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🇺🇸🇮🇷 The biggest concern isn't whether Iran will eventually concede, but what Washington is risking to force that concession. The U.S. is once again weaponizing the dollar while Treasury markets are already under pressure and foreign central banks are increasingly turning toward gold. That is the paradox. Even if...

47,895 次观看 • 1 个月前 •via X (Twitter)

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🇮🇷🇺🇸 Prof. Mohammad Marandi: Iran isn’t interested in another deal. It’s waiting for America to honor the last one. Washington appears to be betting that economic pressure will eventually force Iran back to the negotiating table. Prof. Mohammad Marandi thinks that fundamentally misunderstands Tehran’s position. Iran, he says, believes the negotiation is already over. Trump signed an agreement. Tehran now expects Washington to implement it, and until that happens, Marandi says there will be no new negotiations. “We have a deal. You signed that piece of paper. Whenever you implement the deal, then come talking.” That creates a dangerous problem. The U.S. is continuing its economic siege while Iran has explicitly warned that if Washington succeeds in seriously damaging its economy, Tehran will respond militarily. Iran cannot sanction American banks or shut down the U.S. economy, Marandi argues, so its response would be against U.S. economic assets, or assets it considers linked to Washington, across the region. Then America faces pressure to retaliate. And the cycle starts again. Marandi says a larger war in the coming weeks or months is now a serious possibility, whether triggered by Iranian retaliation, a desperate U.S. escalation, or another Israeli attack that pulls Washington back in. The two sides aren't negotiating toward the same finish line anymore. Washington is waiting for Iran to concede. Iran, meanwhile, is waiting for Washington to concede first. Seyed Mohammad Marandi

Mario Nawfal

335,898 次观看 • 23 天前

🇺🇸🇮🇷 Washington may call it economic pressure. Tehran may call it war. Former CIA analyst Larry Johnson says Iran could respond to a U.S. economic campaign the same way it would respond to a military attack, particularly if countries help enforce it. The logic is pretty straightforward: if allowing your airbases to be used against Iran makes you a target, why should allowing your banks and financial system to be used against Iran be any different? Johnson's answer is that it shouldn't. And that puts the UAE in an uncomfortable position. But Gulf states have already realised Washington is not the security guarantee it once appeared to be and are quietly repairing relations with Tehran. The fact that the UAE has avoided another round of strikes is hardly irrelevant. Then there is the bigger problem with the sanctions strategy. China is refusing to play along. Pakistan is hardly going to abandon Iranian energy to keep Washington happy. Iranian oil is increasingly being settled in yuan, outside the U.S. financial system. The irony is becoming difficult to miss. The harder Washington squeezes Iran, the more Tehran's biggest partners have an incentive to build ways around Washington. 10 years ago, Russia and China helped enforce the sanctions regime. Today, they are helping Iran survive it. Meanwhile the rial has collapsed, Iran is restricting shipping through the Strait, and Tehran has reportedly been discussed for a regional defence pact involving Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Turkey. Washington is promising the most devastating sanctions yet. Johnson's response? "I'll hold my breath." SonofNewAmericanRevolution

Mario Nawfal

310,764 次观看 • 1 个月前

🇮🇷🇺🇸 Iran's latest attack struck U.S military facilities in Kuwait and the UAE, but the timing may be more important than the attack itself. The previous U.S-Iran exchange had effectively stopped. Washington decided not to retaliate against Iran's last barrage and reports suggest Trump’s team is actively trying to avoid another major escalation before the midterms. Iran attacked again anyway. And to understand why, look at what Washington is doing behind the scenes. The U.S is intensifying its economic campaign against Tehran, reportedly instructing embassies around the world to pressure governments to cut Iranian trade, with countries, companies and individuals potentially threatened with sanctions or a loss of access to the dollar system. Meanwhile, the UAE has become an important partner in Washington's attempt to keep oil moving through Hormuz and tighten the economic screws on Iran. Then Iran hits U.S-linked military infrastructure in the UAE and Kuwait. That makes these strikes look less like retaliation for something America already did and more like a warning about what comes next: If Washington turns the Gulf into the infrastructure for an economic war against Iran, Tehran may turn that same infrastructure into the battlefield. And that creates a serious problem for Trump's apparent pivot from military war to economic war. Sanctions were supposed to provide a way of squeezing Iran without another major exchange of missiles. Iran may be signalling that it doesn't intend to let America separate the two. Brandon Weichert

Mario Nawfal

340,144 次观看 • 1 个月前

🇺🇸🇮🇷 Trump’s Iran war and “Financial D-Day” are accelerating the very dollar crisis Washington is trying to avoid. Macroeconomic analyst Luke Gromen points out that before the U.S attacked Iran, 10-year Treasury yields were around 3.94% and oil was roughly $62. Now oil is around $86, and the 10-year is pushing 4.7%, a level Luke says has repeatedly forced Washington to intervene in the markets. First came intervention around the yen, then larger Treasury buybacks. Now there's talk of expanding those buybacks further and potentially running down the Treasury General Account to support the long end of the bond market. Luke describes it as plugging holes in a dam: every time Washington sticks its finger into one, another springs open. And now Trump is launching the biggest financial offensive against Iran ever attempted. Luke thinks that's pouring gasoline on the problem, because America's greatest financial weapon is also one of the foundations of its global power: The dollar. Washington can cut countries off from the financial system, freeze reserves, sanction banks, and make it extraordinarily difficult for companies around the world to do business with America's enemies. But every time the U.S demonstrates that another country's dollar assets can be frozen, restricted, or rendered difficult to sell, Luke argues it gives foreign governments another reason to ask a dangerous question: Why are we storing our national wealth in an asset somebody else can decide we aren't allowed to use? And according to Luke, that shift began long before Trump's latest Iran offensive. Luke Gromen

Mario Nawfal

355,389 次观看 • 1 个月前

🇺🇸🇮🇷 Trump's economic war against Iran has officially begun. He's launched what Treasury Sec. Bessent describes as an unprecedented campaign to sever every financial lifeline keeping Tehran alive. Washington says it will go after the banks, oil traders, shipping companies, crypto networks and foreign entities helping Iran circumvent American pressure. But one question exposes just how enormous this could become: What about China? Iran can only be economically isolated if the countries still doing business with it cooperate. If they don't, America's secondary sanctions eventually have to reach them too. Enforce Operation Economic Outcast too selectively, and Iran keeps finding routes around it. Enforce it ruthlessly enough to genuinely isolate Tehran and Washington risks a much larger confrontation with the countries, banks and businesses refusing to comply. For all the extraordinary rhetoric, though, this also represents a significant movement down the escalation ladder. Weeks ago, Trump was threatening Iran with annihilation, and people were discussing ground troops and even nuclear escalation. Now Washington's principal weapon is the Treasury; the war has moved from bombs to banks. That's unquestionably preferable to Americans and Iranians killing each other, but it also suggests Washington is searching for another way to extract concessions it couldn't force militarily. Iran's negotiating position remains extremely ambitious: control over Hormuz, substantial shipping fees, reparations and the removal of American bases from the region. The precise details remain uncertain, but Washington clearly isn't prepared to accept the position as it currently understands it. So Trump needs leverage, and Operation Economic Outcast is designed to create it. The problem is that sanctions take time. Banks and companies adapt, trade gets rerouted, and new payment mechanisms emerge. Meanwhile, Washington wants Hormuz normalised, and energy markets stabilised quickly. And Iran is already signalling that it won't simply absorb unlimited pressure without responding. That creates the risk of a new escalation cycle: America squeezes Iran, they refuse to concede, Washington targets the countries keeping Tehran afloat, and Iran increases the cost for countries helping Washington. The bombs may have stopped falling, but Trump has replaced the military war with an economic gamble that could reach far beyond Iran. Brandon Weichert

Mario Nawfal

281,342 次观看 • 1 个月前

🇺🇸🇮🇷 Trump's pressure strategy against Iran may be reaching its breaking point, because Tehran's answer to more pressure is more war Treasury Sec. Scott Bessent says Washington is preparing to move from “Epic Fury” to “Economic Fury,” with unprecedented measures designed to isolate Iran and squeeze its economy even harder. There's just one problem. Tehran is signalling that the more Washington turns up the financial pressure, the more Iran is prepared to turn up the military pressure. An adviser to Iran's Supreme Leader has now warned that if Iran's demands aren't met, Tehran could shift from a defensive posture to an offensive one. Meanwhile, CENTCOM commander Brad Cooper is reportedly becoming increasingly pessimistic that renewed fighting can be avoided. So while Washington publicly talks about pressure creating the conditions for diplomacy, the military appears to be preparing for the possibility that it produces exactly the opposite. And events on the ground are already moving in that direction. Two UAE-owned tankers were attacked by drones while transiting the Strait of Hormuz, with the UAE blaming Iran. The Houthis are escalating around Yemen and Saudi Arabia. And during our discussion, reports emerged of another attack targeting Saudi Aramco infrastructure. But America may be preparing for another round of fighting without having solved one of the biggest problems exposed by the last one: Weapons production. The U.S is finally fielding its Dark Eagle hypersonic missile, but the production rate is roughly one missile per month, with ambitions to increase that to two. And increasingly, America's adversaries appear to understand that the economics of warfare matter just as much as the weapons themselves. Fire cheaper weapons, force your enemy to burn expensive interceptors, drain their magazines, then use the weapons you've been saving. Trump's strategy rests on the assumption that enough pain eventually forces Tehran back to the negotiating table. Iran is betting on something very different: That enough pain forces America to decide this war simply isn't worth the price. And if neither side backs down, “Economic Fury” may not be the alternative to another war; it may be the trigger for it. Brandon Weichert

Mario Nawfal

293,730 次观看 • 1 个月前

🇺🇸🇮🇷 Trump's “Economic D-Day” could be a tripwire designed to drag him back into the Iran war Only weeks ago, Washington was openly discussing renewed strikes and regime change. Now Trump is leaning into economic warfare, secondary sanctions and diplomacy instead. Fmr. U.S. National Counterterrorism Center director Joe Kent welcomes that shift. He'd much rather argue about sanctions than watch Americans and Iranians start killing each other again. But there's something about it he finds deeply suspicious. Some of the same Iran hawks who were demanding Trump restart the bombing are suddenly enthusiastic supporters of the sanctions strategy. And Joe wonders whether Trump understands exactly where it could lead. Iran has already threatened that if Washington seriously attempts to economically strangle it, Tehran may respond militarily. And America has left troops, bases and ships across the region within range of Iranian missiles and drones. So the escalation ladder is already sitting there: Sanctions begin to bite, Iran concludes its economy is being placed under existential threat, strikes American interests, Washington retaliates, and suddenly the war is back on. That concern became even more significant after Sec. of War Hegseth was asked whether kinetic strikes are now effectively on pause. His answer was clear: America is “by no means” foreclosing military action; if Iran “overplays their hand” or attacks the U.S military, Washington will do what it needs to do. For Joe, that creates a dangerous paradox. If Trump's sanctions don't work, Iran doesn't concede and pressure builds in Washington to escalate. But if the sanctions do work and begin seriously threatening the Iranian economy, Tehran has even more incentive to retaliate militarily rather than simply allow itself to be strangled. Either road can lead back to the same place. And Joe thinks some of the people around Trump know it. Joe Kent

Mario Nawfal

318,432 次观看 • 1 个月前