ด๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐˜€ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ป๐—ผ ๐—œ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฒ๐—น๐—น๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐—ฆ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐˜๐—ต ๐—”๐—ณ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ ๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐˜ ๐—ฒ๐˜…๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ณ๐—น๐˜‚๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ. I.e: CIA, former apartheid officers, Europe Intelligence interference in the country. Recently, there has been reports of high profile figures involved in serious organized crimes. This includes members of the judiciary, politicians and law enforcement officers. Is South Africa "under siege"? Is there danger citizens face yet unaware of it? Is external influence controlling the country. Because if it is, that would be the deepest, most dangerous form of TREASON that puts the lives of ALL citizens in danger!

Evaluator.

42,507 views โ€ข 1 year ago

๐ŸŽฌWHAT IS THIS SCARYNESS??? 1. โ˜‘๏ธ A person who claimed to be a lawyer in Beijing, ๐˜„๐—ต๐—ผ ๐˜‚๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—น๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ต๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฎ, posted a video sharing his observations. This person stated that they had once lived in Building No. 15, while Yu Menglong passed away in Building No. 18. According to her, the window design there includes a tall frame and sturdy protective grilles. If someone had suddenly jumped out, there would certainly have been signs of damage, yet none were found at the scene. She also emphasized that: - The windows in the apartment open inward rather than outward, making it very difficult for someone to accidentally fall out from a loss of balance. - The height of the window makes the idea of "being drunk and accidentally falling" nearly impossible. - Even under the hypothesis of an intentional suicide, "๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฒ ๐˜„๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—น๐—ฑ ๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐—น๐—น ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐—ฎ ๐—ฟ๐˜‚๐—ป๐—ป๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐˜ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—ธ๐—ฒ ๐—ถ๐˜ ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ฝ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ป", which she found even more illogical. After Yu Menglong's death, many people questioned why the neighbors on the night of the incident remained silent none called the police or spoke out to clarify what happened. This only fueled suspicions of an "๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ฏ๐—น๐—ผ๐—ฐ๐—ธ๐—ฎ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ". 2.โœ”๏ธ One of the reasons why Song Yiren became the subject of speculation was that she once lived in the same building as Yu Menglong. This was revealed through photos the actress herself had shared on social media. Some online users even pointed out that the room where Yu Menglong fell had a ceiling lamp identical to the one seen in Song Yiren's photos. A wave of rumors then spread, claiming that Song Yiren had also attended the party with Yu Menglong and then she fled to Japan after the incident. ๐—ฆ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ฌ๐—ถ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐—น๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ 3๐—ฟ๐—ฑ ๐—ณ๐—น๐—ผ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—•๐˜‚๐—ถ๐—น๐—ฑ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด 18, ๐˜„๐—ต๐—ถ๐—น๐—ฒ ๐—ฌ๐˜‚ ๐— ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ด๐—น๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—น๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ 5๐˜๐—ต ๐—ณ๐—น๐—ผ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐˜€๐—ฎ๐—บ๐—ฒ ๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐—ถ๐—น๐—ฑ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด. 3.๐Ÿ“ž A brave female lawyer publicly said in the video that she was willing to represent this case for free. However, this action had to pay a high price: the female lawyer disappeared and was suspected of being banned and silenced. ๐Ÿ‘‰ speak up to help Yu Menglong's family prepare the proceedings. 4.โ™Ÿ๏ธ Silence anyone who voices opinions about the case and claims it's fabricated or challenges the police from celebrities to ordinary people. ๐—จ๐˜€๐—ฒ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ "๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐˜ ๐—ฐ๐—น๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด" ๐—น๐—ฎ๐˜„ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—น๐—ฒ๐˜๐—ฒ ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ป๐˜๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐˜€๐˜๐˜€, ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜ ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ผ๐—ฝ๐—น๐—ฒ. 5. โšซ๏ธ A police officer who wanted to question and reinvestigate the case (not from the Chaoyang precinct) was also disciplined and dismissed from his position. 6.๐ŸŒซ๏ธ ๐—˜๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐˜€๐—ฒ ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—น ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ฎ๐—ฏ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐˜ ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐˜๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐—ฌ๐˜‚ ๐— ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ด๐—น๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ณ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—บ ๐˜€๐—ผ๐—ฐ๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ๐—ถ๐—ฎ. For example, his music releases, song links, MVs, and event posts on Weibo none of the links can be accessed anymore, even though they were part of his professional work. His name has also been removed from film and television projects. 7.โž• People from outside who wanted to come to Beijing to speak up and demand justice were also advised not to go. They were warned that if they did, it would be very dangerous - they might never be seen again. โ€ผ๏ธ ๐Ÿ‘‰ Blacklist๐Ÿ–ค #ไบŽๆœฆๆœงๅขœๆจ“ไบ‹ไปถ #YuMenglongFallingEvent #justiceforyumenglong #ไบŽๆœฆ่ƒงๅ ๆฅผ #YuMenglong #ไบŽๆœฆ่ƒง #AlanYu #YuMenglong #JusticeforYuMenglong #YuMenglongไบŽๆœฆ่ƒง #ไบŽๆœฆ่ƒง

๋ฏธ๋‚˜๋ฌธ๐ŸŒ™ ๐Ÿ‡ฐ๐Ÿ‡ท๐Ÿ‡น๐Ÿ‡ผ

154,899 views โ€ข 9 months ago

This report by Sky News Africa correspondent Yousra Elbagir is heartbreaking yet typical for both poor Zimbabweans and their counterparts in South Africa, who are pitted against each other by South African politicians who use the immigration crisis to explain the stagnant South African economy and lack of jobs for poor and uneducated South Africans. My unsolicited advice to the South African Home Affairs Minister Leon Schreiber is that he is dealing with a political problem, not a technical one. My advice to ordinary South Africans is that mass deportations are a waste of time and your taxpayers money. Those deported today will return tomorrow, thanks to your border officials who demand bribes, it is a revolving door, and the porous border. I can get a bus full of people without passports to come into South Africa through the border not the river or back to Zimbabwe through the border again, thanks to the corruption on the South African side at the BeitBridge border post. This issue will not go away unless and until the ANC realises that it will lose power in 2029 and local government votes in 2026 for supporting ZANUPFโ€™s corrupt rule. As I said, the real problem lies in the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe, which the ANC has nurtured for decades at the expense of its own survival and its own people. The ANC risks losing power if it continues to babysit ZANUPF, this will happen in 2029 if nothing changes and the economy continued to stagnate. You do not hear of a Zambian illegal immigrant problem in South Africa because there is no political crisis in Zambia. Poorer countries than Zimbabwe, like Malawi, Botswana, and Namibia, have never caused an illegal immigrant crisis in South Africa because they also donโ€™t have a political crisis which manifests through thrift economies. The last time you saw an opposition South African politician at the Limpopo River addressing this issue was during election season, when Gayton McKenzie and his gang were shouting and chanting โ€œAbahambe,โ€ at Limpopo River. They got the votes and have never been back sinceโ€”that is politicians for you. You will see them again before the 2026 local government elections, using the same gimmick, โ€œAbahambe.โ€ Voters enjoy being played and being made to feel good through empty promises and lies. Gayton is now in government and cabinet, the right place to bring up the Zimbabwe political crisis because it is the root cause of illegal immigration. Has he done that? So, there are three things to take away from this ongoing immigration crisis; 1. that mass deportations will never work, as they are simply another avenue for bribes; this is not a technical problem but a political one. 2. Zimbabweans must also understand that the immigration debate in South Africa is based on real concerns from ordinary South Africans, as big businesses prefer illegal Zimbabwean labour to locals because they are underpaid and not unionised as illegal immigrants. So donโ€™t insult uneducated South Africans saying they donโ€™t want the waiting and cleaning jobs, they do, but they canโ€™t take them at such low wages caused by cheap labour provided by illegal immigrants. I am in South African for a week attending to business meetings, today I took a drive to Pretoria to talk to Zimbabweans who are affected by the crisis back home and are seeking leave to live in South Africa after watching the Sky News report. I saw Zimbabwean criminals working in cahoots with local criminals taking money from unsuspecting Zimbabwean immigrants who want to regularise their paperwork. This is not even corruption, they were taking money from these poor Zimbabwean people lying that they can expedite their applications and then disappearing. I saw it with my own eyes, I donโ€™t understand how a Zimbabwean can come to South Africa and steal from another Zimbabwean who is also struggling. But they do it, and the women selling mealies outside the Home Affairs offices in Pretoria told me that they do it daily, where is the police? These criminals lie to these people that they are agents and they can take their papers inside, they even call someone pretending that you are speaking to a South African Home Affairs officials. If the South African police go there tomorrow, they will be there! But as I said, all these are symptoms of a bigger and real problem, the political crisis in Zimbabwe, unless if it is resolved, South Africans who are not yet born will still be faced with the same crisis of illegal immigration decades to come! Zimbabwe is no longer a foreign policy issue for the South African government, it is now a demestic policy issue because thes illegal immigrants need healthcare, your law says you must provide it. One unanswered question is why is the ANC doing something that is killing it slowly, the more illegal immigrants are in South Africa, the more it loses its once tight grip on power resulting in GNUs and eventually outright loss? Why?

Hopewell Chinโ€™ono

71,397 views โ€ข 1 year ago

I agree with what South Africaโ€™s Minister in the Presidency, Khumbudzo Ntshavheni, is saying, and it speaks directly to the crisis in which not only South Africa, but Southern Africa as a region, now finds itself. First of all, it is the responsibility of individual countries to ensure that they have government policies that grow their economies and provide jobs for their own people, so that their citizens can work at home instead of being insulted or forced into slave-like jobs in neighbouring countries. That responsibility lies with each government. That said, South Africaโ€™s ruling party, the African National Congress, must sing from the same hymn sheet as Minister Khumbudzo Ntshavheni. You cannot have the government saying one thing while the ruling party, which constitutes part of that government, does something different. The ANC has consistently supported corrupt regimes that rig elections, and those rigged elections create the very conditions that South Africa now finds itself dealing with. I have said for more than seven years now that neighbouring countries are no longer only a foreign policy issue for South Africa. They are now a domestic issue too, because citizens from those countries live in South African communities and use South African social services, including hospitals. The South African government has said many times that 70% of women giving birth at Musina Hospital are from Zimbabwe. As such, it is important for the South African government not only to say the right words at specific moments, while privately continuing to support corrupt rule and bad governance in the region. That will not work. Yesterdayโ€™s march will achieve nothing if President Cyril Ramaphosa does not sit down with President Emmerson Mnangagwa of Zimbabwe, President Daniel Chapo of Mozambique, and President Peter Mutharika of Malawi to have these discussions honestly, because those are three countries that contribute significantly to regional migration into South Africa, both legal and illegal. Of course, he can also have conversations with President Bola Tinubu of Nigeria, because Nigeria is also part of the problem. Speaking as a citizen of Southern Africa, what the minister said is correct, but it must be followed up with action, not just words to appease journalists and viewers at a specific time because the government is under pressure. The South African government must make this its policy. The contradiction is that the South African economy benefits from migration and from shipping goods into the region. Zimbabweโ€™s biggest trading partner is South Africa for that very reason. So this is a complex issue that must be addressed with the intellectual weight it deserves, not reduced to talking points for politicians making fanciful declarations in their different countries without following through. Start with the SADC protocols. They determine what a free election is. But if the African National Congress publicly emboldens and supports rigged elections, it cannot then turn around and say African governments must take responsibility when it is failing to lead by example. The ANC must lead by example in regional bodies like SADC and the African Union, and say these things directly to fellow leaders. But we all know why it does not do that. It is because of personal relationships, political convenience, and money changing hands. It is time these things are put on the table, and if need be, let the truth be known. Lastly, I also agree with what the minister says regarding African countries supporting South Africaโ€™s liberation struggle. We cannot endlessly remind South Africans that we helped them, because that support was never based on a quid pro quo arrangement. It was based on what was morally right at that time. If the same situation arose again today, we should do exactly the same. Standing against injustice should never come with an invoice.

Hopewell Chinโ€™ono

114,362 views โ€ข 24 days ago

๐Ÿ‘๐Ÿ”๐Ÿ“ ๐ƒ๐€๐˜๐’ ๐Ž๐… ๐‡๐„๐€๐‘๐“: ๐Ž๐”๐‘ ๐‰๐Ž๐”๐‘๐๐„๐˜ ๐€๐’ ๐Ž๐๐„ ๐™๐™ค๐™™๐™–๐™ฎ ๐™ข๐™–๐™ง๐™ ๐™จ ๐Ÿฏ๐Ÿฒ๐Ÿฑ ๐™™๐™–๐™ฎ๐™จ ๐™ค๐™› ๐™ช๐™จ, ๐˜พ๐™๐™š๐™›๐™›๐™ž๐™š๐™จ. It has been one whole year since DustBia Official was createdโ€” a journey that began as a simple group supporting ๐——๐˜‚๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐—ป ๐—ฌ๐˜‚ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—•๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฎ ๐——๐—ฒ ๐—ฉ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ, but grew into something so much deeper. Here we are, 365 days later, still standing and still loving them with the same heart we had at the very beginning. A year ago, we built more than just a fandom; ๐˜„๐—ฒ ๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐—ถ๐—น๐˜ ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ฟ ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ต๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ฒ. Throughout this year, we have experienced everything together: the happiness, the kilig, the late-night fangirling, the laughter, the misunderstandings, and the challenges that tested us as a community. It truly has been a rollercoaster ride. There were highs that made us feel unstoppable and lows that made us question everything. But through it all, we stayed. ๐™’๐™š ๐™˜๐™๐™ค๐™จ๐™š ๐™ฉ๐™ค ๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™–๐™ฎ. ๐—ง๐—ผ ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ฟ ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜ ๐—–๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ณ๐—ณ๐—ถ๐—ฒ๐˜€: Thank you for sticking with us through every up and down. Thank you for supporting Dustin, Bianca, DustBia, and one another. We have sacrificed much and endured much, yet we continue to give the same love over and over again. There were times when we didnโ€™t see eye to eyeโ€” different opinions, perspectives, and ways of expressing supportโ€” but at the end of the day, we all stand for the same reason. We fight for the same people. We love the same community. Words cannot fully express how much we appreciate each of you. We hope that, in our own small way, this community has become a safe space for youโ€” ๐—ฎ ๐—ฝ๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜ ๐—ณ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—บ ๐—ฎ๐—ป ๐—ผ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜„๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—น๐—บ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐˜„๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—น๐—ฑ. Please remember that you are never alone; you have a family here. ๐—ง๐—ผ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐˜ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ต๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ฒ, ๐——๐˜‚๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐—ป ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—•๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฎ: thank you for being the reason we started and the reason we continue. We have come so far because of you. Thank you for your kindness, your patience, and the love you constantly share. This community would not exist without you, and we are endlessly grateful to walk this path by your side. You will always have us. Hereโ€™s to many more years togetherโ€” to more memories, more growth, and more love. May this fandom continue to flourish while staying grounded in kindness and respect. May we always remember our shared goal: ๐˜๐—ผ ๐˜€๐˜‚๐—ฝ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜, ๐˜‚๐—ฝ๐—น๐—ถ๐—ณ๐˜, ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—น๐—ผ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ ๐—ฏ๐—ผ๐˜๐—ต ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—–๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ณ๐—ณ๐—ถ๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐——๐˜‚๐˜€๐˜๐—•๐—ถ๐—ฎ, ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐—ฒ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜† ๐˜„๐—ฎ๐˜† ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐˜€๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ฏ๐—น๐—ฒ. One year behind us, an infinite journey ahead, and a love that only grows stronger with time. ๐™ƒ๐™–๐™ฅ๐™ฅ๐™ฎ ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™ฃ๐™ž๐™ซ๐™š๐™ง๐™จ๐™–๐™ง๐™ฎ, ๐˜ฟ๐™ช๐™จ๐™ฉ๐˜ฝ๐™ž๐™– ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐˜พ๐™๐™š๐™›๐™›๐™ž๐™š๐™จ. ๐Ÿ’›

TEAM DUSTBIA OFFICIAL

364,223 views โ€ข 4 months ago

๐Ÿšจ ๐—ฅ๐—˜๐—— ๐—›๐—˜๐—œ๐—™๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—ฆ, ๐—”๐—Ÿ ๐—”๐—ค๐—ฆ๐—” ๐—”๐—ก๐—— ๐—”๐—ก๐—ง๐—œ๐—–๐—›๐—ฅ๐—œ๐—ฆ๐—ง ( ๐——๐—”๐—๐—๐—”๐—Ÿ ) ๐—ฅ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐—›๐—ฒ๐—ถ๐—ณ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—–๐—ผ๐˜„๐˜€: the sacrifice in which the destruction of Al-Aqsa mosque happens, third temple is rebuilt and the end of time begins. The Red heifer must be slaughtered at a certain age. There is a window of about one year for the heifers to be slaughtered per J theology. ๐Ÿ’  ๐—ฅ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐—ถ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ ๐˜€๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ธ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—ป ๐—”๐—ฏ๐˜‚ ๐—ข๐—ฏ๐—ฎ๐—ถ๐—ฑ๐—ฎ ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐—ถ๐˜ ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐—ต๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐˜€๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ต ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ฑ๐—ฎ๐˜† ๐Ÿญ๐Ÿฌ๐Ÿฌ. ๐Ÿ’  ๐— ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฐ๐—ต ๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿณ: Red Heifer conference in Shiloh. In which the methods of facilitating the construction of the bridge and altar for the sacrifice were discussed ๐Ÿ’ ๐—”๐—ฝ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—น ๐Ÿด: A Historic Total Solar Eclipse is also expected, a rare event not seen in 375 years ๐Ÿ’ ๐—ฃ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐˜€๐—ฒ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฆ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ณ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ: The ashes purify the construction tools of the holy temple. The effort to reconstruct the Temple is not just limited to religious zealots in Israel. It's an entire movement in Israel, with politicians in the Knesset calling for the establishment of the Temple. ๐Ÿ’ ๐—ช๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ถ๐˜ ๐—ด๐—ผ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐˜๐—ผ ๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ธ๐—ฒ ๐—ฝ๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ? The sacrifice must take place on the Mount of Olives with the Al Aqsa compound within sight of the priests conducting the sacrifice. The sacrificial altar must be connected to a bridge that connects all the way to the compound. The bridge must have arches in order to allow air to pass underneath the bridge. Per theology, the priests cannot touch the ground as there may be dead people buried underneath and it is impure for the priests to ever come in contact with the dead. ๐Ÿ’  ๐—›๐—ผ๐˜„ ๐—ฑ๐—ผ๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ฝ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ณ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐˜„๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ธ? The Torah established that one who has had contact with the dead is impure for 7 days. During the course of that week, on the 3rd day and 7th day, the individual would be sprinkled with the waters of sanctification. A hyssop plant is used to sprinkle the water onto the person seeking purification. ๐Ÿ’  ๐——๐—ถ๐—ฑ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฝ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜€ ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐˜? They discussed the methods of facilitating the construction of the bridge and altar for the sacrifice but due to the attention and exposure the story is getting it probably wonโ€™t happen in the expected date. But if youโ€™re wondering when will this happen the only indication is when they start building a bridge from the dome of the rock to the mount of olives. Sources: Temple institute, propandco , TRTWORLD.

Suppressed News.

385,637 views โ€ข 2 years ago

The stock market surged today in response to President Donald Trumpโ€™s decision to pause tariffs on all nations except China for the next 90 days. Many are saying that Trump has abandoned his nationalist protectionist agenda. But the Trump administration left the flat 10% global tariff in place, raised tariffs on Chinese imports to 125%, kept 25% tariffs on steel, aluminum, and autos from Canada and Mexico, and is moving forward with tariffs on copper, lumber, semiconductors, and pharmaceuticals. Moreover, there remains significant uncertainty about future trade relations between the US and other nations, which may not end in 90 days. As such, we remain in the messy transition to a new global economic and security order, and there will thus likely continue to be a considerable amount of volatility and uncertainty in the months and perhaps years ahead. Critics of Trumpโ€™s tariffs say that his administration crashed the stock market and then reversed course, showing he didnโ€™t know what he was doing. They say that Trump and his team are just making it up as they go along. And to some extent, that is true. But all of life is, to some extent, making things up as we go along. And Trumpโ€™s Chair of his Council of Economic Advisors, Stephen Miran, made clear last November, in a 41-page white paper, that one of the main goals of Trumpโ€™s tariffs was to gain leverage going into negotiations. And that appears to be precisely what they have done. What is being negotiated is not just a new global trading system but also a new security relationship between the US and its allies in Europe and Japan. The arrangement put in place after World War II where the United States subsidizes the security of its allies in Europe and Asia, and lets them impose higher tariffs on US manufacturers than we impose on their manufacturers, is coming to an end, because it has undermined Americaโ€™s national security, hurt Americaโ€™s working class, and undermined the social solidarity required for all nations, particularly the worldโ€™s most important superpower, to exist. The current system undermines Americaโ€™s national security because we are dependent upon the nation, China, against which we are most likely to go to war. America is dependent upon China for our drones and dependent upon Taiwan, which China could invade at any time, for our microchips. Writes Miran, โ€œthe paradox of being a reserve currency is that it leads to permanent twin deficits which in turn lead over time to an unsustainable accumulation of public and foreign debt that eventually undermines the safety and reserve currency status of such a large debtor economy.โ€ Trumpโ€™s team is, according to Miran, Trump, and Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, as well as the people Public has interviewed over the last week, seeking a new global security and economic arrangement. Under the new arrangement, the US will, first and foremost, significantly re-industrialize. The priority will be to re-industrialize those areas essential to national security. This could take many forms. Existing manufacturers may expand production, and foreign investors and manufacturers may create factories in the US like Japanese automakers did in the South after President Ronald Reagan imposed import quotas. Over the last few days, we saw many Wall Street investors, both small and large, urge Trump to drop the tariffs. We also saw businesses express concern over higher prices of imported goods. This is understandable. Many people lost a lot of money, and were worried about losing customers or decreasing sales with higher prices. However, we must not let either the stock market or the prospect of more expensive imports decide America's future. All markets, including the stock market, must serve the people, not the other way around. The nation trumps the market.... Please subscribe now to support Public's award-winning journalism, read the rest of the article, and watch the full video!

Michael Shellenberger

73,339 views โ€ข 1 year ago

I agree with Trevor Noahโ€™s analysis of the immigration debate in South Africa, and I also agree with Julius Malemaโ€™s noble desire for Africa to be one. From the outset, I must be clear that the biggest obstacle to African unity has been African leadership. Some of our countries have been independent for more than 60 years, yet we are still far from achieving the level of integration many Pan-Africanists envisioned. The failure to get there is fundamentally a leadership issue. I want to focus on what Julius Malema has said. He is one of the continentโ€™s most outspoken Pan-Africanists, and his vision of a more united Africa is both admirable and inspiring. Unfortunately, because of the dysfunctionality of leadership across much of the continent, Pan-Africanism has, in some circles in South Africa, become a dirty word. That is a tragedy because the principle itself is not the problem. The problem is that many African leaders have failed to create the political, economic, and institutional conditions necessary to make that vision a reality. So let us look carefully at what Julius Malema is saying. I have great respect for Julius Malema when it comes to his Pan-African outlook, but I am afraid to say that the idea of an Africa with one passport, one currency, and a fully integrated political and economic system is unlikely to happen within our lifetime. It is good to dream and to idealise the kind of Africa we would like to see, but in its current political and economic format, the continent is nowhere near achieving that goal. I am 55 years old, so when I talk about a lifetime, I am talking about the next 25 years. If I live to 80, that would be wonderful, but I do not believe Africa will achieve that level of integration within that timeframe. The reason is quite simple. If you look at the European Union, countries do not simply join because they want to. They must first meet a long list of requirements and benchmarks. These include economic standards, institutional capacity, governance standards, judicial independence, and human rights protections. Even if we set aside the human rights question in Africa, because we know that remains a long journey, the economic question alone presents a major obstacle. A truly united continent can only emerge if its member states are led by competent, educated, and trustworthy leaders who build functioning economies capable of providing opportunities for their own citizens. The current xenophobic, Afrophobic, and anti-immigration discourse taking place in South Africa is often crude and sometimes ugly. However, stripped of the crudeness, there is an important point being raised that cannot simply be ignored. For Africans to unite successfully, they cannot first unite in one country. They must first unite across the continent by creating broadly comparable economic opportunities and living standards. For example, a Ghanaian should be able to travel to Zimbabwe visa-free. That is largely a political decision. But if that Ghanaian wants to relocate permanently to Zimbabwe, then the economies of Ghana and Zimbabwe should have a reasonable degree of parity. People should not be compelled to migrate primarily because one country is functioning while another is failing. The same applies across the continent. Someone should not feel forced to leave the Democratic Republic of Congo for South Africa purely because of economic collapse at home. If integration is driven solely by economics, then the countries that are relatively well managed will inevitably carry the burden of those that are not. This is an intellectual discussion that Africa cannot avoid. Resource competition is often what inflames tensions. If someone moves from a poor community in Mozambique to a poor community in South Africa, both groups are competing for the same clinics, schools, housing, jobs, and social services. That is where tensions arise. Interestingly, illegal immigrants from Europe are rarely part of the immigration debate in South Africa. Many people immediately attribute this to race, but there is another factor that deserves consideration. Wealthy immigrants generally live in affluent communities where there is little or no competition for scarce public resources. Take Chatunga Mugabe, for example. He lived in Hyde Park, drove expensive cars, and socialised in Sandton. Nobody was concerned about his immigration status. Likewise, where I live in South Africa, there are immigrants from the United Kingdom, Spain, Germany, Kenya, and elsewhere. They are largely affluent people. The South Africans living there are often excited when newcomers arrive. When I moved from Zimbabwe and bought a house on my road, both black and white South Africans invited me into their homes for dinner and wine. There was no hostility because there was no competition for resources. That reality matters. If Africa is ever going to have one passport and one currency, we must first deal with the economic fundamentals. Most Africans do not realise that this is not primarily a political project. It is an economic one. Turkey, for example, has spent decades seeking membership of the European Union but has not been admitted because it has not met all the requirements. Countries such as Bulgaria and Romania had to meet strict standards before joining. Their judicial systems, governance structures, healthcare systems, and institutions had to reach certain benchmarks. The same logic applies to Africa. If every African citizen were suddenly free to seek healthcare anywhere on the continent, countries with stronger healthcare systems such as South Africa, Botswana, and Namibia would immediately face enormous pressure from people seeking treatment, including specialised care for conditions such as cancer. That is why this discussion is important. We must have it honestly and without slogans. We must discuss it not only in universities and intellectual circles but also in townships, villages, and communities across Africa. The dream of one Africa is a noble one. I support it. But before we get there, we must first address the economic, institutional, and governance realities that stand in the way. Until those challenges are resolved, the vision Julius Malema speaks about will remain an aspiration rather than a practical reality. The tragedy we face today is that we are focusing on the sideshows created by tribalists and rogue political actors who are taking advantage of a genuine problem that exists in South Africa and, indeed, in other parts of Africa as well. We amplify their voices and focus on what they are saying instead of focusing on the real issue. We should be asking ourselves a simple question. Julius Malema is right about the ideal he is advocating, but why are we not getting to where he wants us to get? Once we ask that question honestly, we are forced to examine the root causes. There can be no economic harmony, political harmony, or any other form of harmony between countries that are operating at vastly different levels of development and functionality. Take Zimbabwe and South Africa as an example. Zimbabwe has not had a working radiotherapy machine in its public healthcare system for more than four years. The countryโ€™s largest hospital has only one maternity theatre, built in 1977. Then look at South Africa. Its public healthcare system has some problems and could be much better, but by African standards it remains among the most advanced on the continent. If those two countries stand side by side, as they physically do, how do you integrate them when one is dysfunctional and the other remains a functioning state? These are the root causes we need to confront. This discussion must be held in a comprehensive and honest manner, not in fragments. We can speak about the noble aspirations of Pan-Africanism, and we can also discuss the obstacles that stand in its way. Both conversations must be held together. Only then can we identify what needs to be done and begin serious scenario planning around how to get there. Instead, we often get beautiful speeches delivered at the African Union, one of the most ineffective continental organisations in the world. People make grand declarations, earn generous salaries, and then nothing happens. Great speeches have been delivered since the days of the Organisation of African Unity. One of those speeches was even immortalised by Bob Marley in his song War. Yet more than 60 years later, many of the same challenges remain unresolved. That is an indictment not only of African leaders but also of African elites. Too many are content to make money while ignoring the underlying governance failures that hold the continent back. Consider Aliko Dangote, the richest black man in the world and Africaโ€™s most successful entrepreneur. He requires 34 visas to enter dozens of African countries. Yet if I hold a British passport, my movement across much of Africa can often be easier than his. How can Africa speak seriously about integration when one of its own leading business figures faces such barriers within the continent? Until influential African business leaders such as Aliko Dangote, Strive Masiyiwa, Patrice Motsepe, and others begin speaking more forcefully about governance, corruption, economic mismanagement, and state dysfunction, progress will remain slow. As long as these issues are accommodated because money can still be made, Africa will continue to talk about unity without creating the conditions necessary to achieve it. So, back in the townships of South Africa, there is a crisis. I have always said that Zimbabwe is no longer a foreign policy issue. It is a domestic issue because the South African government must deal with its consequences in hospitals, social services, employment, housing, education, and many other facets of daily life. If the South African government does not have the courage to stand up to leaders such as Emmerson Mnangagwa and Mozambiqueโ€™s President, Daniel Chapo, and say, โ€œThe way you are running your economies is creating problems for us,โ€ then the situation will continue to deteriorate. The tragedy is that it is always the poor, the ordinary, and those living in abject poverty who end up fighting amongst themselves. Yet the root causes of these tensions are often created at the highest levels of political leadership. The people competing for jobs, housing, healthcare, and other scarce resources did not create the conditions that led to mass migration. Those conditions were created by policy failures, corruption, poor governance, and economic mismanagement. I would go even further and say that this is also an indictment of South African leadership. SADC already has protocols, principles, and governance frameworks that were specifically designed to prevent member states from becoming dysfunctional and destabilising their neighbours. The problem is not the absence of rules. The problem is the absence of enforcement. Those protocols exist on paper, but too often they are ignored in practice. When governance standards are violated, when economies collapse, when democratic institutions are weakened, and when corruption flourishes, there is rarely any meaningful consequence from the region. As a result, the effects spill across borders and eventually become someone elseโ€™s problem. That is why the immigration debate cannot be separated from the governance debate. They are two sides of the same coin. If African leaders are serious about reducing migration pressures, they must first address the political and economic failures that are pushing people to leave their countries in the first place. We all know why that conversation is avoided. So, coming back to Trevor Noahโ€™s analogy, it is ultimately a human analogy. It reflects a reality that has existed throughout history and even in nature itself. If lions have abundant access to zebras and other prey, there is very little competition between lions, leopards, and other predators. But when food becomes scarce, competition intensifies. The struggle is no longer about identity. It becomes a struggle over limited resources. The same principle applies in human societies. When jobs are plentiful, when healthcare functions, when housing is available, and when opportunities are expanding, people are generally more tolerant and welcoming. But the moment resources become scarce, tensions rise. People begin competing for the same opportunities, and that competition often manifests itself through politics, nationalism, tribalism, xenophobia, or other forms of social conflict. This is not unique to South Africa. It is not unique to Africa. It is part of the human condition. In many ways, what we are witnessing is both a human story and an animal kingdom story. The underlying dynamic is remarkably similar. Scarcity creates competition. Competition creates tension. Tension creates conflict. That is why discussions about immigration cannot be separated from discussions about governance, economic growth, service delivery, and opportunity. If we focus only on the symptoms while ignoring the underlying causes, we will never solve the problem. The real challenge is not merely getting people to live together. The real challenge is creating societies and economies that produce enough opportunity for people to live together peacefully.

Hopewell Chinโ€™ono

90,746 views โ€ข 1 month ago

You are confusing cause and effect, and in doing so, you are missing the deeper structural reality that is the central point of the argument. Migration in Africa does not happen in a vacuum. People do not wake up and casually decide to leave their homes, families, and countries for no apparent reason. Movement of people across colonial borders is driven by economic collapse, political instability, conflict, and governance failures, yes, but also by powerful historical forces that shaped those very conditions in the first place. Not everyone has the third eye to see those historical forces at play unless they read, comprehend and follow ideas and not populist demagoguery. Apartheid was not just a South African policy that ended in 1994. Its effects still live with South Africans to this very day. It was part of a wider political and more importantly economic system of racial capitalism that structured the regionโ€™s economy. What you fixed in 1994 was only the political and not the economic side of it. South Africa was designed as the industrial hub, while neighbouring countries were deliberately underdeveloped and turned into labour reserves for South Africaโ€™s economy. Migrant labour from countries like Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and Lesotho was not an accident at all, it was built into the system. It was designed that way and remains so to this very day. The owners of the means of production then remain the owners of the means of production today. Black people are largely still workers. You have a few token black individuals at the top, but the majority remain little more than exploited labour. So when people move from their countries today, they are often moving along routes that were created decades ago. The inequality between South Africa and its neighbours did not emerge overnight, and it is not simply the result of โ€œAfrican leadersโ€ in isolation of other key factors. It is the continuation of a historical economic design that concentrated wealth in one place and poverty in others. That does not absolve African governments of responsibility. Many have failed their citizens through corruption, mismanagement, and repression. I write about this daily, and I have gone to prison three times in my lifetime for doing so. I have had to leave my country to save my life for doing so. But to reduce a complex, multi-layered issue to โ€œit is African leadersโ€ is intellectually lazy and historically dishonest. It ignores history, economics, and global power dynamics. As for Malema, whether you agree with him or not, his political skill lies in identifying how political and economic narratives are shaped and who benefits from them. He is pointing out that anger is often redirected away from the very systems of inequality and towards vulnerable people, migrants, who did not create those conditions. If you want a serious conversation, then deal with the full picture. Migration is about history, economics, governance, and global inequality. Blaming one factor while ignoring the rest is not analysis at all, it is deceitful propaganda. The economically and intellectually illiterate are often the easiest targets of political propaganda, precisely because they are fed simple, emotionally satisfying explanations for complex structural problems. They are told who to blame for their suffering, migrants, neighbouring countries, or vague notions of โ€œoutsidersโ€, while the real drivers, historical dispossession, entrenched economic inequality, and elite collusion, are deliberately obscured. In Southern Africa, and particularly in South Africa, this manifests in xenophobic narratives that blame Zimbabweans or Mozambicans for unemployment and poverty, when in reality those conditions are rooted in a long standing economic architecture that concentrated wealth and ownership in very few hands. It is easier to turn the poor against the poor than to confront systems that benefit those in power. What is often forgotten in this debate is that the political elites of colonial South Africa and Rhodesia worked in concert to sustain a repressive regional system that enriched a minority while extracting labour and resources from the rest. Your former apartheid Prime Minister John Vorster says it in this video in a very tactful manner. That logic has not disappeared at all, it has merely changed form. Today, segments of the political elite in both South Africa and Zimbabwe continue to operate in ways that protect entrenched economic interests while the majority remain economically marginalised. South Africa was the only true white settler โ€œhomeโ€, where wealth, infrastructure, and industry were concentrated, while territories like Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), Northern Rhodesia (Zambia), and Nyasaland (Malawi) functioned largely as economic outposts, feeding capital, labour, and raw materials into that system. The Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland was presented as a project of regional integration, but in practice it reinforced patterns of extraction, with mining in Zambia, agriculture in Zimbabwe, and labour flows from Malawi all tied into a broader economic network dominated by South African capital. The same remains to this very day. The tragedy of focusing on Julius as the messenger rather than the message is something I speak about regularly, the need to focus on ideas and not personalities. You do not have to like Julius Malema. You do not have to agree with everything he says. All you need to do is focus on his message and interrogate it critically. I am not enslaved to Julius Malemaโ€™s ideas. I pick and choose what I agree with, and I am able to articulate a reasoned argument for both what I support and what I reject. You should do the same. One of the most powerful weapons of colonialism was the deliberate fragmentation of black people into small Bantustans, into isolated villages where communities were conditioned to view the next village with suspicion. In Rhodesia we had โ€œreservesโ€ and โ€œkeeps.โ€ People from other Bantustans were treated as outsiders. That mentality was never dismantled, it still exists today. The idea of seeing others with suspicion simply because of an arbitrary line, a colonial border, remains deeply entrenched. Many do not fully appreciate how powerful and enduring that mentality and conditioning is. Yet when you look at the descendants of colonialists, they do not view each other through those same lenses. White Zimbabweans move into South Africa without attracting the same hostility because of the economic architecture that allows them to stay away from the so called lumpen. White people from across the world come and settle with ease in South Africa. In fact, one of the most visible figures advocating for the secession of the Western Cape is a British citizen, yet there is no comparable outrage from black South Africans. The same energy of protests and marches that is directed at fellow Africans is rarely directed there. That is not accidental at all, it is well designed that way. It speaks to the protection afforded by entrenched economic power and privilege, but also to a deeper psychological conditioning in how black people are taught to see each other and to see whiteness. This will not disappear overnight. It may not even disappear in my lifetime. But the task is to keep planting the seeds of awareness and unity. As Bob Marley said, you give your more to get your little. What you do today may seem small, but in time it contributes to something much larger, especially if there is collective effort to confront and resolve these divisions. One of the most important things colonialists understood was that education is the key to discernment, to the ability to interrogate and understand issues such as those I raised in this essay. That is precisely why they restricted access to it. Only a few black people were allowed meaningful education, and the consequences of that exclusion remain with us today, not only in South Africa but across much of the continent. We did not dismantle the systems that underpinned colonialism. We largely inherited them, changed the faces at the top, and continued to operate within the same structures. So I will end by saying this, if anyone truly wants change on the issues being debated, you must fix the foundation. You cannot repair window panes when the foundation itself is cracking. Immigration, whether legal or illegal, will always exist, but it is sustained not by foreigners alone, but by the system itself. When Zimbabweans cross the border without passports, they are often enabled by South Africans within a broken system. When documents are obtained illegally, it is again the system that enables it. When Zimbabweโ€™s political crisis persists without free and fair elections, regional dynamics, including South Africaโ€™s political and economic interests, often play a role in sustaining that status quo. There is a web of political and economic interests that mirrors, in some respects, the relationships that existed during the colonial and apartheid eras. As long as those interests remain, there is little incentive for those in power to confront injustice decisively. The corruption and governance failures in Zimbabwe are real and significant, but they are part of a broader structural problem. The real issue is the foundation. If black South Africans were living well, with access to quality education, meaningful employment, and economic security, they would not be marching in the streets. The anger you see today is not simply about immigration. It is a reflection of an economic structure that has remained fundamentally unchanged, even after 1994. Repression underpinned by racism in Rhodesia effectively came to an end when South Africa shifted its position and recognised that the system was no longer sustainable. The same principle applies today. Repression underpinned by political corruption in Zimbabwe will begin to end the day South Africa, the regional power whether one accepts it or not, decides that the current situation is no longer acceptable. Zimbabweโ€™s crisis has, over time, been treated as a largely domestic issue rather than a regional one, yet the political and economic realities of Southern Africa make that distinction artificial. What happens in Zimbabwe does not exist in isolation, it is shaped, sustained, and, at times, enabled by regional dynamics, particularly South Africaโ€™s stance. This may be an uncomfortable truth, but history consistently shows that regional power centres play a decisive role in determining outcomes. Ignoring that reality does not change it, it only delays the moment when it must be confronted. It was convenient then for John Vorster and successive apartheid regimes to continue using illegal migrants as a source of cheap labour in South Africa for menial jobs. It remains the same today. As I have said, the political and economic architecture of the apartheid era largely remains in place. What has changed are the political faces, the white faces that held power then and the black faces that hold office today, often operating within and alongside the same entrenched economic structures. Whether one accepts it or not, that is the reality of our politics in the region and of the economic architecture that continues to shape it. There is a reason why certain political actors avoid critically engaging with the structural drivers of immigration, particularly those that sustain flows of cheap labour. There is also a reason why figures like Helen Zille often emphasise the need to document illegal immigrants in South Africa, that position can be understood within the broader context of preserving an economic order that has long depended on controlling and managing labour rather than fundamentally transforming the conditions that produce it. That economic order is rooted in historical structures of concentrated power that shaped not only South Africa, but the wider region more than a century ago. How black Africans view themselves is often reflected in how they respond to political messages. It is why some are quick to criticise Julius Malema for positions that are, in substance, not fundamentally different from those expressed by Helen Zille. On immigration, there is significant overlap in what has been said across the political spectrum, including by the DA and the EFF. Yet the EFF is frequently viewed through a lens of hostility, in part because it is a black-led party, and that perception shapes the reaction it receives. As a result, some black citizens, influenced by long-standing narratives, direct harsher and more emotive criticism towards it. When similar points are made by figures like Helen Zille, the response is often markedly different. That contrast speaks to deeper historical conditioning and the psychological legacy of colonialism. It has not disappeared, and changing it will take time. The fundamental difference, however, lies in the intent and framing of their messages. Malemaโ€™s position on immigration is part of a broader effort to confront and address the structural inequalities created by colonial rule. Zilleโ€™s position, by contrast, can be seen as operating within and reinforcing an existing economic framework that has its roots in that same colonial architecture which feeds off cheap migrant labour. However, you can't fix the broken system by chasing away immigrants, legal or illegal, you can only empower black South Africans by allowing them to own the means of production and not fighting in the streets for crumbs. Have a lovely weekend.

Hopewell Chinโ€™ono

21,194 views โ€ข 2 months ago