Video wird geladen...

Video konnte nicht geladen werden

Beim Laden dieses Videos ist ein Problem aufgetreten. Dies könnte an einem vorübergehenden Netzwerkproblem liegen oder das Video ist möglicherweise nicht verfügbar.

𝐇𝐮𝐦𝐚𝐧 𝐑𝐢𝐠𝐡𝐭𝐬 𝐖𝐚𝐭𝐜𝐡 𝐏𝐫𝐨𝐩𝐚𝐠𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐚 🔥 𝐇𝐮𝐦𝐚𝐧 𝐑𝐢𝐠𝐡𝐭𝐬 𝐖𝐚𝐭𝐜𝐡 𝐏𝐫𝐨𝐩𝐚𝐠𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐚: Exposing the Truth Behind HRW’s baseless Accusations Against the M23! 🚨 📆 On August 20th, 2025, HRW accused M23 of massacres near Virunga National Park. But are these claims true? Spoiler: They're NOT. 🕵️‍♂️ 🔍 Dive deep into the politically... show more

Poliscoop English

9,733 subscribers

12,455 Aufrufe • vor 11 Monaten •via X (Twitter)

Nachrichten & Politik

Anya Rossi• Live Now

Private livecam show

0 Kommentare

Keine Kommentare verfügbar

Kommentare vom Original-Post werden hier angezeigt

Ähnliche Videos

🚨M23 WILL NOT INTEGRATE INTO DRC ARMY. —Rwanda and M23 will lay down their weapons. Aggressors against the Washington Accords are on notice. 🚩M23 is on notice. 🚩Rwanda, Kagame is on notice. There will be peace in the DRC. Now is the time for peace. —M23, lay down your weapons and go home. —RDF, soldiers return home. What is being supported and encouraged from the seat of authority in Kigali is not sustainable. It will not last. Peace loving Congolese, peace loving Rwandese, now is the time for peace. Reject the war mongering, the violence and aggression that has tortured eastern DRC. 🇺🇸🇨🇩DRC will have peace. Peace, prosperity, and God’s grace on the Great Lakes Region. 🇺🇸🇺🇸Republican US Representative Chris Smith, Senior Member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee laid it out well today: —Sanctions are on the table. They’re coming. Buckle up. Watch all 78 seconds of this riveting interview by Hariana Veras ! 🇺🇸Would you lean in and pray now for the courageous and common sense voices who are demanding an end to the looting of minerals, the violence on the people, the killing, and the destruction of beautiful people in eastern DR Congo? #RDC National Faith Advisory Board Présidence RDC 🇨🇩 President Donald J. Trump The White House

🚨M23 WILL NOT INTEGRATE INTO DRC ARMY. —Rwanda and M23 will lay down their weapons. Aggressors against the Washington Accords are on notice. 🚩M23 is on notice. 🚩Rwanda, Kagame is on notice. There will be peace in the DRC. Now is the time for peace. —M23, lay down your weapons and go home. —RDF, soldiers return home. What is being supported and encouraged from the seat of authority in Kigali is not sustainable. It will not last. Peace loving Congolese, peace loving Rwandese, now is the time for peace. Reject the war mongering, the violence and aggression that has tortured eastern DRC. 🇺🇸🇨🇩DRC will have peace. Peace, prosperity, and God’s grace on the Great Lakes Region. 🇺🇸🇺🇸Republican US Representative Chris Smith, Senior Member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee laid it out well today: —Sanctions are on the table. They’re coming. Buckle up. Watch all 78 seconds of this riveting interview by Hariana Veras ! 🇺🇸Would you lean in and pray now for the courageous and common sense voices who are demanding an end to the looting of minerals, the violence on the people, the killing, and the destruction of beautiful people in eastern DR Congo? #RDC National Faith Advisory Board Présidence RDC 🇨🇩 President Donald J. Trump The White House

Pastor Travis Johnson

91,357 Aufrufe • vor 5 Monaten

UN CALLS FOR THE CRIMES OF M23 & KAGAME'S RDF TO BE RECOGNIZED AS GENOCIDE: "M23 together with Rwanda's RDF have committed grave crimes against humanity: Mass Murder, Torture, Rape, Sexual Slavery, Severe Deprivation of Freedom" declares United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights⤵️(translated from Daniel Michombero /Batubenga) War in the East of #RDC 🇨🇩: High Commissioner for Human Rights calls for recognition of genocide and urgent international action. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, urged on Wednesday, September 9, the Human Rights Council and international community to acknowledge the severity of the crimes committed in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and to take action to curb the deadly violence that has been tearing apart the east of the country for decades. “It is time for this Council and the international community to act to stop the violence, protect victims, and ensure justice,” declared Volker Türk, calling on member states to provide adequate support to the Commission of Inquiry tasked with documenting the crimes and laying the groundwork for justice. The statement comes in a context where reports from the United Nations and NGOs denounce massive human rights violations in the DRC. A report published in early September by the UN concluded that the M23 rebels, as well as the Congolese armed forces and other armed groups, could be responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Last July, the M23 was accused of massacring more than 300 civilians, including women and children, near Virunga National Park. These acts of violence add to a long list of atrocities recorded for years in eastern DRC, where civilians bear the heaviest toll of a conflict fueled by geopolitical and economic interests. The High Commissioner’s call is part of a movement aimed at recognizing the crimes committed in the DRC as genocide. For several Congolese and international actors, such recognition would: • strengthen international mobilization against the violence, • accelerate the implementation of judicial mechanisms, • and ensure reparations and remembrance for the victims, as already recommended by the United Nations Mapping Project published in 2010. In urging member states to support the Commission of Inquiry, Volker Türk emphasizes the need to break the cycle of impunity. “This is about laying the foundations for justice for the countless victims of the conflict in the DRC,” he insisted in Geneva. This plea places the international community face-to-face with its responsibilities: to translate words into actions through concrete support for investigations, the protection of civilian populations, and the establishment of a transitional justice framework. As the DRC continues to suffer large-scale violence, the question of recognizing the genocide could mark a historic turning point. However, its realization will depend on the political will of UN member states, often torn between diplomatic considerations and the imperatives of justice.

UN CALLS FOR THE CRIMES OF M23 & KAGAME'S RDF TO BE RECOGNIZED AS GENOCIDE: "M23 together with Rwanda's RDF have committed grave crimes against humanity: Mass Murder, Torture, Rape, Sexual Slavery, Severe Deprivation of Freedom" declares United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights⤵️(translated from Daniel Michombero /Batubenga) War in the East of #RDC 🇨🇩: High Commissioner for Human Rights calls for recognition of genocide and urgent international action. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, urged on Wednesday, September 9, the Human Rights Council and international community to acknowledge the severity of the crimes committed in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and to take action to curb the deadly violence that has been tearing apart the east of the country for decades. “It is time for this Council and the international community to act to stop the violence, protect victims, and ensure justice,” declared Volker Türk, calling on member states to provide adequate support to the Commission of Inquiry tasked with documenting the crimes and laying the groundwork for justice. The statement comes in a context where reports from the United Nations and NGOs denounce massive human rights violations in the DRC. A report published in early September by the UN concluded that the M23 rebels, as well as the Congolese armed forces and other armed groups, could be responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Last July, the M23 was accused of massacring more than 300 civilians, including women and children, near Virunga National Park. These acts of violence add to a long list of atrocities recorded for years in eastern DRC, where civilians bear the heaviest toll of a conflict fueled by geopolitical and economic interests. The High Commissioner’s call is part of a movement aimed at recognizing the crimes committed in the DRC as genocide. For several Congolese and international actors, such recognition would: • strengthen international mobilization against the violence, • accelerate the implementation of judicial mechanisms, • and ensure reparations and remembrance for the victims, as already recommended by the United Nations Mapping Project published in 2010. In urging member states to support the Commission of Inquiry, Volker Türk emphasizes the need to break the cycle of impunity. “This is about laying the foundations for justice for the countless victims of the conflict in the DRC,” he insisted in Geneva. This plea places the international community face-to-face with its responsibilities: to translate words into actions through concrete support for investigations, the protection of civilian populations, and the establishment of a transitional justice framework. As the DRC continues to suffer large-scale violence, the question of recognizing the genocide could mark a historic turning point. However, its realization will depend on the political will of UN member states, often torn between diplomatic considerations and the imperatives of justice.

Rev Christine Coleman

10,846 Aufrufe • vor 10 Monaten

Like all Africans and beyond, I am deeply saddened by the situation in the Eastern Congo. I want to pass my condolences to South Africa on the death of its soldiers who have died in pursuit of peace in the DRC, and everyone who has been killed by this crisis. Today I took time to understand the issues and the root cause of the Great Lakes crisis, you can’t understand it all in a day. I am not an expert on the Great Lakes, but I found two insightful videos featuring Tanzania’s founding father, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, and former South African President Thabo Mbeki explaining it. Both leaders were actively involved in efforts to address the Great Lakes issue, with Nyerere engaging as far back as 1992 and earlier. The problem can be traced back to 1885 during the Berlin Conference, where Africa was partitioned among European colonial powers and borders were drawn regardless of ethnic sensitivities. Belgium, the colonial power in the DRC, and Germany, the colonial power in Rwanda, drew borders that divided the Rwandan Kingdom, incorporating parts of it into what is now the DRC. As a result of this partitioning, the Banyarwanda (including the Banyamulenge) ended up living on both sides of the border—in Rwanda and the DRC. Just like the Tswanas in South Africa and Botswana. Despite being Zairean (Congolese) citizens, the Banyarwanda in the DRC were often treated as foreigners by successive Congolese governments, and they faced significant discrimination. The situation worsened after the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda in 1994 which was carried out by the Hutus, when perpetrators of the genocide fled into the DRC, particularly to areas where Congolese Banyarwanda lived. These perpetrators formed a militia called the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR). The FDLR, which opposes the current Rwandan government, was later incorporated into the Congolese army, causing Rwanda to view their presence in Eastern Congo as a significant security threat. Rwanda objected to the persecution of the Congolese Banyarwanda by the Congolese Government and the FDLR in the DRC. Rwanda’s said its involvement in the DRC is rooted in its efforts to neutralise the FDLR and protect its national security, as well as to address the marginalisation of the Banyarwanda in Eastern Congo. However, this involvement has also sparked significant controversy and accusations of resource exploitation and destabilisation by the DRC. The M23 (March 23 Movement) originated from the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), a Tutsi-led rebel group in the DRC that operated in the mid-2000s. The CNDP was mainly focused on protecting the rights of Congolese Tutsis (Banyarwanda) who faced discrimination and violence, particularly after the 1994 Rwandan Genocide. Reports by Human Rights Watch in October 2022 revealed that the Congolese military supported the FDLR in their military operations against the M23 rebel group. At the same time, the Congolese government has accused Rwanda of supporting the M23 militarily. Currently the conflict involves the M23 and the Congolese army, with the DRC accusing Rwanda of deploying its troops on Congolese soil. As Nyerere points out in the video, the Zairean government stripped the Banyarwanda in the Congo of their citizenship, rendering them stateless. However, they are Congolese due to the colonial borders. What is clear is that this crisis is not an overnight problem, it has been there for decades, long before both Presidents Paul Kagame and Félix Tshisekedi were in power. What is lacking is leadership from the region and the continent to help both countries resolve this crisis once and for all. It is like a volcano that has been erupting periodically, the crisis is crying out for a modern day Nyerere or Mbeki. It is now unrealistic to expect Presidents Kagame and Tshisekedi to invite each other for coffee, it needs someone with gravitas to invite them. This crisis has no military solution except dialogue.

Like all Africans and beyond, I am deeply saddened by the situation in the Eastern Congo. I want to pass my condolences to South Africa on the death of its soldiers who have died in pursuit of peace in the DRC, and everyone who has been killed by this crisis. Today I took time to understand the issues and the root cause of the Great Lakes crisis, you can’t understand it all in a day. I am not an expert on the Great Lakes, but I found two insightful videos featuring Tanzania’s founding father, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, and former South African President Thabo Mbeki explaining it. Both leaders were actively involved in efforts to address the Great Lakes issue, with Nyerere engaging as far back as 1992 and earlier. The problem can be traced back to 1885 during the Berlin Conference, where Africa was partitioned among European colonial powers and borders were drawn regardless of ethnic sensitivities. Belgium, the colonial power in the DRC, and Germany, the colonial power in Rwanda, drew borders that divided the Rwandan Kingdom, incorporating parts of it into what is now the DRC. As a result of this partitioning, the Banyarwanda (including the Banyamulenge) ended up living on both sides of the border—in Rwanda and the DRC. Just like the Tswanas in South Africa and Botswana. Despite being Zairean (Congolese) citizens, the Banyarwanda in the DRC were often treated as foreigners by successive Congolese governments, and they faced significant discrimination. The situation worsened after the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda in 1994 which was carried out by the Hutus, when perpetrators of the genocide fled into the DRC, particularly to areas where Congolese Banyarwanda lived. These perpetrators formed a militia called the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR). The FDLR, which opposes the current Rwandan government, was later incorporated into the Congolese army, causing Rwanda to view their presence in Eastern Congo as a significant security threat. Rwanda objected to the persecution of the Congolese Banyarwanda by the Congolese Government and the FDLR in the DRC. Rwanda’s said its involvement in the DRC is rooted in its efforts to neutralise the FDLR and protect its national security, as well as to address the marginalisation of the Banyarwanda in Eastern Congo. However, this involvement has also sparked significant controversy and accusations of resource exploitation and destabilisation by the DRC. The M23 (March 23 Movement) originated from the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), a Tutsi-led rebel group in the DRC that operated in the mid-2000s. The CNDP was mainly focused on protecting the rights of Congolese Tutsis (Banyarwanda) who faced discrimination and violence, particularly after the 1994 Rwandan Genocide. Reports by Human Rights Watch in October 2022 revealed that the Congolese military supported the FDLR in their military operations against the M23 rebel group. At the same time, the Congolese government has accused Rwanda of supporting the M23 militarily. Currently the conflict involves the M23 and the Congolese army, with the DRC accusing Rwanda of deploying its troops on Congolese soil. As Nyerere points out in the video, the Zairean government stripped the Banyarwanda in the Congo of their citizenship, rendering them stateless. However, they are Congolese due to the colonial borders. What is clear is that this crisis is not an overnight problem, it has been there for decades, long before both Presidents Paul Kagame and Félix Tshisekedi were in power. What is lacking is leadership from the region and the continent to help both countries resolve this crisis once and for all. It is like a volcano that has been erupting periodically, the crisis is crying out for a modern day Nyerere or Mbeki. It is now unrealistic to expect Presidents Kagame and Tshisekedi to invite each other for coffee, it needs someone with gravitas to invite them. This crisis has no military solution except dialogue.

Hopewell Chin’ono

220,262 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

#TRANSCRIBED The U.S. warned that it is going to use “tools at its disposal” to hold Rwanda accountable, a "spoilers to peace”, referring to both Rwanda and M23. READ THE FULL TRANSCRIPT OF THE UNITED STATES' DURING TODAY'S UN SECURITY COUNCIL MEETING The United States is profoundly concerned and deeply disappointed by the renewed outbreak of violence in Eastern DRC. Today, I want to share additional information on the scale and sophistication of Rwanda’s involvement in the region. Since its re-emergence in 2021, Rwanda has maintained strategic control over its proxy armed group, M23, as well as M23’s political wing, the Congo River Alliance, also known as the AFC. Rwanda has deployed M23 and the AFC to further its geopolitical ambitions in Eastern DRC. Kigali has been directly involved in planning and executing the war, providing both military and political direction to M23 and the AFC. For years, the Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF) have supplied material, logistical, and training support to M23, and have fought alongside them in the DRC with approximately 5,000 to 7,000 troops as of early December — not accounting for any additional deployments during the recent escalation. In recent months, Rwanda has deployed multiple surface-to-air missile systems and other heavy, sophisticated weaponry into North and South Kivu to support M23 in its ongoing conflict with the DRC. Just this past weekend, M23 and Rwandan forces launched an offensive to seize Uvira, with RDF forces co-located on the frontlines with M23 fighters. We also have credible reports of increased use of suicide drones and artillery by both M23 and Rwanda, including artillery strikes into Burundi. Rather than a march toward peace — as seen in recent weeks under the leadership of President Trump through the Washington Accords — Rwanda is instead dragging the region back into greater instability and war. In light of the commitments made in Washington, we are deeply concerned about the continued presence of Rwandan military forces on Congolese soil in support of M23. The United States will use every tool at our disposal to hold accountable the spoilers of peace. We call on Rwanda to uphold its commitments and to fully recognize the Democratic Republic of Congo’s sovereign right to defend its territory, including the right to invite Burundian forces onto its land in response to aggression. We are engaging with all parties to urge restraint and to prevent further escalation — including calling for an end to hostile and ethnically charged anti-Tutsi rhetoric. As this Council continues to negotiate the renewal of the MONUSCO mandate, the United States will seek to ensure that the mission is empowered to support both the Doha and Washington agreements. While the parties themselves bear full responsibility for implementing these agreements, MONUSCO must have the freedom and capability to operate — including unimpeded mobility and logistical support. It is a sad hypocrisy that UN peacekeepers are under siege from forces backed by a UN member state — a state which also contributes troops to peacekeeping missions. The months-long M23 blockade on MONUSCO has severely impaired its ability to operate in and around Goma, as many have highlighted today. Furthermore, Rwanda continues to deploy surface-to-air missiles and conducts spoofing and jamming operations, effectively grounding MONUSCO’s air assets. Under such conditions, how can MONUSCO succeed? We demand the immediate cessation of these obstructions, which violate Rwanda’s and M23’s obligations under the Doha and Washington Agreements. The United States remains firm in its support for MONUSCO and its critical role in realizing these historic agreements, which we believe hold the potential to finally end decades of suffering in Eastern DRC.

#TRANSCRIBED The U.S. warned that it is going to use “tools at its disposal” to hold Rwanda accountable, a "spoilers to peace”, referring to both Rwanda and M23. READ THE FULL TRANSCRIPT OF THE UNITED STATES' DURING TODAY'S UN SECURITY COUNCIL MEETING The United States is profoundly concerned and deeply disappointed by the renewed outbreak of violence in Eastern DRC. Today, I want to share additional information on the scale and sophistication of Rwanda’s involvement in the region. Since its re-emergence in 2021, Rwanda has maintained strategic control over its proxy armed group, M23, as well as M23’s political wing, the Congo River Alliance, also known as the AFC. Rwanda has deployed M23 and the AFC to further its geopolitical ambitions in Eastern DRC. Kigali has been directly involved in planning and executing the war, providing both military and political direction to M23 and the AFC. For years, the Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF) have supplied material, logistical, and training support to M23, and have fought alongside them in the DRC with approximately 5,000 to 7,000 troops as of early December — not accounting for any additional deployments during the recent escalation. In recent months, Rwanda has deployed multiple surface-to-air missile systems and other heavy, sophisticated weaponry into North and South Kivu to support M23 in its ongoing conflict with the DRC. Just this past weekend, M23 and Rwandan forces launched an offensive to seize Uvira, with RDF forces co-located on the frontlines with M23 fighters. We also have credible reports of increased use of suicide drones and artillery by both M23 and Rwanda, including artillery strikes into Burundi. Rather than a march toward peace — as seen in recent weeks under the leadership of President Trump through the Washington Accords — Rwanda is instead dragging the region back into greater instability and war. In light of the commitments made in Washington, we are deeply concerned about the continued presence of Rwandan military forces on Congolese soil in support of M23. The United States will use every tool at our disposal to hold accountable the spoilers of peace. We call on Rwanda to uphold its commitments and to fully recognize the Democratic Republic of Congo’s sovereign right to defend its territory, including the right to invite Burundian forces onto its land in response to aggression. We are engaging with all parties to urge restraint and to prevent further escalation — including calling for an end to hostile and ethnically charged anti-Tutsi rhetoric. As this Council continues to negotiate the renewal of the MONUSCO mandate, the United States will seek to ensure that the mission is empowered to support both the Doha and Washington agreements. While the parties themselves bear full responsibility for implementing these agreements, MONUSCO must have the freedom and capability to operate — including unimpeded mobility and logistical support. It is a sad hypocrisy that UN peacekeepers are under siege from forces backed by a UN member state — a state which also contributes troops to peacekeeping missions. The months-long M23 blockade on MONUSCO has severely impaired its ability to operate in and around Goma, as many have highlighted today. Furthermore, Rwanda continues to deploy surface-to-air missiles and conducts spoofing and jamming operations, effectively grounding MONUSCO’s air assets. Under such conditions, how can MONUSCO succeed? We demand the immediate cessation of these obstructions, which violate Rwanda’s and M23’s obligations under the Doha and Washington Agreements. The United States remains firm in its support for MONUSCO and its critical role in realizing these historic agreements, which we believe hold the potential to finally end decades of suffering in Eastern DRC.

Xtrafrica

43,924 Aufrufe • vor 7 Monaten

The Manipulated Report of Amnesty International International. The latest report by Amnesty International alleging that #M23 “commits acts of torture and detains civilians” exemplifies Amnesty International’s manipulation of public opinion to perpetuate conflict in eastern #DRC. PHOTO MANIPULATION The cover photo of the report by AFP News Agency photojournalist Alexis Huguet seeks to portray “Congolese men detained in inhumane condition” to back the story fabricated in the report. Amnesty International is manipulating a photo taken during the public meeting held in Goma on February 6 at the Stade de l’Unité where Goma residents rushed to the stadium to celebrate their liberation by #AFC/#M23 from decades of violence, torture, killings, lynchings, acts of cannibalism, looting, arbitrary arrests, institutional marginalization and divisionism. As the The New Times (Rwanda) article and video below show, the meeting was so popular that the stadium could not contain the crowd, and people were squeezed in as they tried to enter the stadium and access the meeting. AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL AT THE SERVICE OF HATE IDEOLOGY Like I demonstrated in an article published in March in Conspiracy Tracker Great Lakes, the Amnesty International researcher on #DRC is S£NGA, a former LUCHA 🇨🇩 member known for his promotion of anti-Tutsi xenophobia and hate ideology, like LUCHA 🇨🇩 itself known for its hate rhetoric. Jean-Maubert Senga not only spreads hate speech and anti-Tutsi/Rwanda rhetoric, but he is also an unreliable source on the #DRC crisis (as demonstrated in my article). Given the breach of ethics through photo manipulation and the promotion of hate ideology by Amnesty International, this report constitutes not only disinformation but fuels dangerous rhetoric responsible for a conflict that has lasted 3 decades, killed hundreds of thousands, displaced millions, and which is currently under attempts at deescalation and peace efforts at Qatari, USA and EAC-SADC levels. This report shows Amnesty International’s vested interest in perpetuating conflict rather than exposing truth. Source: Article in Conspiracy Tracker Great Lakes

The Manipulated Report of Amnesty International International. The latest report by Amnesty International alleging that #M23 “commits acts of torture and detains civilians” exemplifies Amnesty International’s manipulation of public opinion to perpetuate conflict in eastern #DRC. PHOTO MANIPULATION The cover photo of the report by AFP News Agency photojournalist Alexis Huguet seeks to portray “Congolese men detained in inhumane condition” to back the story fabricated in the report. Amnesty International is manipulating a photo taken during the public meeting held in Goma on February 6 at the Stade de l’Unité where Goma residents rushed to the stadium to celebrate their liberation by #AFC/#M23 from decades of violence, torture, killings, lynchings, acts of cannibalism, looting, arbitrary arrests, institutional marginalization and divisionism. As the The New Times (Rwanda) article and video below show, the meeting was so popular that the stadium could not contain the crowd, and people were squeezed in as they tried to enter the stadium and access the meeting. AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL AT THE SERVICE OF HATE IDEOLOGY Like I demonstrated in an article published in March in Conspiracy Tracker Great Lakes, the Amnesty International researcher on #DRC is S£NGA, a former LUCHA 🇨🇩 member known for his promotion of anti-Tutsi xenophobia and hate ideology, like LUCHA 🇨🇩 itself known for its hate rhetoric. Jean-Maubert Senga not only spreads hate speech and anti-Tutsi/Rwanda rhetoric, but he is also an unreliable source on the #DRC crisis (as demonstrated in my article). Given the breach of ethics through photo manipulation and the promotion of hate ideology by Amnesty International, this report constitutes not only disinformation but fuels dangerous rhetoric responsible for a conflict that has lasted 3 decades, killed hundreds of thousands, displaced millions, and which is currently under attempts at deescalation and peace efforts at Qatari, USA and EAC-SADC levels. This report shows Amnesty International’s vested interest in perpetuating conflict rather than exposing truth. Source: Article in Conspiracy Tracker Great Lakes

Bojana Coulibaly, Ph.D.

23,738 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

1. So why did the Rwandan government and the M23 leadership only ask for me personally to come and tell the M23 story from Goma in the middle of the war on the 25th of February, 2025, as the South African, Tanzanians and Malawians (SAMIDRC) were preparing for a mass deployment of 25,000 soldiers for a two year war? 2. How did these leaders know that there was a Rutendo Matinyarare that they needed to tell this story and that if he told the story, it would end the mass deployment planned by South Africa, Malawi, and Tanzania and would lead to negations and a ceasefire between the DRC government and M23? 3. Why didn't they ask Kuda Musasiwa to do it instead? 4. Why did the Congolese government contact our government on the 1st of March, 2025, after seeing me reporting from Goma Airport where SADC soldiers were captured -on the 25th of February 2025 escorted by M23- after interviewing M23 President in Addis Ababa on the 15th of February, 2025 and again on the morning of March 1 from their base in Goma, to ask me if M23 leaders were ready to negotiate because they were ready to negotiate? 5. And why did negotiation talks between Congo and M23 immediately follow on the 10th of March, 2025, after I told them through our Presidency that M23 were ready to negotiate? 6. Why did SADC, led by our President, declare that SADC was pulling out of Congo, and South Africa, Tanzania and Malawi would no longer deploy 25,000 reinforcements three days later on the 13th of March, 2025? 7. And after talks between SADC, DRC and M23 on the 23rd of March, 2025, a ceasefire was agreed on. There is a direct cause an effect of my deployment and an end to the war, as the people who sent me wished for. 8. Why was everything I was sent to do in Congo achieved: me telling the story that was not being told by mainstream media, this leading to the halt of the deployment of SADC reinforcements, a ceasefire and the pulling out of SADC soldiers? 9. Why was I provided with a paid business class flight, five-star accommodation, personal military protection throughout my trip, and protected access into the warzone which no other reporter got? 10. Why couldn't SABC, BBC, CNN, or any other media report from Goma or Bakavu and achieve the ceasefire that I achieved? Why were none of these media houses given the same access that I was given? 11. As for sanctions, all Zimbabweans who have the relevant clearance know the truth. Why does it hurt Zimbabweans like you when they see someone at their level making change?

1. So why did the Rwandan government and the M23 leadership only ask for me personally to come and tell the M23 story from Goma in the middle of the war on the 25th of February, 2025, as the South African, Tanzanians and Malawians (SAMIDRC) were preparing for a mass deployment of 25,000 soldiers for a two year war? 2. How did these leaders know that there was a Rutendo Matinyarare that they needed to tell this story and that if he told the story, it would end the mass deployment planned by South Africa, Malawi, and Tanzania and would lead to negations and a ceasefire between the DRC government and M23? 3. Why didn't they ask Kuda Musasiwa to do it instead? 4. Why did the Congolese government contact our government on the 1st of March, 2025, after seeing me reporting from Goma Airport where SADC soldiers were captured -on the 25th of February 2025 escorted by M23- after interviewing M23 President in Addis Ababa on the 15th of February, 2025 and again on the morning of March 1 from their base in Goma, to ask me if M23 leaders were ready to negotiate because they were ready to negotiate? 5. And why did negotiation talks between Congo and M23 immediately follow on the 10th of March, 2025, after I told them through our Presidency that M23 were ready to negotiate? 6. Why did SADC, led by our President, declare that SADC was pulling out of Congo, and South Africa, Tanzania and Malawi would no longer deploy 25,000 reinforcements three days later on the 13th of March, 2025? 7. And after talks between SADC, DRC and M23 on the 23rd of March, 2025, a ceasefire was agreed on. There is a direct cause an effect of my deployment and an end to the war, as the people who sent me wished for. 8. Why was everything I was sent to do in Congo achieved: me telling the story that was not being told by mainstream media, this leading to the halt of the deployment of SADC reinforcements, a ceasefire and the pulling out of SADC soldiers? 9. Why was I provided with a paid business class flight, five-star accommodation, personal military protection throughout my trip, and protected access into the warzone which no other reporter got? 10. Why couldn't SABC, BBC, CNN, or any other media report from Goma or Bakavu and achieve the ceasefire that I achieved? Why were none of these media houses given the same access that I was given? 11. As for sanctions, all Zimbabweans who have the relevant clearance know the truth. Why does it hurt Zimbabweans like you when they see someone at their level making change?

Rutendo Matinyarare

113,313 Aufrufe • vor 7 Monaten

#ARCHIVE 𝗗𝗥𝗖 𝗙𝗠 𝗖𝗮𝗹𝗹𝘀 𝗼𝗻 𝗚𝗹𝗼𝗯𝗮𝗹 𝗣𝗮𝗿𝘁𝗻𝗲𝗿𝘀 𝘁𝗼 𝗔𝗰𝘁 𝗔𝗴𝗮𝗶𝗻𝘀𝘁 𝗥𝘄𝗮𝗻𝗱𝗮’𝘀 𝗪𝗮𝗿 𝗖𝗿𝗶𝗺𝗲𝘀 In an interview with Sky News, Foreign Minister Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner urged the United Kingdom and international community to impose firm, targeted sanctions against Rwanda’s leadership, warning that continued inaction risks legitimising war crimes and economic looting. “We need sanctions, firm sanctions, and nd when we speak of sanctions, we do not speak of sanctions that target the Rwandan population, but sanctions that actually target the Rwandan leadership, the chain of command, and the financial networks behind this aggression.” Accountability Must Follow the Chain of Command Minister Wagner outlined the legal basis for international accountability, referencing well-documented UN findings linking the Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF) directly to the M23 rebel group operating in eastern DRC. “There is clear evidence connecting the Rwandan army to M23, and from M23 directly back to decision-makers in Kigali. There must be accountability along that chain of command. There is legal precedent for that, in the DRC and elsewhere.” According to Wagner, such accountability is not just moral, but necessary for deterrence: “If impunity continues, then violence becomes a strategy, not a crime.” “Rwanda Has No Mines, Only Congo’s Minerals” The Minister then turned to the economic enablers of war, calling for an international ban on the export of Rwandan minerals. “Rwanda presents itself as a mineral exporter. Yet, there are no significant mines in Rwanda. None. These minerals come from the DRC, extracted in zones under occupation, through violence and exploitation.” She demanded that global markets enforce traceability laws to prevent the sale of “blood minerals” disguised as Rwandan exports. “There is precedent for banning conflict minerals from reaching the world market. The same must now apply to Rwanda.” “Rwanda Killed Peacekeepers, and Still Wears the UN Badge” Wagner exposed another contradiction that has stunned African observers and international diplomats alike: Rwanda’s status as one of the largest troop.

#ARCHIVE 𝗗𝗥𝗖 𝗙𝗠 𝗖𝗮𝗹𝗹𝘀 𝗼𝗻 𝗚𝗹𝗼𝗯𝗮𝗹 𝗣𝗮𝗿𝘁𝗻𝗲𝗿𝘀 𝘁𝗼 𝗔𝗰𝘁 𝗔𝗴𝗮𝗶𝗻𝘀𝘁 𝗥𝘄𝗮𝗻𝗱𝗮’𝘀 𝗪𝗮𝗿 𝗖𝗿𝗶𝗺𝗲𝘀 In an interview with Sky News, Foreign Minister Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner urged the United Kingdom and international community to impose firm, targeted sanctions against Rwanda’s leadership, warning that continued inaction risks legitimising war crimes and economic looting. “We need sanctions, firm sanctions, and nd when we speak of sanctions, we do not speak of sanctions that target the Rwandan population, but sanctions that actually target the Rwandan leadership, the chain of command, and the financial networks behind this aggression.” Accountability Must Follow the Chain of Command Minister Wagner outlined the legal basis for international accountability, referencing well-documented UN findings linking the Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF) directly to the M23 rebel group operating in eastern DRC. “There is clear evidence connecting the Rwandan army to M23, and from M23 directly back to decision-makers in Kigali. There must be accountability along that chain of command. There is legal precedent for that, in the DRC and elsewhere.” According to Wagner, such accountability is not just moral, but necessary for deterrence: “If impunity continues, then violence becomes a strategy, not a crime.” “Rwanda Has No Mines, Only Congo’s Minerals” The Minister then turned to the economic enablers of war, calling for an international ban on the export of Rwandan minerals. “Rwanda presents itself as a mineral exporter. Yet, there are no significant mines in Rwanda. None. These minerals come from the DRC, extracted in zones under occupation, through violence and exploitation.” She demanded that global markets enforce traceability laws to prevent the sale of “blood minerals” disguised as Rwandan exports. “There is precedent for banning conflict minerals from reaching the world market. The same must now apply to Rwanda.” “Rwanda Killed Peacekeepers, and Still Wears the UN Badge” Wagner exposed another contradiction that has stunned African observers and international diplomats alike: Rwanda’s status as one of the largest troop.

XTRAfrica Media Group

15,477 Aufrufe • vor 8 Monaten

This is exactly what Rwanda has been suggesting Word for word. Every time either President Paul Kagame said it or Ministry of foreign affairs. Minister Nduhungirehe & General Kabarebe! What did Kinshasa respond? They always said “M23 does not exist! It’s Rwanda” America has been seen as a neutral to help solve the Congolese conflict What America said is “Congo sit with M23 and solve the root cause of this problem. Release all the prisoners you have in Kinshasa and disarm FDLR. For those who don’t understand French, this is what he said “March 23 (M23) and the Democratic Republic of Congo. They just we announced a few weeks ago, or maybe more, a prisoner exchange mechanism between M23 and the DRC government. In fact, this morning I had the privilege of meeting the head of the International Committee of the Red Cross. This agreement is between the March 23 Movement and the DRC government, but facilitated by the International Red Cross Committee, and it was concluded in Doha. So there are good advances and progress happening in Doha. We first had a Declaration of Principle. Then we saw this prisoner exchange. We're also working on several confidence-building measures. But regarding obstacles to this process, you know, it's an internal dialogue. It's a conflict. We must address the root causes of the conflict. Both parties have agreed to tackle the root causes in the July 12 declaration of principle. I believe there are 9 major work axes, and some may take time some a few weeks. For example, government issues, governance, decentralization, and many other details of that nature, as well as the integration or reintegration of M23 fighters from other groups. Regarding some being integrated into the DRC army and others into local government forms. These are complex questions; some could be constitutional. So it does take time. However, we have a draft text, so much work has already been done. And again, Qatar has played an enormous role here. We're advancing the draft text, working on the final project.

This is exactly what Rwanda has been suggesting Word for word. Every time either President Paul Kagame said it or Ministry of foreign affairs. Minister Nduhungirehe & General Kabarebe! What did Kinshasa respond? They always said “M23 does not exist! It’s Rwanda” America has been seen as a neutral to help solve the Congolese conflict What America said is “Congo sit with M23 and solve the root cause of this problem. Release all the prisoners you have in Kinshasa and disarm FDLR. For those who don’t understand French, this is what he said “March 23 (M23) and the Democratic Republic of Congo. They just we announced a few weeks ago, or maybe more, a prisoner exchange mechanism between M23 and the DRC government. In fact, this morning I had the privilege of meeting the head of the International Committee of the Red Cross. This agreement is between the March 23 Movement and the DRC government, but facilitated by the International Red Cross Committee, and it was concluded in Doha. So there are good advances and progress happening in Doha. We first had a Declaration of Principle. Then we saw this prisoner exchange. We're also working on several confidence-building measures. But regarding obstacles to this process, you know, it's an internal dialogue. It's a conflict. We must address the root causes of the conflict. Both parties have agreed to tackle the root causes in the July 12 declaration of principle. I believe there are 9 major work axes, and some may take time some a few weeks. For example, government issues, governance, decentralization, and many other details of that nature, as well as the integration or reintegration of M23 fighters from other groups. Regarding some being integrated into the DRC army and others into local government forms. These are complex questions; some could be constitutional. So it does take time. However, we have a draft text, so much work has already been done. And again, Qatar has played an enormous role here. We're advancing the draft text, working on the final project.

Dr. Dash

64,859 Aufrufe • vor 10 Monaten

Retweet widely in Solidarity with DRC🇨🇩🇨🇩🇨🇩 As Africa rallies behind Congo🇨🇩 today in their match against Portugal, let us also stand in solidarity with the people of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Behind the technology we use every day lies a painful reality. More than 50,000 Congolese children are forced to work in cobalt mines, risking their lives in dangerous conditions to extract the minerals that power our smartphones, laptops, and electric vehicles. In places like Kamfundwa, men, women and children toil without proper safety equipment, clean water, healthcare, or fair wages. While the world benefits from Congo's vast natural wealth, millions of Congolese continue to pay the price with their health, dignity, and future. Today, as we cheer for Congo on the football field, let us not forget the struggles of its people off the field. Their fight for justice, dignity and fair treatment deserves our voices too. #StandWithCongo #DRC #HumanRights #JusticeForCongo #EthicalMining #AfricaUnited

Retweet widely in Solidarity with DRC🇨🇩🇨🇩🇨🇩 As Africa rallies behind Congo🇨🇩 today in their match against Portugal, let us also stand in solidarity with the people of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Behind the technology we use every day lies a painful reality. More than 50,000 Congolese children are forced to work in cobalt mines, risking their lives in dangerous conditions to extract the minerals that power our smartphones, laptops, and electric vehicles. In places like Kamfundwa, men, women and children toil without proper safety equipment, clean water, healthcare, or fair wages. While the world benefits from Congo's vast natural wealth, millions of Congolese continue to pay the price with their health, dignity, and future. Today, as we cheer for Congo on the football field, let us not forget the struggles of its people off the field. Their fight for justice, dignity and fair treatment deserves our voices too. #StandWithCongo #DRC #HumanRights #JusticeForCongo #EthicalMining #AfricaUnited

Raskin Oyugi

26,464 Aufrufe • vor 1 Monat

The High Plateaus of Minembwe have become a major battlefield following the withdrawal of the Rwandan military (RDF) from Uvira and the subsequent redeployment of its forces to the High Plateaus of Minembwe. On 20 June 2026, the Rwandan military (RDF), through RDF aircraft, reportedly supplied ammunition and military equipment to the RDF/M23/Twirwaneho coalition in villages surrounding Minembwe. These actions are reported to be fueling the ongoing conflict and contributing to serious violations of international humanitarian law. This follows public calls by Fredy Kaniki urging members of the Banyamulenge community to join the M23 rebellion and fight against government forces and state institutions. Such calls risk communalizing and instrumentalizing the conflict along ethnic lines. They may further undermine ongoing peace efforts, including the Washington peace process, while providing justification for the continued presence of Rwandan troops in eastern DRC and for the crimes attributed to them during the ongoing conflict. Meanwhile, the Government has instructed the Ministry of Education to organize the National Examinations for students in Minembwe. However, on 21 June 2026, at approximately 9:00 a.m., the RDF/M23/Twirwaneho coalition reportedly launched attacks against the civilian areas of Kakenge, Kalingi, and Ilundu, which are under the protection of the FARDC, with support from Rwandan military drones. These attacks have further deteriorated the security situation and are placing at risk students who are expected to sit for the National Examinations. The communities of Minembwe urgently call for the protection of civilians and educational activities. They wish to see their children take the National Examinations, scheduled for 22 June 2026, in accordance with the national education calendar and without further delay. Secretary Marco Rubio U.S. Senior Advisor for Arab and African Affairs House Foreign Affairs Committee Majority U.S. Embassy Kinshasa Ambassador Mike Waltz U.S. Mission to the UN US Mission to the AU Human Rights Watch UN Human Rights Council President Donald J. Trump Donald J. Trump UK in DRC Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Qatar African Union UN Human Rights DRC UN Human Rights Department of State U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) Bureau of African Affairs

The High Plateaus of Minembwe have become a major battlefield following the withdrawal of the Rwandan military (RDF) from Uvira and the subsequent redeployment of its forces to the High Plateaus of Minembwe. On 20 June 2026, the Rwandan military (RDF), through RDF aircraft, reportedly supplied ammunition and military equipment to the RDF/M23/Twirwaneho coalition in villages surrounding Minembwe. These actions are reported to be fueling the ongoing conflict and contributing to serious violations of international humanitarian law. This follows public calls by Fredy Kaniki urging members of the Banyamulenge community to join the M23 rebellion and fight against government forces and state institutions. Such calls risk communalizing and instrumentalizing the conflict along ethnic lines. They may further undermine ongoing peace efforts, including the Washington peace process, while providing justification for the continued presence of Rwandan troops in eastern DRC and for the crimes attributed to them during the ongoing conflict. Meanwhile, the Government has instructed the Ministry of Education to organize the National Examinations for students in Minembwe. However, on 21 June 2026, at approximately 9:00 a.m., the RDF/M23/Twirwaneho coalition reportedly launched attacks against the civilian areas of Kakenge, Kalingi, and Ilundu, which are under the protection of the FARDC, with support from Rwandan military drones. These attacks have further deteriorated the security situation and are placing at risk students who are expected to sit for the National Examinations. The communities of Minembwe urgently call for the protection of civilians and educational activities. They wish to see their children take the National Examinations, scheduled for 22 June 2026, in accordance with the national education calendar and without further delay. Secretary Marco Rubio U.S. Senior Advisor for Arab and African Affairs House Foreign Affairs Committee Majority U.S. Embassy Kinshasa Ambassador Mike Waltz U.S. Mission to the UN US Mission to the AU Human Rights Watch UN Human Rights Council President Donald J. Trump Donald J. Trump UK in DRC Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Qatar African Union UN Human Rights DRC UN Human Rights Department of State U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) Bureau of African Affairs

Kongolo

17,878 Aufrufe • vor 1 Monat

#DRC #Rubaya #AFC_M23 What is the significance of the Rubaya coltan mine today and how does the mainstream narrative on Rubaya fail to address the root causes of the DRC conflict ? Teddy Mazina's visit to #Rubaya’s Gacombé coltan mine shows an artisanal, locally run operation with thousands of diggers and traders, but no armed men, no uniforms, and no children or pregnant women working in the pits since #AFC_M23 took control of the area, after pushing out the DRC government coalition and the Burundian troops. The mine functions through a clear chain: diggers extract and wash the ore, traders buy and transport it to the market where it’s certified and taxed, and a whole “mining village” economy (families, schools, markets) lives off this activity. Since AFC/M23’s arrival in Rubaya, armed groups like #Wazalendo and the FDNB have left the mine area, order has replaced previous chaos, workers’ daily pay has significantly increased (from about $1 to around $5–10), and AFC/M23 has instructed its own soldiers and cadres to stay out of mining operations. This report disputes the label of “blood minerals”, emphasizing that: (a) there are no soldiers or weapons in or around the mine today, (b) work is voluntary and seen as a livelihood, not forced labor, and (c) children who once worked in the pits have been pushed out by AFC/M23 and are now back in school. Historically, the area and nearby village were controlled by various armed groups, including #Nyatura, #Mai_Mai, and more recently the Burundian army, who profited from the mine, but today security is provided by AFC/M23 without any involvement in extraction. The broader claim that Congo’s current war is driven by Rubaya's coltan which would be "smuggled into Rwanda" is challenged in this report: the conflict is tied to long-term issues like refugees asking to return and ethnicized hate speech, while the coltan here remains, above all, a local resource sustaining a civilian community. Report & photos by TEDDY MAZINA. Video images by Bojana Coulibaly, Ph.D. for Conspiracy Tracker Great Lakes. Link to report on Youtube:

#DRC #Rubaya #AFC_M23 What is the significance of the Rubaya coltan mine today and how does the mainstream narrative on Rubaya fail to address the root causes of the DRC conflict ? Teddy Mazina's visit to #Rubaya’s Gacombé coltan mine shows an artisanal, locally run operation with thousands of diggers and traders, but no armed men, no uniforms, and no children or pregnant women working in the pits since #AFC_M23 took control of the area, after pushing out the DRC government coalition and the Burundian troops. The mine functions through a clear chain: diggers extract and wash the ore, traders buy and transport it to the market where it’s certified and taxed, and a whole “mining village” economy (families, schools, markets) lives off this activity. Since AFC/M23’s arrival in Rubaya, armed groups like #Wazalendo and the FDNB have left the mine area, order has replaced previous chaos, workers’ daily pay has significantly increased (from about $1 to around $5–10), and AFC/M23 has instructed its own soldiers and cadres to stay out of mining operations. This report disputes the label of “blood minerals”, emphasizing that: (a) there are no soldiers or weapons in or around the mine today, (b) work is voluntary and seen as a livelihood, not forced labor, and (c) children who once worked in the pits have been pushed out by AFC/M23 and are now back in school. Historically, the area and nearby village were controlled by various armed groups, including #Nyatura, #Mai_Mai, and more recently the Burundian army, who profited from the mine, but today security is provided by AFC/M23 without any involvement in extraction. The broader claim that Congo’s current war is driven by Rubaya's coltan which would be "smuggled into Rwanda" is challenged in this report: the conflict is tied to long-term issues like refugees asking to return and ethnicized hate speech, while the coltan here remains, above all, a local resource sustaining a civilian community. Report & photos by TEDDY MAZINA. Video images by Bojana Coulibaly, Ph.D. for Conspiracy Tracker Great Lakes. Link to report on Youtube:

Conspiracy Tracker Great Lakes

22,097 Aufrufe • vor 4 Monaten

KNEECAP STATEMENT: Since our statements at Coachella — exposing the ongoing genocide against the Palestinian people — we have faced a coordinated smear campaign. For over a year, we have used our shows to call out the British and Irish governments' complicity in war crimes. The recent attacks against us, largely emanating from the US, are based on deliberate distortions and falsehoods. We are taking action against several of these malicious efforts. Let us be absolutely clear. The reason Kneecap is being targeted is simple — we are telling the truth, and our audience is growing. Those attacking us want to silence criticism of a mass slaughter. They weaponize false accusations of antisemitism to distract, confuse, and provide cover for genocide. We do not give a f*ck what religion anyone practices. We know there are massive numbers of Jewish people outraged by this genocide just as we are. What we care about is that governments of the countries we perform in are enabling some of the most horrific crimes of our lifetimes — and we will not stay silent. No media spin will change this. Our only concern is the Palestinian people — the 20,000 murdered children and counting. The young people at our gigs see through the lies. They stand on the side of humanity and justice. And that gives us great hope. Kneecap ❤️

KNEECAP STATEMENT: Since our statements at Coachella — exposing the ongoing genocide against the Palestinian people — we have faced a coordinated smear campaign. For over a year, we have used our shows to call out the British and Irish governments' complicity in war crimes. The recent attacks against us, largely emanating from the US, are based on deliberate distortions and falsehoods. We are taking action against several of these malicious efforts. Let us be absolutely clear. The reason Kneecap is being targeted is simple — we are telling the truth, and our audience is growing. Those attacking us want to silence criticism of a mass slaughter. They weaponize false accusations of antisemitism to distract, confuse, and provide cover for genocide. We do not give a f*ck what religion anyone practices. We know there are massive numbers of Jewish people outraged by this genocide just as we are. What we care about is that governments of the countries we perform in are enabling some of the most horrific crimes of our lifetimes — and we will not stay silent. No media spin will change this. Our only concern is the Palestinian people — the 20,000 murdered children and counting. The young people at our gigs see through the lies. They stand on the side of humanity and justice. And that gives us great hope. Kneecap ❤️

KNEECAP

2,595,708 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

#TheManLeadingTheM23InDRC Who is Corneille Nangaa, the man leading the M23 rebels? Former election-chief-turned-rebel-leader Corneille Nangaa has gone from overseeing Congo’s contested 2018 election to leading a powerful insurgency against the DRC’s President Félix Tshisekedi. Now head of the Congo River Alliance (CRA) and allied with the Rwanda-backed M23, Corneille Nangaa Yubeluo has seized key cities, including Goma, and vows to march on Kinshasa. Sentenced to death in absentia, he remains at the centre of the DRC’s escalating conflict. How did he rise to power? Born on 9 July 1970 in what is now Haut-Uele Province in the DRC, Nangaa started his career far from the battlefield. He studied economics at the University of Kinshasa before working with international organisations, including the UN Development Programme. His political breakthrough came in 2015 when he was appointed president of the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) under then-president Joseph Kabila. He was responsible for organising the delayed 2018 elections and controversially declared Félix Tshisekedi the winner. His tenure at CENI ended in 2021 amid allegations of electoral fraud and US sanctions for “undermining DRC elections“. Why did he turn against the Congolese government? Initially aligned with the ruling elite, Nangaa later distanced himself from President Tshisekedi. Ahead of the 2023 elections, Nangaa said that the 2018 result had been manipulated in a secret deal between Tshisekedi and Kabila, which Tshisekedi denies. In August 2023, Nangaa reemerged as a key figure in the DRC’s armed conflicts, launching the CRA – a coalition of 17 political parties, two political groups and armed militias. Among them was the March 23 Movement (M23), an insurgent group backed by Rwanda. Nangaa has since positioned himself as a leading figure in the rebellion against Tshisekedi’s government. What is Nangaa’s role in the conflict? By early 2025, Nangaa and M23 had taken control of Goma, the capital of North Kivu, and were advancing towards Bukavu. In a press conference from Goma, he reiterated that Tshisekedi had never legitimately won the presidency and stated: “If I created the monster, I think it is up to me to defeat it.” He and his allies have made it clear that their ultimate objective is to seize power in Kinshasa. The conflict has led to widespread violence, with more than 100 people killed and hundreds more injured. Hospitals in Goma are overwhelmed, and the city is grappling with water and electricity shortages. Diplomatic efforts to end the fighting have made little progress, and regional bodies like the Southern African Development Community (SADC) are debating whether to withdraw their peacekeeping forces. Why was he sentenced to death? In August 2024, a military court in Kinshasa sentenced Nangaa, along with several M23 leaders, to death in absentia for treason, war crimes and insurrection. The US and EU imposed further sanctions on him and his coalition for “fueling instability” and attempting to overthrow the Congolese government. Despite the sentence, Nangaa remains active on the battlefield. His alliance is expanding its influence beyond North Kivu, with reports suggesting he aims to extend operations to the mineral-rich southeast, particularly Katanga, where opposition to Tshisekedi is strong. His strategy appears to be not only military but also political and is seeking broader support beyond the Tutsi community, historically associated with M23. What’s next for the M23 rebellion? As the CRA and M23 consolidate power in the east, the DRC’s government finds itself increasingly isolated. Calls for dialogue with M23 are growing within regional blocs, but Tshisekedi remains firm in refusing negotiations. Meanwhile, Rwandan President Paul Kagame has dismissed international criticism and warned South Africa – whose troops are deployed in the region – not to interfere. - The Africa Report.

#TheManLeadingTheM23InDRC Who is Corneille Nangaa, the man leading the M23 rebels? Former election-chief-turned-rebel-leader Corneille Nangaa has gone from overseeing Congo’s contested 2018 election to leading a powerful insurgency against the DRC’s President Félix Tshisekedi. Now head of the Congo River Alliance (CRA) and allied with the Rwanda-backed M23, Corneille Nangaa Yubeluo has seized key cities, including Goma, and vows to march on Kinshasa. Sentenced to death in absentia, he remains at the centre of the DRC’s escalating conflict. How did he rise to power? Born on 9 July 1970 in what is now Haut-Uele Province in the DRC, Nangaa started his career far from the battlefield. He studied economics at the University of Kinshasa before working with international organisations, including the UN Development Programme. His political breakthrough came in 2015 when he was appointed president of the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) under then-president Joseph Kabila. He was responsible for organising the delayed 2018 elections and controversially declared Félix Tshisekedi the winner. His tenure at CENI ended in 2021 amid allegations of electoral fraud and US sanctions for “undermining DRC elections“. Why did he turn against the Congolese government? Initially aligned with the ruling elite, Nangaa later distanced himself from President Tshisekedi. Ahead of the 2023 elections, Nangaa said that the 2018 result had been manipulated in a secret deal between Tshisekedi and Kabila, which Tshisekedi denies. In August 2023, Nangaa reemerged as a key figure in the DRC’s armed conflicts, launching the CRA – a coalition of 17 political parties, two political groups and armed militias. Among them was the March 23 Movement (M23), an insurgent group backed by Rwanda. Nangaa has since positioned himself as a leading figure in the rebellion against Tshisekedi’s government. What is Nangaa’s role in the conflict? By early 2025, Nangaa and M23 had taken control of Goma, the capital of North Kivu, and were advancing towards Bukavu. In a press conference from Goma, he reiterated that Tshisekedi had never legitimately won the presidency and stated: “If I created the monster, I think it is up to me to defeat it.” He and his allies have made it clear that their ultimate objective is to seize power in Kinshasa. The conflict has led to widespread violence, with more than 100 people killed and hundreds more injured. Hospitals in Goma are overwhelmed, and the city is grappling with water and electricity shortages. Diplomatic efforts to end the fighting have made little progress, and regional bodies like the Southern African Development Community (SADC) are debating whether to withdraw their peacekeeping forces. Why was he sentenced to death? In August 2024, a military court in Kinshasa sentenced Nangaa, along with several M23 leaders, to death in absentia for treason, war crimes and insurrection. The US and EU imposed further sanctions on him and his coalition for “fueling instability” and attempting to overthrow the Congolese government. Despite the sentence, Nangaa remains active on the battlefield. His alliance is expanding its influence beyond North Kivu, with reports suggesting he aims to extend operations to the mineral-rich southeast, particularly Katanga, where opposition to Tshisekedi is strong. His strategy appears to be not only military but also political and is seeking broader support beyond the Tutsi community, historically associated with M23. What’s next for the M23 rebellion? As the CRA and M23 consolidate power in the east, the DRC’s government finds itself increasingly isolated. Calls for dialogue with M23 are growing within regional blocs, but Tshisekedi remains firm in refusing negotiations. Meanwhile, Rwandan President Paul Kagame has dismissed international criticism and warned South Africa – whose troops are deployed in the region – not to interfere. - The Africa Report.

TheNewsHawks

14,338 Aufrufe • vor 1 Jahr

The renewal of Louise Mushikiwabo, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Rwanda, for a third term as Secretary General of the International Organisation of La Francophonie (OIF) would be not only unacceptable, detestable, and disgusting, but would also constitute an implicit validation of the territorial aggressions and war crimes perpetrated by Rwanda in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). It would amount to delivering a monumental slap in the face to the DRC and its inhabitants, who have been enduring for decades the consequences of instability orchestrated by Kigali. Indeed, the OIF Secretariat General, under Rwandan leadership, serves as a tool of influence for Rwanda, enabling it to whitewash its mass crimes committed for over three decades in the east of the DRC. Ms. Mushikiwabo, who has held this position since 2019 and was re-elected in 2022, compromises the institution by serving Rwanda's geopolitical interests rather than those of the Francophone community. Supporting her candidacy for a third term, with the election scheduled for November 2026 at the Phnom Penh Summit in Cambodia, would endorse the territorial aggression carried out by Kigali, contribute to whitewashing war crimes in the DRC, and legitimise the illegal exploitation of mineral resources such as coltan and gold. The actions of the Kagame regime, described as potential crimes against humanity by international bodies, have caused millions of deaths and perpetuate instability in the Great Lakes region. Confidential United Nations reports from 2022 to 2025 provide solid evidence of the direct involvement of the Rwandan army alongside the rebel group M23 in attacks against Congolese forces, with support in weapons, recruitment, and training. This support is even now openly claimed by Kigali's police state regime. This truly unprovoked aggression has led to serious violations of international humanitarian law, including massacres, rapes, and forced displacements of populations, potentially constituting war crimes and crimes against humanity. Rwanda uses institutions like the OIF to purchase undue respectability that helps it whitewash these atrocities and project an image of diplomatic stability. While Rwanda has gradually downgraded French in favour of English in its education and administrative systems, Ms. Mushikiwabo's presence at the head of the OIF appears as blatant hypocrisy, mainly serving to increase Kigali's global influence rather than to defend Francophone values. France, a historic pillar of La Francophonie, must not support this renewal, lest it betray its role and the Congolese victims. Once again, the OIF Secretariat General under Rwandan leadership must not serve as a diplomatic vector to mask these exactions. Faced with this situation, Congolese people must mobilise massively, for example by organising demonstrations in front of all the embassies of Francophone member countries in Paris to demand that they firmly oppose a third term for Ms. Mushikiwabo of Rwanda. Once again, renewing Ms. Mushikiwabo would amount to condoning Rwanda's aggression in the DRC and ignoring the suffering of millions of Congolese.

The renewal of Louise Mushikiwabo, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Rwanda, for a third term as Secretary General of the International Organisation of La Francophonie (OIF) would be not only unacceptable, detestable, and disgusting, but would also constitute an implicit validation of the territorial aggressions and war crimes perpetrated by Rwanda in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). It would amount to delivering a monumental slap in the face to the DRC and its inhabitants, who have been enduring for decades the consequences of instability orchestrated by Kigali. Indeed, the OIF Secretariat General, under Rwandan leadership, serves as a tool of influence for Rwanda, enabling it to whitewash its mass crimes committed for over three decades in the east of the DRC. Ms. Mushikiwabo, who has held this position since 2019 and was re-elected in 2022, compromises the institution by serving Rwanda's geopolitical interests rather than those of the Francophone community. Supporting her candidacy for a third term, with the election scheduled for November 2026 at the Phnom Penh Summit in Cambodia, would endorse the territorial aggression carried out by Kigali, contribute to whitewashing war crimes in the DRC, and legitimise the illegal exploitation of mineral resources such as coltan and gold. The actions of the Kagame regime, described as potential crimes against humanity by international bodies, have caused millions of deaths and perpetuate instability in the Great Lakes region. Confidential United Nations reports from 2022 to 2025 provide solid evidence of the direct involvement of the Rwandan army alongside the rebel group M23 in attacks against Congolese forces, with support in weapons, recruitment, and training. This support is even now openly claimed by Kigali's police state regime. This truly unprovoked aggression has led to serious violations of international humanitarian law, including massacres, rapes, and forced displacements of populations, potentially constituting war crimes and crimes against humanity. Rwanda uses institutions like the OIF to purchase undue respectability that helps it whitewash these atrocities and project an image of diplomatic stability. While Rwanda has gradually downgraded French in favour of English in its education and administrative systems, Ms. Mushikiwabo's presence at the head of the OIF appears as blatant hypocrisy, mainly serving to increase Kigali's global influence rather than to defend Francophone values. France, a historic pillar of La Francophonie, must not support this renewal, lest it betray its role and the Congolese victims. Once again, the OIF Secretariat General under Rwandan leadership must not serve as a diplomatic vector to mask these exactions. Faced with this situation, Congolese people must mobilise massively, for example by organising demonstrations in front of all the embassies of Francophone member countries in Paris to demand that they firmly oppose a third term for Ms. Mushikiwabo of Rwanda. Once again, renewing Ms. Mushikiwabo would amount to condoning Rwanda's aggression in the DRC and ignoring the suffering of millions of Congolese.

Jean-François Le Drian

14,632 Aufrufe • vor 6 Monaten

DRC 🇨🇩 Mrs. SONGA VANESSA, living in Dallas (Texas, United States), broadcasts on her TikTok account speeches explicitly calling on Wazalendo militiamen to "decapitate or machetate the Banyarwanda in Uvira (South Kivu)". These remarks directly target an already extremely vulnerable entity, where Banyamulenge, Congolese Tutsis, are regularly victims of armed violence, ethnic stigmatization and abuses based on facies and supposed belonging. The incriminated video recorded, in the space of five days, a significant audience of 33,000 views, 2,400 "likes" and about 600 comments, mostly in favor of the call for violence These indicators reflect not only a wide diffusion, but also a worrying normalization of the genocide discourse within a fringe of diaspora public opinion. The remarks made are not part of political opinion or protected freedom of expression, but constitute a direct incitement to murder, targeted ethnic stigma, a call for methods of extreme violence (decapitation, machete), historically associated with genocide crimes in the Great Lakes region. The fact that these speeches are produced from American territory while targeting violence to be carried out in the DRC constitutes a strategic outsourcing of the conflict, where the diaspora becomes an ideological incubator, a relay of violent mobilization, a factor in aggravating local conflicts. --- The United States currently plays a role as a diplomatic mediator between Kinshasa and Kigali, but also as an observer and companion of the Doha processes between the AFC/M23 and the Congolese government. In this context, letting their territory become a back base of ethnic radicalization and calls for violence against a specific community weakens their diplomatic credibility, compromises their posture of neutrality, and exposes peace processes to dynamics of ideological sabotage. She urgently needs to be taken to Justice via MAISHA RDC

DRC 🇨🇩 Mrs. SONGA VANESSA, living in Dallas (Texas, United States), broadcasts on her TikTok account speeches explicitly calling on Wazalendo militiamen to "decapitate or machetate the Banyarwanda in Uvira (South Kivu)". These remarks directly target an already extremely vulnerable entity, where Banyamulenge, Congolese Tutsis, are regularly victims of armed violence, ethnic stigmatization and abuses based on facies and supposed belonging. The incriminated video recorded, in the space of five days, a significant audience of 33,000 views, 2,400 "likes" and about 600 comments, mostly in favor of the call for violence These indicators reflect not only a wide diffusion, but also a worrying normalization of the genocide discourse within a fringe of diaspora public opinion. The remarks made are not part of political opinion or protected freedom of expression, but constitute a direct incitement to murder, targeted ethnic stigma, a call for methods of extreme violence (decapitation, machete), historically associated with genocide crimes in the Great Lakes region. The fact that these speeches are produced from American territory while targeting violence to be carried out in the DRC constitutes a strategic outsourcing of the conflict, where the diaspora becomes an ideological incubator, a relay of violent mobilization, a factor in aggravating local conflicts. --- The United States currently plays a role as a diplomatic mediator between Kinshasa and Kigali, but also as an observer and companion of the Doha processes between the AFC/M23 and the Congolese government. In this context, letting their territory become a back base of ethnic radicalization and calls for violence against a specific community weakens their diplomatic credibility, compromises their posture of neutrality, and exposes peace processes to dynamics of ideological sabotage. She urgently needs to be taken to Justice via MAISHA RDC

Albert Rudatsimburwa 🇷🇼

26,042 Aufrufe • vor 7 Monaten

DECODED: The Fanone-Miller Deception | Exposing J6 Stolen Valor & Media Lies They built their entire January 6th narrative on a foundation of lies, and we have the receipts. For years, the mainstream media and the J6 Committee paraded Officer Michael Fanone as the ultimate martyr—claiming he was dragged into a "bloodthirsty" mob, repeatedly tased, beaten unconscious, and left suffering a heart attack. It was the perfect story to villainize American patriots. But what if their perfect martyr is completely manufactured? In this explosive deep dive, we decode the deception and break down the undeniable body cam evidence the media and the government desperately want to keep hidden. Here is the TRUTH they won't show you: 🚨 The Identity Swap: We expose how the media deliberately conflated the body cam footage of Officer Fanone and Officer B.A. Miller to fabricate a far more violent narrative. 🚨 The Mask: Fanone testified under oath about his gas mask. Frame-by-frame analysis proves he wasn’t even wearing one—Miller was. 🚨 The "Violent" Mob Lie: Exclusive, ground-level footage from Tommy Tatum proves that instead of tearing him apart, protesters actively protected Fanone, shielding him and carrying him to safety. 🚨 The Medical Reality Check: Listen to the actual medic’s assessment in the immediate aftermath. ZERO mention of a taser. ZERO mention of a heart attack. ZERO severe injuries reported by the medical team on the ground. 🚨 The Hot Mic Evidence: While the media claimed he was fighting for his life, raw body cam audio caught Fanone laughing with fellow officers, joking about "stolen" equipment, and bragging about hurting protesters. The media created a hero out of thin air to destroy the lives of innocent Americans. It’s time to expose the perjury, dismantle the narrative, and demand accountability. Watch the footage. Share the truth. Stop the hate. #J6Truth #MediaLies #StopHate

DECODED: The Fanone-Miller Deception | Exposing J6 Stolen Valor & Media Lies They built their entire January 6th narrative on a foundation of lies, and we have the receipts. For years, the mainstream media and the J6 Committee paraded Officer Michael Fanone as the ultimate martyr—claiming he was dragged into a "bloodthirsty" mob, repeatedly tased, beaten unconscious, and left suffering a heart attack. It was the perfect story to villainize American patriots. But what if their perfect martyr is completely manufactured? In this explosive deep dive, we decode the deception and break down the undeniable body cam evidence the media and the government desperately want to keep hidden. Here is the TRUTH they won't show you: 🚨 The Identity Swap: We expose how the media deliberately conflated the body cam footage of Officer Fanone and Officer B.A. Miller to fabricate a far more violent narrative. 🚨 The Mask: Fanone testified under oath about his gas mask. Frame-by-frame analysis proves he wasn’t even wearing one—Miller was. 🚨 The "Violent" Mob Lie: Exclusive, ground-level footage from Tommy Tatum proves that instead of tearing him apart, protesters actively protected Fanone, shielding him and carrying him to safety. 🚨 The Medical Reality Check: Listen to the actual medic’s assessment in the immediate aftermath. ZERO mention of a taser. ZERO mention of a heart attack. ZERO severe injuries reported by the medical team on the ground. 🚨 The Hot Mic Evidence: While the media claimed he was fighting for his life, raw body cam audio caught Fanone laughing with fellow officers, joking about "stolen" equipment, and bragging about hurting protesters. The media created a hero out of thin air to destroy the lives of innocent Americans. It’s time to expose the perjury, dismantle the narrative, and demand accountability. Watch the footage. Share the truth. Stop the hate. #J6Truth #MediaLies #StopHate

StopHate.com🛑

129,326 Aufrufe • vor 4 Monaten

Once again, the UN Human Rights has falsely accused the Rwandan army of killing civilians in Rutshuru. This baseless accusation ignores the real perpetrators entirely. Civilian massacres in eastern DRC are carried out by the FDLR, a genocidal militia composed of perpetrators of the 1994 Tutsi Genocide, still active and armed in Congo. The Wazalendo, militias created, armed and funded by Tshisekedi’s regime, are responsible for horrific crimes: ▪️mass rapes of women and girls, ▪️forced recruitment of children, ▪️summary executions and mutilations. Recent examples: ▪️Gatumba, Aug 2004: over 150 civilians massacred in a refugee camp by FDLR/Palipehutu-backed forces. ▪️Kishishe, Nov 2022: over 200 civilians massacred, including women and children. ▪️Masisi, May 2024: children burned alive by pro-Kinshasa militias. ▪️Rutshuru: eyewitnesses confirm FDLR & Wazalendo, not Rwanda, are the killers, etc, etc... To cite only M23 and RDF as perpetrators is an intentional oversight that shields the real dangers in Eastern DRC, especially North Kivu: FDLR, Wazalendo, and other militias. It’s shameful for such a major organization to display this level of intellectual laziness. By failing to identify the real criminals, the UN Human Rights becomes complicit. It allows impunity to flourish, protects militias, and condemns eastern Congolese civilians to live under terror. Question: How long will the UN Human Rights betray its mandate? It has the resources to uncover the truth, yet it targets Rwanda instead, prioritizing political agendas over victim protection. The truth is clear: civilians are dying at the hands of FDLR, Wazalendo, and other Félix A. Tshisekedi-backed militias. Accusing Rwanda only turns a blind eye to the real culprits and perpetuates impunity...

Once again, the UN Human Rights has falsely accused the Rwandan army of killing civilians in Rutshuru. This baseless accusation ignores the real perpetrators entirely. Civilian massacres in eastern DRC are carried out by the FDLR, a genocidal militia composed of perpetrators of the 1994 Tutsi Genocide, still active and armed in Congo. The Wazalendo, militias created, armed and funded by Tshisekedi’s regime, are responsible for horrific crimes: ▪️mass rapes of women and girls, ▪️forced recruitment of children, ▪️summary executions and mutilations. Recent examples: ▪️Gatumba, Aug 2004: over 150 civilians massacred in a refugee camp by FDLR/Palipehutu-backed forces. ▪️Kishishe, Nov 2022: over 200 civilians massacred, including women and children. ▪️Masisi, May 2024: children burned alive by pro-Kinshasa militias. ▪️Rutshuru: eyewitnesses confirm FDLR & Wazalendo, not Rwanda, are the killers, etc, etc... To cite only M23 and RDF as perpetrators is an intentional oversight that shields the real dangers in Eastern DRC, especially North Kivu: FDLR, Wazalendo, and other militias. It’s shameful for such a major organization to display this level of intellectual laziness. By failing to identify the real criminals, the UN Human Rights becomes complicit. It allows impunity to flourish, protects militias, and condemns eastern Congolese civilians to live under terror. Question: How long will the UN Human Rights betray its mandate? It has the resources to uncover the truth, yet it targets Rwanda instead, prioritizing political agendas over victim protection. The truth is clear: civilians are dying at the hands of FDLR, Wazalendo, and other Félix A. Tshisekedi-backed militias. Accusing Rwanda only turns a blind eye to the real culprits and perpetuates impunity...

Florentine Kabasinga 🇷🇼✊🏾

14,324 Aufrufe • vor 11 Monaten

Kinshasa continues to hide its military losses by making up stories and spreading propaganda, diligently carried out by news agency Reuters & news media TV5MONDE Info. Other than collectively admitting that Kinshasa is violating international law by using mercenaries who are operating drones that bomb civilians, namely Tutsi Banyamulenge in the High Plateaus, and around Uvira, Kinshasa, Reuters and TV5Monde, are claiming that Erik Prince "liberated" or "participated in liberating Uvira". First of all, as we have reported directly from Uvira on January 17th via Conspiracy Tracker Great Lakes, AFC/M23 withdrew voluntarily at sunset on January 17th. My team and I personally followed the last convoy of AFC/M23 as they exited #Uvira. While, we could see wazalendo at the outskirts of Uvira, and could hear some remote gunshots that never reached anywhere near Uvira center, NO wazalendo, FARDC, Burundian troops, let alone white mercenaries dared approaching the city of Uvira before AFC/M23 exited. #Uvira was entirely secured by AFC/M23 during the entire time they were positioned there from December 10th to January 17th. And it is only after they had left, that the wazalendo stormed into the city to loot, shoot, and to attack civilians and their property. The Burundian troops alongside FARDC followed thereafter from Bujumbura. Reuters and TV5MONDE are trying to make the public believe that Erik Prince is some sort of Rambo that could confront the highly determined young AFC/M23 soldiers, who 1) have been either discriminated against their entire lives for who they are, born and raised in refugee camps, ready to die because they have pledged that they will not grow old in refugee camps like their parents have, or 2) others who have had no country that could keep them safe from armed groups and corrupt officials for 30 years. One high-ranking military officer of AFC/M23 said to my colleague and I, when we asked him about Erik Prince and "his boys", his answer was quite edifying: "those ones, they are even weaker than the wazalendo". The type of sensationalist propaganda made-in Kinshasa, amplified by partners like Reuters, or TV5MONDE Info, only serves to further exacerbate the violence which currently puts at high risk of extermination the entire Banyamulenge community living in High Plateaus and around Uvira, and to sabotage any attempt at achieving peace in #DRC through the #Washington and @Doha peace processes.

Kinshasa continues to hide its military losses by making up stories and spreading propaganda, diligently carried out by news agency Reuters & news media TV5MONDE Info. Other than collectively admitting that Kinshasa is violating international law by using mercenaries who are operating drones that bomb civilians, namely Tutsi Banyamulenge in the High Plateaus, and around Uvira, Kinshasa, Reuters and TV5Monde, are claiming that Erik Prince "liberated" or "participated in liberating Uvira". First of all, as we have reported directly from Uvira on January 17th via Conspiracy Tracker Great Lakes, AFC/M23 withdrew voluntarily at sunset on January 17th. My team and I personally followed the last convoy of AFC/M23 as they exited #Uvira. While, we could see wazalendo at the outskirts of Uvira, and could hear some remote gunshots that never reached anywhere near Uvira center, NO wazalendo, FARDC, Burundian troops, let alone white mercenaries dared approaching the city of Uvira before AFC/M23 exited. #Uvira was entirely secured by AFC/M23 during the entire time they were positioned there from December 10th to January 17th. And it is only after they had left, that the wazalendo stormed into the city to loot, shoot, and to attack civilians and their property. The Burundian troops alongside FARDC followed thereafter from Bujumbura. Reuters and TV5MONDE are trying to make the public believe that Erik Prince is some sort of Rambo that could confront the highly determined young AFC/M23 soldiers, who 1) have been either discriminated against their entire lives for who they are, born and raised in refugee camps, ready to die because they have pledged that they will not grow old in refugee camps like their parents have, or 2) others who have had no country that could keep them safe from armed groups and corrupt officials for 30 years. One high-ranking military officer of AFC/M23 said to my colleague and I, when we asked him about Erik Prince and "his boys", his answer was quite edifying: "those ones, they are even weaker than the wazalendo". The type of sensationalist propaganda made-in Kinshasa, amplified by partners like Reuters, or TV5MONDE Info, only serves to further exacerbate the violence which currently puts at high risk of extermination the entire Banyamulenge community living in High Plateaus and around Uvira, and to sabotage any attempt at achieving peace in #DRC through the #Washington and @Doha peace processes.

Bojana Coulibaly, Ph.D.

53,094 Aufrufe • vor 5 Monaten