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This explosive interview by Zimbabwean journalist Maynard Manyowa Maynard Manyowa of Dug Up with ZANUPF spokesman Chris Mutsvangwa is revealing as it points to a broken ruling party. Mutsvangwa accuses Zimbabwe’s Vice President, General Constantino Chiwenga, of being an illiterate and incompetent soldier and politician. He gets personal, accusing... Chiwenga of letting his ex-wife rot and adding that Chiwenga stopped Emmerson Mnangagwa from intervening in the case. This tells us two things; the president does intervene in legal cases, and Chiwenga’s power is also above the law. Mutsvangwa talked about why and how the coup happened. The interview shows that the false claims of unity in ZANUPF are just that—bogus. This is a ruling party at war with itself, lucky that there is no semblance of an opposition in sight to take advantage of the infighting. The Zimbabwean tragedy is that what calls itself an opposition actually aligns with the warring ZANUPF factions instead of exploiting the divisions! Full interview via this link.👇🏿show more

Hopewell Chin’ono

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112,349 views • 1 year ago •via X (Twitter)

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11 Comments

Fortune Bantu1 year ago

Both Mutsvangwa and Geza were saying the truth. Both Mutsvangwa and Geza disrespected the leadership. I'm patiently waiting for 3 things that won't happen 1. The police looking for Mutsvangwa 2 The journalist who interviewed Mutsvangwa to be arrested like the journalist who interviewed Geza 3. Mutsvangwa to be expelled from the ruling party. If these don't happen, then I know kuti Jenarari havana power simba ravo rinongoonekwa nekutambudza Mai vevana vavo. Apa ndipo pavanofanira kugumbuka apa!

WE News English1 year ago

Enforced Disappearances is a Global Issue: 1st World Congress on Enforced Disappearances held in Geneva ▶️ Watch Now: WE News English Program: Perspectives 🗣️Host: Syed Muhammad Ali 🎙️Guests: Jan Achakzai, Former Minister of Information, Balochistan & Altaf Hussain Wani, Chairman, Kashmir Institute of International Relations @Jan_Achakzai @sultan1913 @SyedAli78304182 #EnforcedDisappearances | #HumanRights | #MissingPersons | #Kashmir | #UnitedNations

G Moyo1 year ago

@iAmKudaMaynard @WeDugUp I personally think the way opposition have taken a step back is a good move. When zanu is used to be fighting opposition and all of a sudden there is no visible opposition… they start fighting among themselves 😂😂😂😂 they got to fight someone every time

Tmk👌🔄1 year ago

@iAmKudaMaynard @WeDugUp People are just excited about these fights,even I am a little bit, but I doubt very much they will benefit Zimbabwe whatever the outcome,inyaya yekudawo kupinda kolooter,Chiwenga,Geza or ED its still Zanu pf to me,can they fix problems like stopping the arrest of innocent people

Taona Denhere1 year ago

These are the takeaways from the interview: 1) This is the vintage pathological narcissist and egomaniac Mutsvangwa 2) Mutsvangwa has a chequered history of pathologising and patronising the class of ZANLA cadres and comrades that joined the liberation struggle with rudimentary and primary school level education. Mutsvangwa soon after the launch and publication of the political biography of the late Solomon Mujuru ( Mujuru the liberation fighter and Kingmaker) Mutsvangwa immediately went on diatribe of insulting and infantilising Solomon Mujuru as an illiterate and uneducated person and military Commander. Therefore it isn't surprising that Mutsvangwa is deploying the same epithets against Rtd General Chiwenga. That he's illiterate and ignorant. 3) Mutsvangwa also mentioned a very important historical nuggets. That primary school drop out ZANLA cadres such as Chiwenga, Mujuru and etc. Didn't have intellectuals, political and military capacity to command and lead, The class of ZANLA cadres that had left Mission high school armed with O level and A level education and that had left University to join the liberation struggle. This actually dates back to the liberation struggle and these faulty lines between Mission School and university educated ZANLA cadres and the primary school drop out ZANLA cadres. Resulted in the infamous Vashandi Rebellion of 1978. The majority of Vashandi rebels such as Happison Muchechetere, Augustine Chihuru, Wilfred Mhanda, Dr Mudzingwa, Guramatunhu (brother of Solomon Guramatunhu) Happytone Bonyongwe and etc, They had either left high school with A levels or left University to join the armed struggle. 4) Mutsvangwa's dehumanising remark that Chiwenga struggles with pronouncing words with L and instead pronounce it with R. This Infact highlights the ignorance and myopic attitude of Mutsvangwa. Who suffers from cultural and linguistic imperialism. As such people like us who have listened people like Jose Mourinho speaking English with a strong Portuguese accent, or Carlo Ancelotii speaking English with a strong Italian accent and Pepi Gaurdiola speaking English with a strong Spanish accent. We understand that there's absolutely nothing wrong with Chiwenga speaking English with a strong Zezuru accent or shona accent. Chiwenga is a product of his generation of our fathers, mothers and grandparents. Who spoke English with a strong Zezuru, Karanga, Manyika etc accent. Therefore, Chiwenga isn't not illiterate nor ignorant. Hence Ngugi wa Thiongo argues about "Decolonising the Mind" 5) The short interview clip also highlights the clear personal political ambitions of Mutsvangwa. That Mutsvangwa wants to clearly replace Rtd General Chiwenga as either the VP and take up the Zezuru slot. Because both Mutsvangwa and Chiwenga are Zezurus. And also Mutsvangwa would like to strategically place himself as the likely successor to Mnangangwa. Therefore, Rtd General Chiwenga is a clear and present granite obstacles to Mutsvangwa's opportunistic political ambitions. Consequently Mutsvangwa has to go bare knuckle on Rtd General Chiwenga. 6) This short clip also shows the distortion and bastardization of 2nd Chimurenga historiography by Mutsvangwa Who as per his usual MO (Modus Operandi) is engaging in ahistorical self-serving revisionism. Which is twisted and doctored to suit the narcissist self aggrandise ego of Mutsvangwa. Who has ridiculously and false potray himself as the alpha male (the Rambo) of 2nd Chimurenga. 7) The clip also shows that Chiwenga's handling of his ex wife illness (Mary Chiwenga) . Had the unintended consequences of being used by his political rivals. To destroy and expose his leadership deficit and lack of commonsense and humane judgement. As such, Mutsvangwa is exploiting that opportunity to devastating effect

Mazakhela1 year ago

@iAmKudaMaynard @WeDugUp What is also revealed is that SA as the so called regional power picks and chooses who should be leader in both Zimbabwe and Mozambique according to the loud mouth Mutsvanga. The SA govt can't complain of illegal immigrants from these countries while supporting dictators there.

1984_Big_Brother1 year ago

@iAmKudaMaynard @WeDugUp What would Orwell say?

Goodform1 year ago

@iAmKudaMaynard @WeDugUp Chamisa akatongomirirawo minana iitike plan chaiyo hapana

guerrero zulu1 year ago

@iAmKudaMaynard @WeDugUp I prefer the General than both Mutsvangwa and useless ED. They hate the general because havasikuda zvecorruption . Mutsvangwa anoswera kuAmerica achidya mari yenyika

🇿🇼GuruGomba🇿🇼1 year ago

@iAmKudaMaynard @WeDugUp Just another bone 🦴 for the Zimbabwean 🇿🇼 to run with Another pointless exercise ‼️🤣🤷‍♂️🇿🇼🔞 Hakuna zuva risingasvike though ‼️🇿🇼✊🏿🔞🤣‼️

iamnoyouareyes11 year ago

@iAmKudaMaynard @WeDugUp The opposition is also owned by zanu pf..they are paid to keep quiet

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From the way Gen Chiwenga is being attacked, it's clear that ZanuPF now has good grounds to fire VP Chiwenga However, ED will not do that in the best interest of the unity of the party Zanu-PF. He would rather ignore it and allow Gen to contest at 2027 congress& lose accordingly

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80,640 views • 1 year ago

Today, a group of Zimbabwean youths kickstarted the resistance campaign against President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s plan to remove term limits and allow him to stay in office until he dies. Mnangagwa, who is 86 years old, has three and a half more years left on his current second term, which he wants to extend to 2030 and beyond. At least half of his party, ZANUPF, is also opposed to the idea, which aims to prevent Mnangagwa’s deputy, General Constantino Chiwenga, from ascending to power if ZANUPF wins the 2028 elections—a likely outcome given the collapse of Zimbabwe’s opposition. Chiwenga helped Mnangagwa remove Robert Mugabe in a military coup in 2017 when he was the Commander of the Defence Forces. Mnangagwa has destroyed what little was left by Mugabe, with Zimbabwe now experiencing the highest inflation in the world and 95% unemployment coupled with astonishing state corruption. Mnangagwa’s legacy as president will be defined by how Zimbabwe became the most corrupt nation in Southern Africa under his watch, with a thoroughly incompetent government filled with his relatives, clansmen, and friends. The few companies left are shutting down and the government is broke! The youths were singing, “2030 taramba,” meaning, “We have rejected the 2030 project.” Zimbabwe’s constitution, which came into effect in 2013, limits a president to two five-year terms.

Today, a group of Zimbabwean youths kickstarted the resistance campaign against President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s plan to remove term limits and allow him to stay in office until he dies. Mnangagwa, who is 86 years old, has three and a half more years left on his current second term, which he wants to extend to 2030 and beyond. At least half of his party, ZANUPF, is also opposed to the idea, which aims to prevent Mnangagwa’s deputy, General Constantino Chiwenga, from ascending to power if ZANUPF wins the 2028 elections—a likely outcome given the collapse of Zimbabwe’s opposition. Chiwenga helped Mnangagwa remove Robert Mugabe in a military coup in 2017 when he was the Commander of the Defence Forces. Mnangagwa has destroyed what little was left by Mugabe, with Zimbabwe now experiencing the highest inflation in the world and 95% unemployment coupled with astonishing state corruption. Mnangagwa’s legacy as president will be defined by how Zimbabwe became the most corrupt nation in Southern Africa under his watch, with a thoroughly incompetent government filled with his relatives, clansmen, and friends. The few companies left are shutting down and the government is broke! The youths were singing, “2030 taramba,” meaning, “We have rejected the 2030 project.” Zimbabwe’s constitution, which came into effect in 2013, limits a president to two five-year terms.

Hopewell Chin’ono

177,776 views • 1 year ago

While we are busy focused on the 2030 presidential term extension theatrics, the presidential race to take over from President Emmerson Mnangagwa is already in full swing inside ZANUPF. It is an open secret that Mnangagwa’s preferred successor is businessman Kudakwashe Tagwirei, and the dark horse is General Valerio Sibanda, who retired from the army in an announcement made yesterday by the presidency. Tagwirei is already on a campaign trail which some have not observed, and all the issues he is raising are carefully crafted to resonate with ordinary citizens, shifting from liberation struggle slogans like Pasi neMhandu to Pasi neNhamo and Mari Muhomwe. He is deliberately rebranding himself as a champion of economic grievances, positioning his message to speak directly to poverty, hardship, and the cost of living, rather than the old liberation rhetoric. This is not accidental, his nemesis is a soldier and military general whose track record is rooted in Zimbabwe's excesses. 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When I look at the political landscape in Zimbabwe today, I see nobody else, either in the opposition or in ZANUPF, offering a clear and solid message that speaks to the people’s real needs. What we consider logical in elite circles does not sell to the poor, their needs are immediate. They want solutions for today, regardless of who created the problems that require solutions. While the educated elites talk about root-cause analysis and solutions for a distant future in their scenarios, the ordinary citizens want Sapatina, a euphemism for something that comes today, coined by a man who was perfectly happy eating chicken and chips/fries at State House. Our struggles are different. Vice President General Constantino Chiwenga, who thought he was a shoo in to become the next president after leading a coup against Robert Mugabe and making way for Mnangagwa, is now talking about corruption, something we have discussed for years to appeal to the masses. But Tagwirei is positioning himself differently. He is in full campaign mode, planting messages aimed at securing his place in the succession race, messages of economic prosperity. He is speaking to the daily needs of ZANUPF supporters and Zimbabweans in general. He is placing himself before the electorate, travelling, being visible, leveraging state linked platforms, and promising youths economic empowerment. Meanwhile, the general is speaking in closed boardrooms, and nobody has heard him speak directly to his presidential ambitions outside his own circle. Tagwirei is out in the open shaping a constituency, while Chiwenga remains confined to private spaces that do not build political momentum. That does not look regular to me unless he has an ace up his sleeves, a coup, because a coup does not require much talking. But as Mnangagwa shuts all the options once available to him by creating a state security sector in his own image, the prospects of a coup become slimmer with each move made by Mnangagwa. In closing those doors and pathways, Mnangagwa has effectively weakened Chiwenga’s leverage and narrowed the space in which he could plausibly attempt anything outside the formal succession path using ZANUPF internal processes. Tagwirei’s "meet the people" type of rallies with music stars in tow point to a group of people focused on winning hearts and minds both inside and outside ZANUPF. They have money. The other side has passion and entitlement, but without money there is very little political traction in Zimbabwe’s political theatre, where loyalties change based on what is on the table. Politics the world over is about money, that is why Elon Musk claimed that he won the election for Donald Trump, and that is why Trump said you need US$5 billion to become a president in America, it is about money. When you strip away the slogans and the drama, the real engine of political power is financial muscle, whether in Zimbabwe, America, or anywhere else. Tagwirei’s Godfather Mnangagwa understands that politics in Zimbabwe is transactional, and he is investing heavily in shaping perceptions, building networks, and buying influence long before the succession battle formally begins. Those opposed to Mnangagwa and his faction must not wake up tomorrow pretending they did not see this coming. It is obvious that Tagwirei is positioning himself as the most visible, accessible and well financed candidate within ZANUPF. It is also obvious that there is no opposition in Zimbabwe and that Chiwenga’s grip has been terribly loosened in unthinkable ways. Anyone paying attention can see the succession terrain shifting, and those who fail to read these signals will only have themselves to blame when the outcome unfolds. The question for the remnants of the main opposition is simple. What are you doing about 2028? Because while everyone is distracted by the talk of 2030, that talk may turn out to be a political ruse, a deliberate decoy to make us ignore what is unfolding on the ground. 2030 could be the bait that sends General Chiwenga chasing shadows while his real competitor campaigns at grassroots level, spends money, and entrenches himself as a household name. Mnangagwa is a political strategist who has won politically through hook or crook, so it would be a fatal mistake to assume that he has only one plan. A second option is to push for 2030, not with the intention of serving until then, but to block General Chiwenga at a congress and secure enough time to hand over to a successor of his choice after defeating Chiwenga. That is on condition that Chiwenga even has the guts to challenge him for the party leadership, which at the moment looks increasingly doubtful. If General Chiwenga puts his faith in the ZANUPF electoral processes through Congress or an Extraordinary Congress which elects a leader, then he is finished. He will be beaten on the floor even by Kuda Tagwirei, not because of anything else, but because Tagwirei and the Mnangagwa team have the resources that the general might not want to spend, even though he is a wealthy man, or might not actually have available as disposable funds for an internal election campaign he is likely to lose. Mnangagwa also has the power of incumbency, something that has been stripped away from Chiwenga as his lieutenants were retired or died one by one. That erosion of his inner circle has left him exposed, weakened, and without the institutional backing he once relied on. Mnangagwa, meanwhile, has consolidated the state, the party, and the security apparatus in his favour, widening the gulf between the two men. What we are seeing now is the opening of the presidential race, with Mnangagwa’s side fully satisfied that they have degraded Chiwenga’s powers to a point where they can now campaign openly. Where is the general? The consolidation of power in the army through the appointment of General Walter Tapfumaneyi, who worked closely with Tagwirei during the 2023 elections, is a clear signal of the new power architecture. More military purges are coming, including the removal of Chiwenga’s wife from military intelligence, and each one further isolates Chiwenga while tightening Mnangagwa’s control over the security establishment. This systematic dismantling of his support base makes it clear that the succession battle has already begun, and that Chiwenga is being pushed further away from the centres of real power with every move. The Chinese general Sun Tzu teaches that “all warfare is based on deception”, and Mnangagwa has perfected this by using 2030 as a decoy while quietly weakening Chiwenga and allowing Tagwirei to advance. He has also mastered the art of appearing weak when he is strong, and appearing strong when he is weak, creating confusion while he restructures the state and securing loyalty across the security ranks. Those in the media and diplomatic circles know that Mnangagwa deliberately appeared weak on many occasions, and his emissaries would tell diplomats and journalists that he had no power to act on many serious issues because Chiwenga was supposedly too powerful. It was an illusion they deliberately created. They created a fictitious image of an all-powerful General Chiwenga, a narrative that fits perfectly into Sun Tzu’s teaching about appearing weak when you are strong and appearing strong when you are weak. There were also moments when Mnangagwa appeared very strong, such as in 2019 when Chiwenga's side thought of carrying out a coup. Mnangagwa projected firmness, yet behind the scenes he was weak, hesitant, and deeply indecisive in dealing with the unfolding crisis. If you remember the period when the internet was shut down, that moment exposed just how fragile the inner workings of power were, despite the public portrayal of a decisive leader. Mnangagwa’s team, led by Tagwirei, now embodies the wisdom that “victorious warriors win first and then go to war”, planting narratives, building visibility, and mobilising resources long before the battle officially begins. In this environment, the utter disarray in the opposition makes it effortless for ZANUPF to open war fronts within itself, because when the enemy outside has collapsed, the real contest becomes the fight to inherit the throne.

While we are busy focused on the 2030 presidential term extension theatrics, the presidential race to take over from President Emmerson Mnangagwa is already in full swing inside ZANUPF. It is an open secret that Mnangagwa’s preferred successor is businessman Kudakwashe Tagwirei, and the dark horse is General Valerio Sibanda, who retired from the army in an announcement made yesterday by the presidency. Tagwirei is already on a campaign trail which some have not observed, and all the issues he is raising are carefully crafted to resonate with ordinary citizens, shifting from liberation struggle slogans like Pasi neMhandu to Pasi neNhamo and Mari Muhomwe. He is deliberately rebranding himself as a champion of economic grievances, positioning his message to speak directly to poverty, hardship, and the cost of living, rather than the old liberation rhetoric. This is not accidental, his nemesis is a soldier and military general whose track record is rooted in Zimbabwe's excesses. What Tagwirei is doing is planting in his rallies a political seed that he hopes will germinate between now and 2027, when the ZANUPF Congress is expected to elect a new leader, or even earlier if an extraordinary congress is convened as some in the ruling party suspect might happen. That seed is intended to carry him into 2028, when the general election is due, if he succeeds in taking over should his principal, President Mnangagwa, not change his mind or Chiwenga stages a dramatic miracle coup. He is laying the groundwork early, shaping public perception, opinion and positioning himself as the natural successor by tapping into economic frustrations that ordinary citizens understand and feel every day. The elites see things differently, but it is the poor in townships and rural Zimbabwe who are being targeted with this messaging. When I look at the political landscape in Zimbabwe today, I see nobody else, either in the opposition or in ZANUPF, offering a clear and solid message that speaks to the people’s real needs. What we consider logical in elite circles does not sell to the poor, their needs are immediate. They want solutions for today, regardless of who created the problems that require solutions. While the educated elites talk about root-cause analysis and solutions for a distant future in their scenarios, the ordinary citizens want Sapatina, a euphemism for something that comes today, coined by a man who was perfectly happy eating chicken and chips/fries at State House. Our struggles are different. Vice President General Constantino Chiwenga, who thought he was a shoo in to become the next president after leading a coup against Robert Mugabe and making way for Mnangagwa, is now talking about corruption, something we have discussed for years to appeal to the masses. But Tagwirei is positioning himself differently. He is in full campaign mode, planting messages aimed at securing his place in the succession race, messages of economic prosperity. He is speaking to the daily needs of ZANUPF supporters and Zimbabweans in general. He is placing himself before the electorate, travelling, being visible, leveraging state linked platforms, and promising youths economic empowerment. Meanwhile, the general is speaking in closed boardrooms, and nobody has heard him speak directly to his presidential ambitions outside his own circle. Tagwirei is out in the open shaping a constituency, while Chiwenga remains confined to private spaces that do not build political momentum. That does not look regular to me unless he has an ace up his sleeves, a coup, because a coup does not require much talking. But as Mnangagwa shuts all the options once available to him by creating a state security sector in his own image, the prospects of a coup become slimmer with each move made by Mnangagwa. In closing those doors and pathways, Mnangagwa has effectively weakened Chiwenga’s leverage and narrowed the space in which he could plausibly attempt anything outside the formal succession path using ZANUPF internal processes. Tagwirei’s "meet the people" type of rallies with music stars in tow point to a group of people focused on winning hearts and minds both inside and outside ZANUPF. They have money. The other side has passion and entitlement, but without money there is very little political traction in Zimbabwe’s political theatre, where loyalties change based on what is on the table. Politics the world over is about money, that is why Elon Musk claimed that he won the election for Donald Trump, and that is why Trump said you need US$5 billion to become a president in America, it is about money. When you strip away the slogans and the drama, the real engine of political power is financial muscle, whether in Zimbabwe, America, or anywhere else. Tagwirei’s Godfather Mnangagwa understands that politics in Zimbabwe is transactional, and he is investing heavily in shaping perceptions, building networks, and buying influence long before the succession battle formally begins. Those opposed to Mnangagwa and his faction must not wake up tomorrow pretending they did not see this coming. It is obvious that Tagwirei is positioning himself as the most visible, accessible and well financed candidate within ZANUPF. It is also obvious that there is no opposition in Zimbabwe and that Chiwenga’s grip has been terribly loosened in unthinkable ways. Anyone paying attention can see the succession terrain shifting, and those who fail to read these signals will only have themselves to blame when the outcome unfolds. The question for the remnants of the main opposition is simple. What are you doing about 2028? Because while everyone is distracted by the talk of 2030, that talk may turn out to be a political ruse, a deliberate decoy to make us ignore what is unfolding on the ground. 2030 could be the bait that sends General Chiwenga chasing shadows while his real competitor campaigns at grassroots level, spends money, and entrenches himself as a household name. Mnangagwa is a political strategist who has won politically through hook or crook, so it would be a fatal mistake to assume that he has only one plan. A second option is to push for 2030, not with the intention of serving until then, but to block General Chiwenga at a congress and secure enough time to hand over to a successor of his choice after defeating Chiwenga. That is on condition that Chiwenga even has the guts to challenge him for the party leadership, which at the moment looks increasingly doubtful. If General Chiwenga puts his faith in the ZANUPF electoral processes through Congress or an Extraordinary Congress which elects a leader, then he is finished. He will be beaten on the floor even by Kuda Tagwirei, not because of anything else, but because Tagwirei and the Mnangagwa team have the resources that the general might not want to spend, even though he is a wealthy man, or might not actually have available as disposable funds for an internal election campaign he is likely to lose. Mnangagwa also has the power of incumbency, something that has been stripped away from Chiwenga as his lieutenants were retired or died one by one. That erosion of his inner circle has left him exposed, weakened, and without the institutional backing he once relied on. Mnangagwa, meanwhile, has consolidated the state, the party, and the security apparatus in his favour, widening the gulf between the two men. What we are seeing now is the opening of the presidential race, with Mnangagwa’s side fully satisfied that they have degraded Chiwenga’s powers to a point where they can now campaign openly. Where is the general? The consolidation of power in the army through the appointment of General Walter Tapfumaneyi, who worked closely with Tagwirei during the 2023 elections, is a clear signal of the new power architecture. More military purges are coming, including the removal of Chiwenga’s wife from military intelligence, and each one further isolates Chiwenga while tightening Mnangagwa’s control over the security establishment. This systematic dismantling of his support base makes it clear that the succession battle has already begun, and that Chiwenga is being pushed further away from the centres of real power with every move. The Chinese general Sun Tzu teaches that “all warfare is based on deception”, and Mnangagwa has perfected this by using 2030 as a decoy while quietly weakening Chiwenga and allowing Tagwirei to advance. He has also mastered the art of appearing weak when he is strong, and appearing strong when he is weak, creating confusion while he restructures the state and securing loyalty across the security ranks. Those in the media and diplomatic circles know that Mnangagwa deliberately appeared weak on many occasions, and his emissaries would tell diplomats and journalists that he had no power to act on many serious issues because Chiwenga was supposedly too powerful. It was an illusion they deliberately created. They created a fictitious image of an all-powerful General Chiwenga, a narrative that fits perfectly into Sun Tzu’s teaching about appearing weak when you are strong and appearing strong when you are weak. There were also moments when Mnangagwa appeared very strong, such as in 2019 when Chiwenga's side thought of carrying out a coup. Mnangagwa projected firmness, yet behind the scenes he was weak, hesitant, and deeply indecisive in dealing with the unfolding crisis. If you remember the period when the internet was shut down, that moment exposed just how fragile the inner workings of power were, despite the public portrayal of a decisive leader. Mnangagwa’s team, led by Tagwirei, now embodies the wisdom that “victorious warriors win first and then go to war”, planting narratives, building visibility, and mobilising resources long before the battle officially begins. In this environment, the utter disarray in the opposition makes it effortless for ZANUPF to open war fronts within itself, because when the enemy outside has collapsed, the real contest becomes the fight to inherit the throne.

Hopewell Chin’ono

57,922 views • 6 months ago

Dear Nick Mangwana Why is ZANUPF above the law when the Constitution states that nobody is above the law? This ZANUPF vehicle, car registration number AGE 0346, did not pay toll fees, and this is not new. All ZANUPF cars don’t pay toll gate fees. Why have you turned our country into this Banana Republic, Nick? The Zimbabwean Constitution clearly states that no one is above the law, and this principle should be upheld for all individuals and organizations, including the ruling party, ZANUPF.

Dear Nick Mangwana Why is ZANUPF above the law when the Constitution states that nobody is above the law? This ZANUPF vehicle, car registration number AGE 0346, did not pay toll fees, and this is not new. All ZANUPF cars don’t pay toll gate fees. Why have you turned our country into this Banana Republic, Nick? The Zimbabwean Constitution clearly states that no one is above the law, and this principle should be upheld for all individuals and organizations, including the ruling party, ZANUPF.

Hopewell Chin’ono

65,104 views • 1 year ago

This is the Mwenezi River Bridge in the Chegato-Mberengwa area of the Midlands, where Zimbabwean dictator Emmerson Mnangagwa comes from. This is how dilapidated public infrastructure has become in Zimbabwe. When I talk about it, some think I am exaggerating. That is why I use these videos and pictures for literal illustration, to show the extent of the infrastructure collapse. I used to be very angry with ZANUPF’s incompetence and corrupt rule. Now, I just watch in disbelief and only continue exposing it to the world for historical record. No change will ever come from ZANUPF or Mnangagwa. One wonders where Zimbabwe would be if the colonial governments had not built the public infrastructure still in use today, like hospitals. It would have been a complete disaster. ZANUPF has failed to maintain even what it inherited from Ian Smith’s government. It cannot replace planks on a bridge, that is how useless Zimbabwe’s ruling party has become. This, unfortunately, should embarrass all Zimbabweans, because the world sees us through this catastrophic leadership failure authored by Emmerson Mnangagwa and ZANUPF through his corrupt rule and ZANUPF’s grand incompetence. Mnangagwa and ZANUPF are simply a corrupt, incompetent, and clueless dictatorship with no vision beyond stealing public funds and obscenely enriching his family and clansmen cronies. Mnangagwa cannot even fix a bridge in his own backyard, that is how useless he is, and that is how incompetent his regime has become.

This is the Mwenezi River Bridge in the Chegato-Mberengwa area of the Midlands, where Zimbabwean dictator Emmerson Mnangagwa comes from. This is how dilapidated public infrastructure has become in Zimbabwe. When I talk about it, some think I am exaggerating. That is why I use these videos and pictures for literal illustration, to show the extent of the infrastructure collapse. I used to be very angry with ZANUPF’s incompetence and corrupt rule. Now, I just watch in disbelief and only continue exposing it to the world for historical record. No change will ever come from ZANUPF or Mnangagwa. One wonders where Zimbabwe would be if the colonial governments had not built the public infrastructure still in use today, like hospitals. It would have been a complete disaster. ZANUPF has failed to maintain even what it inherited from Ian Smith’s government. It cannot replace planks on a bridge, that is how useless Zimbabwe’s ruling party has become. This, unfortunately, should embarrass all Zimbabweans, because the world sees us through this catastrophic leadership failure authored by Emmerson Mnangagwa and ZANUPF through his corrupt rule and ZANUPF’s grand incompetence. Mnangagwa and ZANUPF are simply a corrupt, incompetent, and clueless dictatorship with no vision beyond stealing public funds and obscenely enriching his family and clansmen cronies. Mnangagwa cannot even fix a bridge in his own backyard, that is how useless he is, and that is how incompetent his regime has become.

Hopewell Chin’ono

40,121 views • 1 year ago

Zimbabwean war veteran and former intelligence officer Blessed “Bombshell” Geza, the face of the anti-Emmerson Mnangagwa 2030 campaign, has announced that he will deliver a message at 8:30 PM Zimbabwean time following the dismissal of Zimbabwe’s Army (ground forces) commander, General Anselem Nhamo Sanyatwa, yesterday by President Mnangagwa. Geza and his group oppose Mnangagwa’s plan to violate the constitution and extend his corrupt rule to 15 years by seeking a third term in office. General Sanyatwe is an ally of Vice President General Constantino Chiwenga, whom Mnangagwa does not want to succeed him, fearing a ruthless investigation into his corrupt dealings. Geza and his allies have encouraged Zimbabweans to take part in an uprising against Mnangagwa’s corrupt rule on the 31st of March.

Zimbabwean war veteran and former intelligence officer Blessed “Bombshell” Geza, the face of the anti-Emmerson Mnangagwa 2030 campaign, has announced that he will deliver a message at 8:30 PM Zimbabwean time following the dismissal of Zimbabwe’s Army (ground forces) commander, General Anselem Nhamo Sanyatwa, yesterday by President Mnangagwa. Geza and his group oppose Mnangagwa’s plan to violate the constitution and extend his corrupt rule to 15 years by seeking a third term in office. General Sanyatwe is an ally of Vice President General Constantino Chiwenga, whom Mnangagwa does not want to succeed him, fearing a ruthless investigation into his corrupt dealings. Geza and his allies have encouraged Zimbabweans to take part in an uprising against Mnangagwa’s corrupt rule on the 31st of March.

Hopewell Chin’ono

307,680 views • 1 year ago

Zimbabwe has never been led by politics; it has always been led by the gun from the rear. In fact, the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) has always been led by the gun — only the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) was led by politics. The first leader of ZANU was Ndabaningi Sithole. He was removed by the Mgagao Declaration, which was signed by the military wing of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA). The chairman of ZANU and its external leader was Herbert Chitepo. He was also killed by ZANLA in Zambia according to an international commission of inquiry set up by Zambian president, Dr Kenneth Kaunda. The next leader of ZANU was Robert Mugabe. He was installed by the military, although Samora Machel the president of Mozambique had advised them against the idea. Machel was proved right in the fullness of time, but it was the military that endorsed Mugabe through Rex Nhongo who became known as Solomon Mujuru. The Lancaster House talks in Britain were almost stalled by Mugabe’s intransigence, but it was General Josiah Tongogara, with the help of Samora Machel, who forced Mugabe to sign — after Machel sent his special aide, Fernando Honwana, to tell Mugabe to sign or come back to Maputo and write his memoirs on the beach. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, it was the military, through its commanders, that influenced politics. In fact, any time Mugabe felt threatened, it was the military that sorted out party problems. General Solomon Mujuru was nicknamed the Kingmaker because of that, he was a powerful behind-the-scenes Politburo influencer when he was the overall commander of the army. Post-2000, it was the military that kept ZANUPF in power and actually ran its elections in tandem with the CIO. It was General Vitalis Zvinavashe who threatened citizens saying the military won’t accept a Morgan Tsvangirai victory. Though not a visible Politburo member in the 1980s, he was deeply embedded in both party and military affairs. General Constantino Chiwenga was effectively a military commissar for ZANUPF, executing the first bloodless coup in 2008 when the military stopped Morgan Tsvangirai from taking over after defeating Robert Mugabe. He was heavily involved in the 2013 elections with Air Marshal Muchena and eventually carried out a military coup that put Mnangagwa and the current regime in power. When the new crop of so called technocrats was appointed by Mugabe in 2000, it was General Chiwenga who was involved and when they hit a brick wall, they would return to him. The first time the military refused to be involved in politics — which is the real first aberration — was two weeks ago, when General Anselem Nhamo Sanyatwe refused to deploy soldiers against civilians and was fired for that. The ZANUPF spokesman Christopher Mutsvangwa called it disloyalty. If President Emmerson Mnangagwa manages to fire General Chiwenga tomorrow, as rumours suggest, without any blowback or deadly consequences, he would become the first ZANUPF leader to lead the gun — and not be removed by the military. So I disagree with the notion by my brother, Prof Jonathan Moyo, that the 2017 coup was an aberration. It wasn’t — it was the norm. What was an aberration was the amount of violence against the CIO and police officers who tried to resist. What has kept Emmerson Mnangagwa in power after his power struggle with his Vice President is his clansman, General Philip Valerio Sibanda who is the Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces. He is opposed to General Chiwenga taking over as president and has been a stumbling block for the Vice President. Mnangagwa has been strategic by removing the former ZANLA army commanders from the top of the military because they are loyal to Chiwenga, who was in ZANLA, and replacing them with ex-Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) commanders. General Sibanda and the Commander of the Army, General Emmanuel Matatu, are both ex-ZIPRA, and they are all from the Midlands, like Mnangagwa.

Zimbabwe has never been led by politics; it has always been led by the gun from the rear. In fact, the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) has always been led by the gun — only the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) was led by politics. The first leader of ZANU was Ndabaningi Sithole. He was removed by the Mgagao Declaration, which was signed by the military wing of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA). The chairman of ZANU and its external leader was Herbert Chitepo. He was also killed by ZANLA in Zambia according to an international commission of inquiry set up by Zambian president, Dr Kenneth Kaunda. The next leader of ZANU was Robert Mugabe. He was installed by the military, although Samora Machel the president of Mozambique had advised them against the idea. Machel was proved right in the fullness of time, but it was the military that endorsed Mugabe through Rex Nhongo who became known as Solomon Mujuru. The Lancaster House talks in Britain were almost stalled by Mugabe’s intransigence, but it was General Josiah Tongogara, with the help of Samora Machel, who forced Mugabe to sign — after Machel sent his special aide, Fernando Honwana, to tell Mugabe to sign or come back to Maputo and write his memoirs on the beach. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, it was the military, through its commanders, that influenced politics. In fact, any time Mugabe felt threatened, it was the military that sorted out party problems. General Solomon Mujuru was nicknamed the Kingmaker because of that, he was a powerful behind-the-scenes Politburo influencer when he was the overall commander of the army. Post-2000, it was the military that kept ZANUPF in power and actually ran its elections in tandem with the CIO. It was General Vitalis Zvinavashe who threatened citizens saying the military won’t accept a Morgan Tsvangirai victory. Though not a visible Politburo member in the 1980s, he was deeply embedded in both party and military affairs. General Constantino Chiwenga was effectively a military commissar for ZANUPF, executing the first bloodless coup in 2008 when the military stopped Morgan Tsvangirai from taking over after defeating Robert Mugabe. He was heavily involved in the 2013 elections with Air Marshal Muchena and eventually carried out a military coup that put Mnangagwa and the current regime in power. When the new crop of so called technocrats was appointed by Mugabe in 2000, it was General Chiwenga who was involved and when they hit a brick wall, they would return to him. The first time the military refused to be involved in politics — which is the real first aberration — was two weeks ago, when General Anselem Nhamo Sanyatwe refused to deploy soldiers against civilians and was fired for that. The ZANUPF spokesman Christopher Mutsvangwa called it disloyalty. If President Emmerson Mnangagwa manages to fire General Chiwenga tomorrow, as rumours suggest, without any blowback or deadly consequences, he would become the first ZANUPF leader to lead the gun — and not be removed by the military. So I disagree with the notion by my brother, Prof Jonathan Moyo, that the 2017 coup was an aberration. It wasn’t — it was the norm. What was an aberration was the amount of violence against the CIO and police officers who tried to resist. What has kept Emmerson Mnangagwa in power after his power struggle with his Vice President is his clansman, General Philip Valerio Sibanda who is the Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces. He is opposed to General Chiwenga taking over as president and has been a stumbling block for the Vice President. Mnangagwa has been strategic by removing the former ZANLA army commanders from the top of the military because they are loyal to Chiwenga, who was in ZANLA, and replacing them with ex-Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) commanders. General Sibanda and the Commander of the Army, General Emmanuel Matatu, are both ex-ZIPRA, and they are all from the Midlands, like Mnangagwa.

Hopewell Chin’ono

133,804 views • 1 year ago

WATCH | An unidentified individual recorded a video showing T-shirts printed with Vice President Chiwenga’s face and the words “Chiwenga must go.” In the video, he appears to be reporting back to the person who ordered the T-shirts, confirming that the job is done and requesting payment. There are claims that a faction within ZANU-PF is unhappy with Vice President Chiwenga and is pushing for his removal through a protest.

WATCH | An unidentified individual recorded a video showing T-shirts printed with Vice President Chiwenga’s face and the words “Chiwenga must go.” In the video, he appears to be reporting back to the person who ordered the T-shirts, confirming that the job is done and requesting payment. There are claims that a faction within ZANU-PF is unhappy with Vice President Chiwenga and is pushing for his removal through a protest.

𝐂𝐫𝐢𝐦𝐞 𝐖𝐚𝐭𝐜𝐡 𝐙𝐖

88,260 views • 1 month ago

A lot of international journalists across the continent and beyond have been asking me whether the opposition in Zimbabwe would vote in support of Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 when it comes to Parliament. For those who have been asking that question, and for others who had the same question in mind, this video is your answer. This is an opposition Member of Parliament speaking, praising President Mnangagwa and supporting his political agenda. Susan Matsunga was elected in 2023 to represent Budiriro North (Mufakose). She does not belong to the group of opposition Members of Parliament that were imposed by Sengezo Tshabangu, the charlatan who worked with others to disrupt Parliament and effectively hand ZANUPF a two-thirds majority. She belongs to the Nelson Chamisa group, the group that came through Bereka Mwana. When we criticised Bereka Mwana at the time, we were insulted. I remember explaining that Bereka Mwana was bringing in people who were bootlicking the leader of the party but did not necessarily have the substance and gravitas required to become Members of Parliament or oppose bad governance. So the more you bootlick the leader, the better your chances of getting into Parliament. She is a clear example of that. She was as militant as they come in defending the leader when he was making his festival of mistakes, and here you have her now supporting President Mnangagwa and his agenda. The problem that we have in Africa, particularly in Zimbabwe, is that people follow personalities. They do not follow ideas. When an empty vessel is a personality they like, they are happy to sink with that empty vessel. If someone comes with ideas but they do not like that person, they would rather discard the good ideas than support them. I want to make this prediction, and you can hold me to it. If it does not come to fruition, I will be very happy. ZANUPF is assured of power for at least the next 18 years. Until Zimbabweans change their attitude of supporting personalities over ideas, ZANUPF will remain in power for the next 18 years. We do not know what will happen after that, but for now, that is the trajectory. Some of you will ask why I say 18 years. It is because we are in 2026, and if ZANUPF gets Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 passed, it means the current president will remain in power for the next four years until 2030. The president who comes after him will then have two seven-year terms, that is 14 years. Add the four years from Mnangagwa, and that gives you 18 years. We do not know what will happen after that. Even if Mnangagwa is removed, for example through a coup, it will still be ZANUPF that remains in power. Until Zimbabweans understand that the enemy is not the person they do not like but who comes with good ideas, and that they must support ideas over personalities, ZANUPF will remain in power. Until Zimbabweans understand that politics is not like football, where you die on the hill of the team that you support, ZANUPF will remain in power. Until Zimbabweans understand the importance of working together, regardless of whether they like each other, as seen in the idea of a team of rivals associated with Abraham Lincoln, ZANUPF will remain in power. Until those who tell the truth are listened to, ZANUPF will remain in power. As long as people applaud and ululate those who tell them what they want to hear instead of what they need to hear, ZANUPF will remain in power. I want to leave you with this food for thought. In 2000, when Robert Mugabe and ZANUPF were pushing for a new constitution, the then opposition leader stood firm, campaigned across the country, and slept in people’s homes, in huts, mobilising against that constitution. It went to a referendum, and Robert Mugabe and ZANUPF lost. The opposition leader and his team managed to convince Zimbabweans, and they won. That moment showed what leadership, conviction, and grassroots mobilisation can achieve when people are organised around an idea. Today, I do not know who you can point to as the main opposition leader capable of doing the same, and that in itself is something Zimbabweans must seriously reflect on.

A lot of international journalists across the continent and beyond have been asking me whether the opposition in Zimbabwe would vote in support of Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 when it comes to Parliament. For those who have been asking that question, and for others who had the same question in mind, this video is your answer. This is an opposition Member of Parliament speaking, praising President Mnangagwa and supporting his political agenda. Susan Matsunga was elected in 2023 to represent Budiriro North (Mufakose). She does not belong to the group of opposition Members of Parliament that were imposed by Sengezo Tshabangu, the charlatan who worked with others to disrupt Parliament and effectively hand ZANUPF a two-thirds majority. She belongs to the Nelson Chamisa group, the group that came through Bereka Mwana. When we criticised Bereka Mwana at the time, we were insulted. I remember explaining that Bereka Mwana was bringing in people who were bootlicking the leader of the party but did not necessarily have the substance and gravitas required to become Members of Parliament or oppose bad governance. So the more you bootlick the leader, the better your chances of getting into Parliament. She is a clear example of that. She was as militant as they come in defending the leader when he was making his festival of mistakes, and here you have her now supporting President Mnangagwa and his agenda. The problem that we have in Africa, particularly in Zimbabwe, is that people follow personalities. They do not follow ideas. When an empty vessel is a personality they like, they are happy to sink with that empty vessel. If someone comes with ideas but they do not like that person, they would rather discard the good ideas than support them. I want to make this prediction, and you can hold me to it. If it does not come to fruition, I will be very happy. ZANUPF is assured of power for at least the next 18 years. Until Zimbabweans change their attitude of supporting personalities over ideas, ZANUPF will remain in power for the next 18 years. We do not know what will happen after that, but for now, that is the trajectory. Some of you will ask why I say 18 years. It is because we are in 2026, and if ZANUPF gets Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 passed, it means the current president will remain in power for the next four years until 2030. The president who comes after him will then have two seven-year terms, that is 14 years. Add the four years from Mnangagwa, and that gives you 18 years. We do not know what will happen after that. Even if Mnangagwa is removed, for example through a coup, it will still be ZANUPF that remains in power. Until Zimbabweans understand that the enemy is not the person they do not like but who comes with good ideas, and that they must support ideas over personalities, ZANUPF will remain in power. Until Zimbabweans understand that politics is not like football, where you die on the hill of the team that you support, ZANUPF will remain in power. Until Zimbabweans understand the importance of working together, regardless of whether they like each other, as seen in the idea of a team of rivals associated with Abraham Lincoln, ZANUPF will remain in power. Until those who tell the truth are listened to, ZANUPF will remain in power. As long as people applaud and ululate those who tell them what they want to hear instead of what they need to hear, ZANUPF will remain in power. I want to leave you with this food for thought. In 2000, when Robert Mugabe and ZANUPF were pushing for a new constitution, the then opposition leader stood firm, campaigned across the country, and slept in people’s homes, in huts, mobilising against that constitution. It went to a referendum, and Robert Mugabe and ZANUPF lost. The opposition leader and his team managed to convince Zimbabweans, and they won. That moment showed what leadership, conviction, and grassroots mobilisation can achieve when people are organised around an idea. Today, I do not know who you can point to as the main opposition leader capable of doing the same, and that in itself is something Zimbabweans must seriously reflect on.

Hopewell Chin’ono

49,031 views • 2 months ago